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Development and Indigenous Ecopolitics in Post-Peace Guatemala 和平后危地马拉的发展与土著生态政治
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241294081
Nicholas Copeland
How do Indigenous and peasant political paradigms interact? This essay examines the relationship between Indigenous-ontopolitical critiques of development and peasant-oriented demands for alternative development in the Guatemalan defense of territory (DT), an Indigenous-led alliance against extractive development. Drawing on politically-engaged ethnographic and historical fieldwork, I argue that theories that counterpose indigenous ecological values of reciprocity and human-nature relationality to “development” oversimplify Indigenous responses to the multi-dimensional nature of colonization. I describe how Indigenous cosmological critiques coexist with demands for food sovereignty, agrarian struggles, integral development, and even progressive (redistributive) extraction in territorial defense movements. I suggest that the ascendance of post-development critiques in the DT crowds out heterogeneous demands for anticolonial development, limiting the movement’s potential to present a compelling alternative for marginalized communities. I point to a convergence between some kinds of Indigenous ontopolitics and counterinsurgency efforts to repress radical developmentalism and propose holding critiques of and demands for development in creative tension to strengthen counterhegemonic struggles.
土著与农民的政治范式如何互动?这篇文章探讨了土著居民对发展的政治批判与以农民为导向的替代发展要求之间的关系,后者是危地马拉捍卫领地(DT)活动的一部分。通过政治参与的人种学和历史实地调查,我认为将互惠和人与自然关系的土著生态价值观与 "发展 "对立起来的理论过于简化了土著对殖民化多维性质的反应。我描述了土著宇宙论批判如何与粮食主权要求、土地斗争、整体发展,甚至是领土保卫运动中的渐进(再分配)榨取共存。我认为,后发展批判在 DT 中的兴起挤掉了反殖民发展的各种需求,限制了该运动为边缘化社区提供令人信服的替代方案的潜力。我指出了某些类型的土著本土政治与镇压激进发展主义的反叛乱努力之间的趋同性,并建议在创造性的张力中保持对发展的批判和要求,以加强反霸权斗争。
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引用次数: 0
Pluriversal Autonomies Beyond Development: Towards an Intercultural, Decolonial and Ecological Buen Vivir as an Alternative to the 2030 Agenda in Abya Yala/Latin America 超越发展的多元自治:实现跨文化、非殖民和生态的 "美好生活",作为阿比亚亚拉/拉丁美洲 2030 年议程的替代方案
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241292327
Jorge Garcia-Arias, Javier Cuestas-Caza
This article employs Critical Development Studies to analyze the international political economy of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and address how the main elements that sustain and characterize it turn it into “another brick in the wall” of the hegemonic development paradigm (neoliberal, neo-developmentalist, neocolonial, privatized, inequitable, and environmentally predatory). It further analyzes how this 2030 Agenda contributed to the process of ‘enclosure of development’ in Abya Yala/Latin America (AY/LA). We then employ decolonial thought and pluriversal perspectives to contest this hegemonic vision and imagine an intercultural, decolonial and ecological buen vivir or “good living” (BV-IDE) as an autonomist alternative to the 2030A model for AY/LA, and address three contemporary experiences in Colombia, Ecuador, and Central America.En este trabajo, partiendo de una perspectiva de Estudios Críticos del Desarrollo y tras un análisis de economía política internacional crítica de la Agenda 2030 de Desarrollo Sostenible, mostramos cómo los ejes principales que la sostienen y atraviesan la convierten en ‘otro ladrillo en el muro’ del paradigma de desarrollo hegemónico (neoliberal, neodesarrollista, neocolonial, privatizado, inequitativo, y ecológicamente depredador), y cómo dicha Agenda 2030 ha contribuido al proceso de ‘cercamiento del desarrollo’, también en Abya Yala/América Latina (AY/AL).Como respuesta a esta visión hegemónica proponemos, desde los aportes del pensamiento decolonial y las perspectivas pluriversales, imaginar un buen vivir intercultural, decolonial y ecologista (BV-IDE) como alternativa autonomista al modelo de la 2030A para AY/AL, y presentamos tres experiencias contemporáneas, en Colombia, Ecuador y Centroamérica, conectadas con nuestra propuesta.
本文运用批判性发展研究分析了 2030 年可持续发展议程的国际政治经济学,并探讨了支撑该议程的主要因素及其特征如何使其成为霸权发展范式(新自由主义、新发展主义、新殖民主义、私有化、不公平和环境掠夺性)的 "墙上的另一块砖"。报告进一步分析了 2030 年议程是如何推动阿比亚亚拉/拉丁美洲(AY/LA)的 "发展圈地 "进程的。然后,我们运用非殖民主义思想和多元视角,对这一霸权愿景提出质疑,并设想一种跨文化、非殖民主义和生态的 "美好生活"(BV-IDE),作为阿比亚/拉丁美洲 2030A 模式的自主替代方案,并论述了哥伦比亚、厄瓜多尔和中美洲的三种当代经验。在本文中,我们从批判性发展研究的视角出发,对 2030 年可持续发展议程进行了批判性的国际政治经济分析,说明了支撑和贯穿该议程的主轴是如何使其成为霸权主义发展范式(新自由主义、新发展主义、新殖民主义、新自由主义、新殖民主义、新自由主义、新自由主义)的 "墙上的另一块砖"、新发展主义、新殖民主义、私有化、不公平和生态掠夺性),以及 2030 年议程是如何推动 "发展圈地 "进程的,在阿比亚亚拉/拉丁美洲(AY/AL)也是如 此。针对这种霸权主义的观点,我们从非殖民化思想和多元视角出发,建议设想一种良好的跨文化、非殖民和生态生活方式(BV-IDE),作为阿比亚/拉丁美洲 2030A 模式的自主替代方案,并介绍哥伦比亚、厄瓜多尔和中美洲与我们的建议相关的三个当代经验。
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引用次数: 0
Infrastructure Megaprojects as World Erasers: Cultural Survival in the Context of the Tehuantepec Isthmus Interoceanic Corridor 作为世界抹去者的大型基础设施项目:特万特佩克地峡跨洋走廊背景下的文化生存
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241294080
Susanne Hofmann
This article explores the meanings of infrastructural changes resulting from the Corredor Interoceánico del Istmo de Tehuantepec (CIIT) infrastructure project for the cultural survival of Indigenous peoples resident in the Tehuantepec Isthmus region through the lens of ontological justice. Based on interviews with affected residents in the states of Oaxaca and Veracruz, this research finds a strong desire for cultural continuity, collective life projects, Indigenous languages, cultural identities, beliefs, spirituality, established political and legal systems, and a solidarity economy. Contemporary megacorridors function as circulatory infrastructures that shift the life-reproducing benefits from territories elsewhere, thereby effectively imposing integration and assimilation of Indigenous peoples, Afrodescendant and comunidades equiparables into the dominant modern/colonial extractivist one-world world, and provoking mundicide. This article provides an empirical case for the urgency of recreating an ontodiverse world order that can guarantee the futurity of other ways of world-making.
本文通过本体论正义的视角,探讨了特万特佩克地峡地区土著居民因 Corredor Interoceánico del Istmo de Tehuantepec(CIIT)基础设施项目而产生的基础设施变化对其文化生存的意义。根据对瓦哈卡州和韦拉克鲁斯州受影响居民的访谈,本研究发现他们对文化连续性、集体生活项目、土著语言、文化身份、信仰、灵性、既定的政治和法律制度以及团结经济有着强烈的渴望。当代的巨型走廊发挥着循环基础设施的作用,它把生产生命的利益从领土转移到其他地方,从而有效地迫使土著人民、非洲后裔和可装备社区融入和同化到占主导地位的现代/殖民采掘主义的 "一个世界 "中,并引发了 "杀戮"。本文提供了一个实证案例,说明迫切需要重新建立一个本体多元化的世界秩序,以保证其他世界创造方式的未来。
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引用次数: 0
A decolonial approach to ecological distribution conflicts and the Maya Train in Mexico 墨西哥生态分布冲突和玛雅列车的非殖民方法
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-06 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241295617
Mauricio Feliciano López-Barreto, Casandra Reyes-García, Celene Espadas-Manrique, Manuel Jesús Cach-Pérez, José Adán Caballero-Vázquez, Cecilia Hernández-Zepeda, Lilian Juárez, Ligia Guadalupe Esparza-Olguín
A neoliberal development model, frequently at odds with the values of the local Mayan biocultural heritage, has historically prompted the conversion of forests and small-scale agricultural land, mainly in the Yucatan Peninsula. This study analyzes ethnographic data collected in two localities in the peninsula that will be impacted by the Maya Train. Preliminary results based mainly on conducted interviews revealed perceptions regarding daily interactions with the local habitat, the effects of public policy initiatives in the communities, and resistance strategies in response to perceived threats surrounding the project. Through a decolonial lens, the study contributes to understanding how social movements impact policies in the face of the environmental and social pacts of neoliberal development projects, while advancing towards a more ontologically diverse political representation.
新自由主义的发展模式经常与当地玛雅生物文化遗产的价值相悖,历史上曾促使森林和小规模农田的转换,主要是在尤卡坦半岛。本研究分析了在半岛上将受玛雅列车影响的两个地区收集到的人种学数据。初步结果主要基于进行的访谈,这些访谈揭示了人们对与当地栖息地日常互动的看法、公共政策举措在社区中的影响,以及应对围绕该项目所产生的威胁的抵抗策略。通过非殖民主义视角,本研究有助于理解社会运动如何在面对新自由主义发展项目的环境和社会影响时对政策产生影响,同时推动实现本体论上更加多样化的政治代表性。
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引用次数: 0
Defending the Commons from Dispossession in the Mountains of Guerrero: Contributions from and for Anthropology 在格雷罗山区保护公地免遭剥夺:人类学的贡献
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-10-30 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241291829
Giovanna Gasparello
This paper addresses the experience of Indigenous peoples in the highlands of Guerrero, Mexico, as they organize to defend their territory against mining exploitation. This struggle evinces the different dimensions of territoriality that are mobilized in the process of anti-mining resistance, with particular emphasis on the collective structures of organization and government. My ethnographic findings and anthropological analysis problematize the concepts of common goods and dispossession, in which Indigenous territoriality and the processes territory defense against material and cultural dispossession are framed.El presente ensayo discute la experiencia de organización para la defensa del territorio de los pueblos indígenas en la Montaña de Guerrero frente a proyectos de explotación minera, exponiendo las distintas dimensiones de la territorialidad movilizadas en el proceso de resistencia antiminera, con particular énfasis en las estructuras colectivas de organización y gobierno. A partir de los hallazgos etnográficos y del análisis antropológico, se problematizan los conceptos de bienes comunes y despojo, en los cuales se enmarcan la territorialidad indígena y los procesos de defensa del territorio frente al despojo material y cultural.
本文论述了墨西哥格雷罗州高原地区土著人民的经历,他们组织起来保卫自己的领地,抵制采矿剥削。这场斗争体现了在反采矿抵抗过程中动员起来的领土性的不同层面,特别强调了组织和政府的集体结构。我的人种学研究成果和人类学分析对共同财产和剥夺的概念提出了质疑,而土著领地性和捍卫领地、反对物质和文化剥夺的过程正是在这些概念的框架内进行的。本文讨论了格雷罗山区土著人民组织起来捍卫领地、反对采矿项目的经验,揭示了在反采矿抵抗过程中动员起来的领地性的不同层面,特别强调了组织和政府的集体结构。在人种学研究成果和人类学分析的基础上,共同财产和剥夺的概念被提出了问题,土著领地性和抵御物质和文化剥夺的领地防御过程也被纳入其中。
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引用次数: 0
Black Power in Hemispheric Perspective: A Book Review 半球视角下的黑人力量》:书评
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-10-30 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241294083
Marcelo Paixão
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引用次数: 0
Open Space and Ocean Grabbing: The Sea in the Geographic Opening of the Galápagos 开放空间与海洋掠夺:加拉帕戈斯地理开放中的海洋
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-10-26 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241285385
Christophe Grenier
The sea has long been a barrier guaranteeing the ecological isolation of the Galápagos. When Ecuador annexed the archipelago, the sea became an obstacle, because neither the state nor the island residents had ships to maintain regular relations with the mainland. On the contrary, the Galápagos Islands are an open space for foreign actors who, having adequate transport, freely use its natural resources and strategic location. At the end of the twentieth century, air travel overcame the oceanic distance and led to the unlimited development of maritime and land tourism in the archipelago’s protected areas. The needs of the Galápagos’ growing population are supplied by cargo ships and, through a process of ocean grabbing, its sea is exploited by various forms of tourism and export fishing. The sea is thus the main vector of the geographical opening of the Galápagos, a process characteristic of globalization that causes profound spatial, ecological, and social changes in a once isolated region.
长期以来,海洋一直是加拉帕戈斯群岛生态隔离的屏障。当厄瓜多尔吞并加拉帕戈斯群岛时,海洋成了一个障碍,因为国家和岛上居民都没有船只与大陆保持正常关系。相反,加拉帕戈斯群岛对外国行为者来说是一个开放的空间,他们拥有充足的运输工具,可以自由利用其自然资源和战略位置。二十世纪末,航空运输克服了海洋距离的限制,使群岛保护区的海上和陆地旅游业得到了无限发展。货轮满足了加拉帕戈斯日益增长的人口需求,通过海洋攫取过程,加拉帕戈斯的海洋被各种形式的旅游业和出口渔业所开发。因此,海洋是加拉帕戈斯群岛地理开放的主要载体,这是全球化进程的一个特征,它给这个曾经与世隔绝的地区带来了深刻的空间、生态和社会变化。
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引用次数: 0
Conceptions and Practices of Autonomy among Indigenous and Peasant Movements in Latin America 拉丁美洲土著和农民运动的自治理念与实践
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-10-22 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241289103
Lia Pinheiro Barbosa, Peter Michael Rosset
This paper seeks to categorize the forms of autonomy developed by Indigenous and peasant movements in Latin America into three types: a) de jure autonomies versus de facto autonomies; b) explicit autonomies versus implicit autonomies; and c) (mono)ethnic autonomies versus popular or class autonomies. We argue that the debate between these conceptions takes on a possible strategic importance when it comes to the dialogue between Indigenous and peasant struggles regarding the defense of territory as well as in the conception of peasant autonomy, understood as a strategy of struggle and local self-governance.
本文试图将拉丁美洲土著和农民运动所发展的自治形式分为三类:a) 法律上的自治与事实上的自治;b) 显性自治与隐性自治;c) (单一)民族自治与民众或阶级自治。我们认为,这些概念之间的辩论在土著与农民之间关于保卫领土的斗争对话中,以及在被理解为斗争和地方自治战略的农民自治概念中,可能具有重要的战略意义。
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引用次数: 0
Maritimacies and Nature-Culture Collectives as Inputs for a Sustainable Blue Economy on the East Coast of Uruguay 作为乌拉圭东海岸可持续蓝色经济投入的海洋文化和自然文化集体
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-10-22 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241284570
Leticia D’Ambrosio Camarero
The research for this article examines the characteristics of the marine-coastal environment from the perspectives of a range of social actors. Knowledge of maritimacies can serve as an input for management of marine-coastal environments that takes into account the diverse types of humanity found there, by emphasizing that these processes are not just physical and ecological, but also social, economic, cultural, and historical. An ethnographic methodology allows for mapping the perspectives of social actors, their points of view, and different ways of life. The result was a systemization of maritimacies, which can contribute to thinking about and building a sustainable Blue Economy that recognizes and involves those who inhabit the coast and the sea in Uruguay by considering the heterogeneity and complexity of their social networks.
本文的研究从一系列社会行动者的角度出发,探讨了海洋-海岸环境的特征。通过强调这些过程不仅包括物理和生态过程,还包括社会、经济、文化和历史过程,有关海洋环境的知识可作为管理海洋-海岸环境的投入,同时考虑到在海洋-海岸环境中发现的各种类型的人类。采用人种学方法可以了解社会参与者的视角、观点和不同的生活方式。这有助于思考和建设可持续的蓝色经济,通过考虑乌拉圭沿海和海洋居民社会网络的异质性和复杂性,承认并让他们参与其中。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous Politics of Emancipatory Education in Bolivia: The Role of the Escuela-Ayllu of Warisata 玻利维亚解放教育的原住民政治:瓦里萨塔艾柳学校的作用
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-10-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241288918
Young Hyun Kim
This article analyzes how the Escuela-Ayllu of Warisata in Bolivia challenged the feudal system known as gamonalismo in the 1930s-1940s within the broader context of Indigenous struggle. It demonstrates that distinct currents of Indigenous education, including indigenismo, Caciques-Apoderados’ Centro Educativo de Aborígenes “Bartolomé de las Casas,” and Alcaldes Mayores Particulares’ escuelas particulares, informed the Escuela-Ayllu’s community-led education. It argues that Warisata’s community members turned the Escuela-Ayllu into a political space of communal democracy that undermined the rural order structured by internal colonialism.
本文分析了 20 世纪 30 年代至 40 年代,玻利维亚瓦里萨塔阿尤鲁学校如何在土著斗争的大背景下挑战被称为 "伽马纳主义 "的封建制度。研究表明,土著教育的不同潮流,包括土著主义、Caciques-Apoderados 的土著教育中心 "Bartolomé de las Casas "和 Alcaldes Mayores Particulares 的特殊学校,为 Escuela-Ayllu 的社区主导教育提供了依据。报告认为,瓦里萨塔的社区成员将 Escuela-Ayllu 变成了社区民主的政治空间,破坏了由国内殖民主义构建的农村秩序。
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引用次数: 0
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Latin American Perspectives
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