Pub Date : 2025-09-26DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251379062
Nirvia Ravena, Pedro Pablo Cardoso Castro, Diego Mendonça, Shaozeng Zhang, Sarah Brasil
This study examines the effectiveness of Multistakeholder Initiatives (MSIs), specifically the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), in addressing human rights violations and environmental harm in the Brazilian Amazon. Findings reveal persistent issues, such as land dispossession and environmental degradation. Drawing from longitudinal qualitative research, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of legal cases and corporate reports, and remote sensing analysis, this paper exposes how RSPO certification functions more as a tool for greenwashing than a means to achieve meaningful corporate accountability. Corporate sustainability reports systematically omit key labor and environmental violations, while MSIs fail to enforce compliance, thereby reinforcing extractive industry practices. By situating these findings within theories of neoliberal governance, the paper argues that MSIs primarily serve corporate interests rather than protecting vulnerable communities or ecosystems. The study contributes to discussions on the limitations of voluntary certification and calls for community-led environmental monitoring as more effective regulation. Este estudo examina a eficácia das Iniciativas Multissetoriais (MSIs), especificamente a Mesa Redonda sobre Óleo de Palma Sustentável (RSPO), no enfrentamento de violações de direitos humanos e danos ambientais na Amazônia brasileira. Os resultados revelam problemas persistentes, como desapropriação de terras e degradação ambiental. Com base em pesquisa qualitativa longitudinal (2003 e 2017), Análise Crítica do Discurso (ADC) de casos jurídicos e relatórios corporativos e análise de sensoriamento remoto, este artigo expõe como a certificação RSPO funciona mais como uma ferramenta para greenwashing do que para responsabilização corporativa significativa. Relatórios de sustentabilidade corporativa omitem sistematicamente violações trabalhistas e ambientais importantes, enquanto as MSIs falham em garantir o cumprimento das normas, reforçando, assim, as práticas da indústria extrativa. Ao situar esses resultados em teorias de governança neoliberal, o artigo argumenta que as MSIs atendem principalmente aos interesses corporativos, em vez de proteger comunidades ou ecossistemas vulneráveis. O estudo contribui para as discussões sobre as limitações da certificação voluntária e defende o monitoramento ambiental liderado pela comunidade como uma regulamentação mais eficaz.
本研究考察了多利益相关方倡议（msi），特别是可持续棕榈油圆桌会议（RSPO）在解决巴西亚马逊地区侵犯人权和环境危害方面的有效性。调查结果揭示了持续存在的问题，如土地剥夺和环境退化。通过纵向定性研究、对法律案例和企业报告的批评性话语分析（CDA）以及遥感分析，本文揭示了RSPO认证如何更多地作为一种“洗绿”的工具，而不是实现有意义的企业问责的手段。企业可持续发展报告系统地忽略了关键的劳工和环境违规行为，而msi未能强制执行合规，从而加强了采掘业的做法。通过将这些发现置于新自由主义治理理论中，本文认为msi主要服务于企业利益，而不是保护脆弱的社区或生态系统。这项研究有助于讨论自愿认证的局限性，并呼吁以社区为主导的环境监测作为更有效的监管。Este estudo exama eficácia as iniciatiativas Multissetoriais (msi)，特别是Mesa Redonda sobre Óleo de Palma Sustentável (RSPO)， no enfrentamento de violações de dedereitos humanos和danos ambientais na Amazônia brasileira。其结果是，污染问题持续存在，土地污染和环境污染也不适当。Com base em pesquisa定性纵向（2003年至2017年），Análise Crítica do Discurso (ADC) de casos jurídicos e relatórios corporativos e análise de sensoriamento remoto, este artigo expõe como a certifica。Relatórios de sustainabilidade corporativa omitemsistematicamente violações transalistas e ambientais importantes，如MSIs、MSIs、MSIs、MSIs、comcomas、normas、reformationando、assim，如práticas da indústria extrativa。任何情况下的结果都是由新自由主义的治理理论、新自由主义的政治理论、新自由主义的政治理论、新自由主义的政治理论、新自由主义的政治理论、新自由主义的政治理论、新自由主义的政治理论、新自由主义的政治理论、新自由主义的政治理论、新自由主义的政治理论和新自由主义的政治理论所决定的。6 .在下列情况下，如discussões、limitações、证书、)、 -环境污染监测的辩护、环境污染监测的辩护、环境污染监测的辩护、环境污染监测的辩护、环境污染监测的辩护、环境污染监测的辩护、环境污染监测的辩护、环境污染监测的辩护。
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Pub Date : 2025-09-24DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251381729
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Pub Date : 2025-09-20DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251374894
Francisco J. D. Bidone, Antonio Pedro Melchior
President Bolsonaro’s administration enforced a blitzkrieg against society and nature which sought to undermine the country’s environmental framework, leading to massive increase in ecological degradation and social conflict. This study focuses on investigating the underlying elements which compose the Bolsonaro administration’s systemic, authoritarian setbacks for the Brazilian environmental policy regime. The study argues that actions from the Brazilian Federal government originated through an empowered retrofit of seminal, colonial imaginaries, framings, and ideas conceived about the Amazon, which have historically endured only to resurface through violent political rhetoric and measures. The relevance of this study rests on the identification—within Brazilian environmental politics—of incipient elements from the country’s authoritarian discourse and thinking. These elements have emerged in accordance with specific historical elements whose consequences continue to permeate Brazilian political history and fail to disrupt authoritarian strains. La administración del Presidente Bolsonaro impuso un blitzkrieg contra la sociedad y la naturaleza que buscaba minar el marco ambiental del país, lo que llevó al aumento masivo de la degradación ecológica y los conflictos sociales. Este estudio se centró en investigar los elementos subyacentes que componen los reveses sistémicos y autoritarios de la administración Bolsonaro para el régimen de política ambiental brasileño. El estudio argumenta que las acciones del gobierno federal brasileño se originaron a través de una readaptación empoderada de imaginarios, encuadres e ideas coloniales seminales concebidas sobre la Amazonía que se han generado a tiempo para resurgir a través de medidas y retóricas políticas violentas. La relevancia de este estudio radica en la identificación, dentro de la política ambiental brasileña, de elementos seminales del discurso y pensamiento autoritario del país. Estos elementos han emergido de acuerdo con elementos históricos específicos cuyas consecuencias continúan impregnando la historia política brasileña y no logran interrumpir las tensiones autoritarias.
博索纳罗总统的政府对社会和自然实施了一场闪电战，试图破坏该国的环境框架，导致生态退化和社会冲突大幅增加。本研究的重点是调查构成博尔索纳罗政府对巴西环境政策体制的系统性、威权主义挫折的潜在因素。该研究认为，巴西联邦政府的行动源于对开创性的殖民想象、框架和关于亚马逊的想法的授权改造，这些想法在历史上只能通过暴力的政治言论和措施重新出现。这项研究的相关性在于巴西环境政治中对该国威权话语和思想的早期元素的认同。这些因素是根据具体的历史因素出现的，这些因素的后果继续渗透到巴西的政治历史中，未能破坏威权主义的压力。博索纳罗总统在“社会冲突”的闪电战中，通过“自然冲突”和“环境冲突”来推动“社会冲突”，并在“社会冲突”的“社会冲突”中推动“社会冲突”。Este estudio se centró en investigar los elementos subyacentes que componen los reveses sistacimos by authoritarios de la administración Bolsonaro para el recamimen de política ambiental brasileño。El工厂化argumenta,拉斯维加斯accion“联邦brasileno se originaron traves de una readaptacion empoderada de imaginarios encuadres e思想殖民的concebidas尤其la亚马逊,se汉generado tiempo对位resurgir一traves de medidas y retoricas politica violentas。建筑与建筑的关系identificación，建筑与建筑的关系política环境与建筑的关系brasileña，建筑与建筑的关系país。Estos elements than emergenido de acuerdo con elements históricos específicos cuyas consecuencias continúan impregnando la historia política brasileña no logan interrumpir las tensiones独裁者。
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Pub Date : 2025-09-20DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251377002
Maria Fernanda Miño Puga
Sumak Kawsay, Buen Vivir or Good Living is a concept derived from Andean Indigenous cosmologies, understood as living in harmony with one another and with nature. In the 21st century, a more drastic shift occurred when Pink Tide governments employed the term to redact their own national development plans. This article proposes two decolonial approaches to analyze Sumak Kawsay in Indigenous film and media: ‘Film as translation’, where adapting ancestral knowledges to moving images can imply a loss of meaning to the detriment of Indigenous communities; and ‘The Living Forest as archive’ where the non-human landscape of these territories represents a living repository of memory, in constant need of defending. These approaches are used to analyze Eriberto Gualinga’s film The Return (2021), with the Kichwa community of Sarayaku as its main case study. Sumak Kawsay, Buen Vivir o Good Living es un concepto derivado de las cosmologías indígenas andinas, entendido como la vida en armonía tanto entre los seres humanos como con la naturaleza. En el siglo XXI se produjo un viraje más drástico cuando los gobiernos de la Marea Rosada emplearon el término para redactar sus propios planes nacionales de desarrollo. Este artículo propone dos enfoques decoloniales para analizar el Sumak Kawsay en el cine y los medios indígenas: “el cine como traducción”, donde la adaptación de saberes ancestrales a las imágenes en movimiento puede implicar una pérdida de sentido en detrimento de las comunidades indígenas; y “la selva viviente como archivo”, en el cual el paisaje no humano de estos territorios constituye un repositorio viviente de la memoria, en constante necesidad de defensa. Estos enfoques se aplican al análisis de la película The Return (2021) de Eriberto Gualinga, teniendo como principal caso de estudio a la comunidad kichwa de Sarayaku.
Sumak Kawsay，“美好生活”是一个源自安第斯土著宇宙观的概念，被理解为人与人之间以及与自然和谐相处。在21世纪，当“粉红潮”政府使用这个词来修订自己的国家发展计划时，发生了更大的变化。本文提出了两种非殖民化的方法来分析Sumak Kawsay的土著电影和媒体：“电影作为翻译”，其中将祖先的知识改编为运动图像可能意味着对土著社区不利的意义的丧失；“活的森林作为档案”，这些地区的非人类景观代表了一个活生生的记忆储存库，需要不断保护。这些方法被用于分析埃里伯托·瓜林加的电影《归来》（2021），并以萨拉亚库的Kichwa社区为主要案例研究。Sumak Kawsay，“美好生活的美好生活”是一个概念衍生的概念cosmologías indígenas和inas， ententdido como la vida和armonía tanto entre los seres humanos como conla naturaleza。En el siglo XXI see producjo unviraje más drástico cuando los gobiernos de la mararea Rosada雇员的薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金薪金。埃斯特危象倡言dos enfoques decoloniales对位analizar el Sumak Kawsay en el电影y洛杉矶中部indigenas:“el电影科莫traduccion”,在la adaptacion de军刀祖先一个拉斯维加斯画像en movimiento测试implicar una还是打在detrimento de las comunidades indigenas;“生活的历史档案”、“人类的历史档案”和“领土的历史档案”构成联合国生活的历史资料库，并经常需要防卫。Estos enfoques se应用al análisis de la película The Return (2021) de Eriberto Gualinga, teniendo como principal caso de eststudio and la communidad kichwa de Sarayaku。
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Pub Date : 2025-09-19DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251370705
Cliff Welch
{"title":"Thanks to Trump: His Actions have had a Boomerang Effect","authors":"Cliff Welch","doi":"10.1177/0094582x251370705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x251370705","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145089656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-09-19DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251371559
Lucas de Oliveira Paes
Global governance has long been pushed to localize, incorporating local voices and knowledge to become both more equitable and effective. This has been particularly the case for global environmental governance, where polycentric modes of governance are found to help local actors acquire responsible stewardship and use resources sustainably. However, the selection of which local actors and knowledges will be incorporated in global governance is still dependent on major international development organizations and funding agencies. This article poses the following questions: Which types of actors are incorporated in the global governance of the Amazon and how do they participate therein? To that end, we analyze the network of stakeholders involved in development, execution, or governance of internationally funded projects in the Amazon. Analyzed projects which were part of a major multilateral initiative—the Global Environmental Facility—focusing on those whose main activities are in the Amazon Rainforest biome. The analysis sheds light on the hierarchies and patterns of exclusion in these networks, identifying which types of actors occupy central and peripheral position, and which others are underrepresented. This will expand our understanding of the politics of global local entanglements in the governance of the Amazon. A governança global há muito tempo vem buscando se localizar, incorporando vozes e conhecimentos locais para se tornar tanto mais equitativa quanto mais eficaz. Isso é especialmente verdadeiro no caso da governança ambiental global, onde modos policêntricos de governança têm se mostrado úteis para que atores locais adquiram responsabilidade sobre os recursos naturais e os utilizem de forma sustentável. No entanto, a escolha de quais atores e conhecimentos locais serão incorporados na governança global ainda depende das principais organizações internacionais de desenvolvimento e agências financiadoras. Este artigo propõe as seguintes perguntas: Quais tipos de atores são incorporados na governança global da Amazônia e como eles participam desse processo? Para isso, analisamos a rede de stakeholders envolvidos no desenvolvimento, execução ou governança de projetos financiados internacionalmente na Amazônia. Selecionamos projetos dentro do portfólio de uma importante iniciativa multilateral—o Fundo Global para o Meio Ambiente (Global Environmental Facility)—focando naqueles cujas principais atividades estão localizadas no bioma da Floresta Amazônica. A análise de redes buscará compreender as hierarquias e os padrões de exclusão nessas redes, identificando quais tipos de atores ocupam posições centrais e periféricas, e quais outros estão sub-representados. Isso ampliará nossa compreensão sobre a política dos entrelaçamentos globais e locais na governança da Amazônia.
长期以来，全球治理一直在推动本地化，融入当地的声音和知识，使其更加公平和有效。在全球环境治理方面尤其如此，人们发现多中心治理模式有助于地方行动者获得负责任的管理和可持续地利用资源。然而，选择哪些地方行动者和知识将被纳入全球治理仍然取决于主要的国际发展组织和资助机构。本文提出了以下问题：哪些类型的参与者被纳入亚马逊的全球治理，他们如何参与其中？为此，我们分析了参与亚马逊地区国际资助项目的开发、执行或治理的利益相关者网络。分析了主要多边倡议——全球环境基金——的一部分项目，重点关注那些主要活动在亚马逊雨林生物群系的项目。该分析揭示了这些网络中的等级和排斥模式，确定了哪些类型的参与者占据中心和边缘位置，以及哪些其他参与者未被充分代表。这将扩大我们对亚马逊治理中全球地方纠葛的政治的理解。一个治理型的全球hims - 1 / 2管理模式可以是地方化的，包括地方化的、地方化的、地方化的、地方化的、平等的、定量的、有效的。如此之e especialmente verdadeiro没有卡索达governanca环境保护全球化,单丝modo policentricos de governanca tem se mostrado uteis对位,ator locais adquiram responsabilidade尤其os recurso项目naturais e os utilizem德福马sustentavel。同样地，国际金融机构和全球金融机构之间的合作关系也取决于organizações国际金融机构和agências金融机构之间的合作关系。Este artigo propõe as seguintes perguntas: Quais tipos de atores s o corporados na governananda global data Amazônia e como eles participam desse process ？第二，利害关系人的分析与参与，执行与治理，项目与金融与国际关系，参与与不参与。选择项目dentro do portfólio de uma重要的多边倡议- o全球基金para o Meio Ambiente（全球环境基金）-focando naqueles cujas principais atividades est o localizadas no bioma da Floresta Amazônica。1 . análise总体数据汇总器为一级数据汇总器padrões不包括其他数据汇总器，相同的数据汇总器占posições总体数据汇总器，外部数据汇总器占次级代表的数据汇总器。Isso ampliarnossa综合了sso sobre和política在全球范围内的entrela amentos和地方政府的 amentos Amazônia。
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Pub Date : 2025-09-16DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251377000
Andrea Rizzi
Among the subtlest forms of contemporary “green grabbing” are carbon offsetting ventures, as most nature-based carbon credits are issued in tropical countries through carbon forestry projects. While it may appear less problematic than the seizing of tangible land, the “scramble for carbon” unleashed by global “green” agendas implies new de facto enclosures—often on Indigenous land—and requires the disciplining of forest communities. Drawing on research in the Colombian Amazon, this paper brings into relief the territorial and extractive dimensions of carbon offsetting, as well as the forms of resistance it generates. Entre las formas más sutiles del “acaparamiento verde” contemporáneo destacan los negocios de compensación de emisiones del carbono, ya que la mayoría de los bonos del carbono basados en la naturaleza se producen en países tropicales mediante proyectos de reforestación. Aunque a primera vista puedanparecer menos problemático que la apropiación tangible de tierras, la “carrera por el carbono” desatada por las agendas climáticas globales conlleva nuevos cercamientos de facto —a menudo en tierras indígenas— y requiere disciplinar las comunidades rurales. Basándose en investigaciones realizadas en la Amazonía colombiana, este artículo pone de relieve las dimensiones territoriales y extractivas de los proyectos de compensación de emisiones de carbono, así como las formas de resistencia que generan.
当代“绿色掠夺”最微妙的形式之一是碳抵消企业，因为大多数基于自然的碳信用都是通过碳林业项目在热带国家发放的。全球“绿色”议程引发的“对碳的争夺”，虽然看起来比攫取有形土地的问题要小，但实际上意味着新的圈地——通常是在土著土地上——需要对森林社区进行约束。通过对哥伦比亚亚马逊地区的研究，本文揭示了碳补偿的地域和采掘业维度，以及它所产生的阻力形式。网址：网址：网址：más“绿色环境”的sutiles de " acaparamiento " contemporáneo destacan los negocios de compensación de carbonisiones del carbono，网址：mayoría de carbono bonos del carbono basados and la naturaleza se se producen países热带中介项目de reforestación。《关于发展中国家经济的初步展望》（problemático）和《关于发展中国家经济的具体纲领》（apropiación）、《关于发展中国家经济的具体纲领》（climáticas）和《关于发展中国家经济的实际纲领》（indígenas）均要求对农村经济进行纪律管理。Basándose en investigaciones realizadas en la Amazonía哥伦比亚，este artículo de de de de carbonisiones de carbono, así como la formas de resistance que generan。
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Pub Date : 2025-09-16DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251372484
Thaís de Carvalho
The moral imperative of “saving” Indigenous children has been historically used as a tool to facilitate land appropriation in Amazonia. This paper examines how three types of child-centered interventions—early colonial tutelage, state schools, and conditional cash transfers—have contributed to reinforcing development models that threaten Indigenous livelihoods. Drawing insights from governmentality and decolonial studies, this literature review foregrounds the interplay between child saviorism, land dispossession, and predatory extractivism in Amazonia. The paper concludes by calling for the integration of Indigenous perspectives in social policies to challenge the colonial legacy of child-centered development.
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Pub Date : 2025-09-03DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251367301
Ana Carolina Alfinito, Brian Garvey, Hugo Gravina Affonso, Maurício Torres, Yamila Goldfarb
This article brings into dialogue the theoretical foundations of “so-called primitive accumulation” with the politics of public land designation in the Brazilian Amazon to investigate how areas intended for environmental protection and for the self-determination of Indigenous and traditional peoples are converted into spaces for capital accumulation. It analyzes two Amazonian territories affected by the predatory appropriation of protected areas: the Saracá-Taquera National Forest, created to protect mining and logging operations against the demands of traditional communities, and the Terra Nossa Sustainable Development Project, a land reform settlement that was established on a reduced Indigenous land to be handed over to loggers, land grabbers, and transnational mining companies. Based on these cases, the article shows how protective land tenure designations are manipulated by companies and the state in ways that lead to the exoneration of illegal expropriation and to the establishment of institutional conditions that facilitate the expansion of contemporary extractive regimes. Este artigo estabelece um diálogo entre os fundamentos teóricos da acumulação primitiva e as políticas de destinação de terras públicas na Amazônia brasileira para investigar como áreas destinadas à proteção ambiental e à autodeterminação dos povos tradicionais são convertidas em espaços de acumulação de capital. O texto analisa dois territórios amazônicos afetados pela apropriação predatória de áreas protegidas: a Floresta Nacional de Saracá-Taquera, criada para proteger operações de mineração e extração madeireira contra as demandas das comunidades tradicionais, e o Projeto de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Terra Nossa, um assentamento de reforma agrária criado em cima de uma terra indígena reduzida para ser entregue a madeireiros, grileiros e empresas transnacionais de mineração. Com base nesses casos, o artigo mostra como regimes fundiários e territoriais protetivos são manipulados por empresas e pelo estado de forma a absolver a expropriação ilegal e estabelecer condições institucionais que facilitam a expansão de regimes extrativistas contemporâneos.
本文将“所谓原始积累”的理论基础与巴西亚马逊地区的公共土地指定政治进行对话，以探讨旨在保护环境和土著和传统民族自决的地区如何转变为资本积累的空间。它分析了两个亚马逊地区受到掠夺性占用保护区影响的地区：Saracá-Taquera国家森林，旨在保护采矿和伐木业务不受传统社区的要求，以及Terra Nossa可持续发展项目，这是一项土地改革解决方案，建立在减少的土著土地上，移交给伐木者，土地掠夺者和跨国矿业公司。基于这些案例，本文展示了保护性土地权属是如何被公司和国家操纵的，从而导致了对非法征用的豁免，并建立了促进当代采掘制度扩张的制度条件。Este artigo estabeum diálogo entre os。1 .分析文本territórios amazônicos关于适当的农业 predatória关于áreas农业：一个国家的Floresta Saracá-Taquera，保护文本operações关于矿产或其他或与传统的社会需求相矛盾，保护项目operações关于自然环境，改革协议agrária关于自然环境的农业，保护文本agrária关于自然环境的农业，保护文本indígena关于资源的农业，保护文本和矿产的交易。Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com base casos, Com Com comos, fundiários, Com Com comos, fundiários, comos, fundiários, Com Com, comos, fundiários, comos, fundiários, comos, www.comos, www.comos, www.comos, .com。
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Pub Date : 2025-09-03DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251367784
Maritza Paredes, Anke Kaulard, Danitza Gil
Indigenous participation is increasingly recognized as critical for effective climate change governance. However, a gap persists between global commitments and their implementation at local levels. This paper examines the challenges of participation in forest conservation initiatives, particularly how “participation artifacts”—tools, methodologies, and mechanisms designed to facilitate participatory processes—shape Indigenous inclusion in climate governance. Drawing on Bruno Latour’s actor-network theory, we investigate how these artifacts mediate power dynamics and influence decision-making processes. Through a mixed-methods approach including interviews, participatory observation, and document analysis, we find that participation artifacts often create the appearance of inclusion while reproducing the marginalization of Indigenous communities. Despite the presence of advanced participatory mechanisms, these processes fail to address Indigenous priorities and perspectives effectively, perpetuating political and social exclusion. Instead of contributing to climate justice, such mechanisms maintain power imbalances, undermine Indigenous autonomy, and jeopardize access to forests, which are essential for Indigenous livelihoods. Findings highlight the urgent need to move beyond mere technical compliance with participatory norms toward a more genuine engagement with Indigenous knowledge, leadership, and priorities. La participación indígena es cada vez más reconocida como un componente fundamental para una gobernanza climática efectiva. No obstante, persiste una brecha entre los compromisos asumidos a nivel global y su implementación en los ámbitos locales. Este artículo analiza los desafíos que plantea la participación en las iniciativas de conservación forestal, con especial énfasis en el modo en que los “artefactos de participación” —herramientas, metodologías y mecanismos diseñados para facilitar procesos participativos— configuran la inclusión indígena en la gobernanza del clima. A partir de la teoría del actor-red de Bruno Latour, se examina cómo dichos artefactos median las dinámicas de poder e inciden en los procesos de toma de decisiones. Mediante un enfoque metodológico mixto que incluye entrevistas, observación participante y análisis documental, se observa que los artefactos de participación suelen generar una apariencia de inclusión que, en realidad, reproduce la marginación de las comunidades indígenas. A pesar de la existencia de avanzados mecanismos participativos, estos procesos no logran incorporar de manera efectiva las prioridades ni las perspectivas indígenas, perpetuando así su exclusión política y social. En lugar de promover la justicia climática, dichos mecanismos tienden a preservar los desequilibrios de poder, socavar la autonomía indígena y poner en riesgo el acceso a los bosques, fundamentales para sus medios de vida. Los hallazgos evidencian la necesidad urgente de trascender el cumplimiento meramente técnico de las norm
人们日益认识到，土著居民的参与对有效的气候变化治理至关重要。然而，全球承诺与地方一级的执行之间仍然存在差距。本文探讨了参与森林保护倡议所面临的挑战，特别是“参与性产物”——旨在促进参与性过程的工具、方法和机制——如何塑造土著居民在气候治理中的包容性。根据布鲁诺·拉图尔的行动者网络理论，我们研究了这些人为因素是如何调节权力动态和影响决策过程的。通过包括访谈、参与性观察和文献分析在内的混合方法，我们发现参与性人工制品往往在再现土著社区边缘化的同时，创造了包容的表象。尽管存在先进的参与机制，但这些进程未能有效处理土著的优先事项和观点，使政治和社会排斥永久化。这种机制不仅无助于气候正义，还会维持权力不平衡，破坏土著居民的自主权，并危及土著居民获得森林的机会，而森林对土著居民的生计至关重要。调查结果强调，迫切需要超越仅仅在技术上遵守参与性规范，而是更真正地参与土著知识、领导和优先事项。La participación indígena es cada vez más reconocida como uncomponent fundamental para una go伯南克climática effective。没有任何明显的、持续的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的、不安全的。埃斯特危象analiza洛杉矶desafios plantea la participacion在拉斯维加斯iniciativas de conservacion受影响,反对特别enfasis en el modo en,洛杉矶artefactos de participacion -herramientas, metodologias y mecanismos disenados对位facilitar proceso participativos——configuran la包含indigena en la gobernanza del此种。一位名叫teoría的参与者，名叫布鲁诺·拉图尔，他研究了cómo的人工智能中位数，dinámicas的人工智能中位数，以及在人工智能决策过程中发生的事件。Mediante un enfoque metodológico mixto que包括企业家，observación参与者通过análisis文件，se observa que los artefactos de participación suelen generale una aparencia de inclusión que, en realidad，复制la marginación de las communidades indígenas。一个关于存在机制的框架，一个关于参与机制的框架，一个关于进程的框架，一个关于有效管理的框架，一个关于优先事项的框架，一个关于社会的框架indígenas，永续的así su exclusión política。在lugar de promover la justicia climática，二元机制（dichos mechanism）中，二元机制（dichos mechanism）中，二元机制（disequilibrium）中，二元机制（disequilibrium）中，二元机制（disequilibrium）中，二元机制（socavar）中，二元机制（sociavar）中，二元机制（sociavar）中，二元机制（sociavar）中，二元机制（fundamentales para sus medios）中，二元机制（fundamentales para sus medios de vida）。Los hallazos的证据是必要的、紧急的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的、有必要的。
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