Pub Date : 2025-08-21DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251368900
Alberto Acosta
The 2007 official proposition to suspend oil exploitation in the Yasuní National Park area of the Ecuadorian Amazon was received with astonishment and resistance across national and international power spheres. Transforming entrenched visions and practices—even after their errors and ineffectiveness have been proven—will always be a complex task. The Yasuní-ITT Initiative, which sought international compensation in exchange for environmental protection of the region, took six years of planning. Although it was eventually rejected on a national, executive level, it was reactivated by civil society. What proves so surprising nowadays is that this proposal, which fundamentally lacks international support and exists in defiance of ongoing oil exploitation, continues as the express will of the Ecuadorian people. Following up on this decision will require renewed social commitment given how powerful the opposing forces are. Cuando se la propuso oficialmente en el 2007, la idea de no explotar petróleo en un sector de la Amazonía del Ecuador causó estupor y muchas resistencias en espacios de poder dentro y fuera del país. Romper visiones y prácticas arraigadas, aunque se demuestren sus errores y su inutilidad, siempre será una tarea compleja. La Iniciativa Yasuní-ITT, que buscaba una compensación internacional, se proyectó durante 6 años. Luego, cuando fracasó en el ámbito oficial, se reactivó impulsada desde la sociedad civil. Lo sorprendente ahora es que esta propuesta, sin que haya contribución internacional de por medio y cuando ya está en marcha la explotación petrolera, debería hacerse realidad gracias a la voluntad del pueblo ecuato Dar seguimiento a esta decisión exigirá un renovado compromiso social, habida cuenta de la magnitud de las fuerzas opositoras.
2007年，官方提议暂停在厄瓜多尔亚马逊Yasuní国家公园地区的石油开采，遭到了国内和国际权力领域的震惊和抵制。改变根深蒂固的观点和做法——即使在它们的错误和无效被证明之后——将永远是一项复杂的任务。Yasuní-ITT倡议，寻求国际补偿，以换取该地区的环境保护，花了六年的规划。虽然它最终在国家行政一级被拒绝，但它又被民间社会重新激活。今天令人惊讶的是，这项从根本上缺乏国际支持并且无视正在进行的石油开采而存在的建议，作为厄瓜多尔人民的明确意愿继续存在。鉴于对立力量如此强大，对这一决定采取后续行动将需要重新作出社会承诺。2007年1月，厄瓜多尔政府正式宣布，“厄瓜多尔政府的想法”petróleo“厄瓜多尔政府部门的想法”Amazonía“厄瓜多尔政府的想法”causó“厄瓜多尔政府的想法”是“厄瓜多尔政府的想法”país。龙眼视觉由prácticas arraigadas组成，独特的视觉由unuuuse组成，复杂的视觉由unuuuuse组成，复杂的视觉由unuuuuinuse组成。La iciativa Yasuní-ITT, que buscaba una compensación international, se proyectó durante 6 años。Luego， guan do fracasó en el ámbito官员，se reactivó impulse sada desde la sociedad civil。1 .我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会contribución我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会，我们有一个机会。
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Pub Date : 2025-08-20DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251367698
Louisa Acciari, Concita Maia Manchineri, Benedita Nascimento, Helen Parrella
This paper provides a reflection on decolonial and feminist struggles in the Brazilian Amazon. Less often categorized as a conflict-affected area, the Amazon is, nonetheless, faced with constant violence, from feminicide to deforestation, land invasions and attacks on Indigenous peoples. Based on the unique training experience “Advocacy in Gender, Race and Ethnicity,” led by the Instituto Mulheres da Amazônia (Institute Women of the Amazon -, IMA) between 2021 and 2022, we propose an understanding of violence against women as being part of a continuum and use the concept of body-territory to connect environmental issues to bodies, livelihoods and territories. We highlight the intersectional approach of IMA, and contend that racism and access to land are crucial aspects of the continuum of violence. Este artigo apresenta uma reflexão sobre as lutas decoloniais e feministas na Amazônia brasileira. Embora raramente seja categorizada como uma área afetada por conflitos, a região amazônica enfrenta, contudo, formas constantes de violência, que vão do feminicídio ao desmatamento, passando por invasões de terras e ataques contra povos indígenas. Com base na experiência formativa singular do curso “Advocacy em Gênero, Raça e Etnia”, promovido pelo Instituto Mulheres da Amazônia (IMA) entre 2021 e 2022, propomos compreender a violência contra as mulheres como parte de um contínuo, e utilizamos o conceito de corpo-território para articular questões ambientais aos corpos, modos de vida e territórios. Destacamos a abordagem interseccional adotada pelo IMA e defendemos que o racismo e o acesso à terra constituem dimensões cruciais desse contínuo de violência.
本文对巴西亚马逊地区的非殖民化和女权主义斗争进行了反思。虽然亚马逊不太常被归类为受冲突影响的地区，但它仍然面临着持续不断的暴力，从杀害女性到砍伐森林，土地入侵和对土著人民的袭击。根据亚马逊妇女研究所Amazônia （Institute to Mulheres da， IMA）在2021年至2022年期间开展的独特的“性别、种族和民族倡导”培训经验，我们建议将针对妇女的暴力行为理解为一个连续体的一部分，并利用身体-领土的概念将环境问题与身体、生计和领土联系起来。我们强调了IMA的交叉方法，并认为种族主义和获得土地是暴力持续的关键方面。Este artigo代表了一个严肃的反思，如反殖民主义和女权主义者Amazônia brasileira。Embora raramente semja categorizada como uma área在发生冲突时，一个注册到amazônica enfrenta， contudo, formas constant de violência, que v到feminicídio ao desmatamento， passando do poror invasões在发生冲突时，从ataques contra povos indígenas。Com base na experiência formativa singular do curso " Advocacy em Gênero, raa e Etnia ", promovideo pelo Instituto Mulheres da Amazônia (IMA) entre 2021 e 2022, promoos compender a violência contra as Mulheres como parte de um contínuo, e utilizamos o conceto de corpo-território para particular questões ambientais aos corpos, modos de vida e territórios。Destacamos是一种与种族主义相交叉的反种族主义的方法，是一种与社会主义相联系的方法，是一种与社会主义相联系的方法dimensões crucais desse contínuo de violência。
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Pub Date : 2025-08-16DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251366305
Laura Trajber Waisbich
Across the Amazon Basin, deforestation and violence are out of control. This paper unpacks the unfolding law-enforcement and illegality crisis in the Brazilian Amazon through the lenses of a security-development-environment nexus. The paper analyses twenty years (2003-2023) of policy and political responses by the Brazilian federal government to the Amazon problem, highlighting the challenges to build and sustain governance arrangements to deal with the nexus, including tensions and unease related to the security dimension of the crisis, lack of policy coherence regarding sustainable development, the challenges of political alternance, and unresolved civil-military relations dilemmas. O desmatamento e a violência estão fora de controle na Bacia Amazônica. Este artigo analisa a crise de ilegalidade e cumprimento da lei na Amazônia brasileira sob a ótica do nexo entre segurança, desenvolvimento e meio ambiente. O artigo analisa vinte anos (2003-2023) de respostas e políticas do governo federal brasileiro à Questão Amazônica, destacando os desafios para construir e sustentar arranjos de governança para lidar com este nexo. Com destaque para as tensões e ambivalências relacionadas à dimensão securitária da crise, a falta de coerência política na promoção do desenvolvimento sustentável, os desafios de alternância política e os dilemas, todavia presentes, na relação civil-militar na gestão da região.
在整个亚马逊盆地，森林砍伐和暴力已经失控。本文通过安全-发展-环境关系的镜头，揭示了巴西亚马逊地区正在展开的执法和非法危机。本文分析了巴西联邦政府20年来（2003-2023年）对亚马逊问题的政策和政治反应，强调了建立和维持治理安排以应对这一联系所面临的挑战，包括与危机的安全层面相关的紧张和不安、可持续发展方面缺乏政策一致性、政治替代的挑战以及未解决的军民关系困境。O desmatamento e a violência esta O fora de control na Bacia Amazônica。埃斯特artigo analisa危机de ilegalidade e cumprimento da lei na亚马逊brasileira呜咽otica做nexo seguranca之间,desenvolvimento e小环境。1 .从2003-2023年的数据分析和响应情况看，：(1)政府数据分析和响应情况（políticas）政府数据分析和响应情况（Amazônica）政府数据分析和响应情况（政府数据分析和响应情况）政府数据分析和响应情况（Amazônica）Com destaque para tensões e ambivalências关系维数 o securitária危机，a falta de coerência política na promot o do desenvolvimento sustentável， s desafios de alternatcia política e de困境，今天通过介绍，a rela o civil- military na gestes oda regies o。
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Pub Date : 2025-08-13DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251363996
Cliff Welch
{"title":"Book Review: Farewell To Class Struggle? AntunesRicardoFarewell to Work? Essays on the World of Work’s Metamorphoses and Centrality. Studies in Critical Social Sciences 198. Translated by Murillo van der Laan and others. Boston: Brill/Chicago: Haymarket, 2022.","authors":"Cliff Welch","doi":"10.1177/0094582x251363996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x251363996","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"177 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144898047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-07-09DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251351284
Antonia MacDonald
Using cultural memory studies as my guiding framework, this essay explores how memories of the Grenada Revolution are shared across generations. Arguing that the lack of education and the absence of public sites of memory result in the withholding of recollections of the Grenada Revolution, I analyze these issues in the context of the artistic representations of the Grenada Revolution as portrayed in the poetry, dance, and drumming youth-participation events which formed the entertainment program of the Grenada Revolution 40 years after: Commemoration, Celebration and Critique Conference. Critiquing the dominant militaristic symbols and imagery characterizing these cultural pieces, I argue for a continual creative enactment of the positives of the Grenada Revolution and suggest that the lively noises of these artistic expressions will serve as a viable means of creating cultural memory.
{"title":"Sounds, Silences, and Cultural Memory: An Analysis of the Artistic Performances Held during the “Grenada Revolution: 40 years After” 2019 Conference","authors":"Antonia MacDonald","doi":"10.1177/0094582x251351284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x251351284","url":null,"abstract":"Using cultural memory studies as my guiding framework, this essay explores how memories of the Grenada Revolution are shared across generations. Arguing that the lack of education and the absence of public sites of memory result in the withholding of recollections of the Grenada Revolution, I analyze these issues in the context of the artistic representations of the Grenada Revolution as portrayed in the poetry, dance, and drumming youth-participation events which formed the entertainment program of the Grenada Revolution 40 years after: Commemoration, Celebration and Critique Conference. Critiquing the dominant militaristic symbols and imagery characterizing these cultural pieces, I argue for a continual creative enactment of the positives of the Grenada Revolution and suggest that the lively noises of these artistic expressions will serve as a viable means of creating cultural memory.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"34 1","pages":"107-123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144594496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-07-09DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251358172
{"title":"Corrigendum to “The 2016 Colombian Peace Agreement and Colonial Continuities”","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/0094582x251358172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x251358172","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"10 1","pages":"242-242"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144594484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-07-09DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251355159
Curtis Jacobs
{"title":"The Final Fate of Maurice Bishop SmithGodfrey, The Assassination of Maurice Bishop. Kingston, Miami: Ian Randle Press, 2020.","authors":"Curtis Jacobs","doi":"10.1177/0094582x251355159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x251355159","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"20 1","pages":"233-238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144594483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-06-13DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251347806
Claudia Oviedo-Rodríguez
This paper analyzes the implementation of Sembrando Vida and Producción para el Bienestar, the principal rural programs of the López Obrador administration, paying particular attention to bypassing farmer organizations upon providing agricultural subsides. The main argument of this paper is that such elimination of intermediaries in providing subsidies has contributed to reducing clientelism by functionaries and farmer organizations. However, in 2019 both programs were characterized by deficiencies. Sembrando Vida required farmers to comply with requirements that were not appropriate considering their agricultural systems; excluded farmers with less than 2.5 hectares; and lacked marketing strategies. Meanwhile, Producción para el Bienestar involved many implementation problems and failed to provide funding on time. Este trabajo analiza la implementación de Sembrando Vida y Producción para el Bienestar, los principales programas rurales del gobierno de López Obrador, prestando especial atención a la exclusión de las organizaciones campesinas en la entrega de subsidios agrícolas. El argumento central es que la eliminación de intermediarios en la distribución de los subsidios ha contribuido a reducir el clientelismo tanto por parte de los funcionarios como de las organizaciones campesinas. Sin embargo, en 2019 ambos programas presentaron deficiencias. Sembrando Vida exigía a los campesinos cumplir con requisitos poco adecuados para sus sistemas agrícolas, excluía a quienes tenían menos de 2.5 hectáreas y carecía de estrategias de comercialización. Por su parte, Producción para el Bienestar enfrentó numerosos problemas de implementación y no entregó los recursos a tiempo.
本文分析了López奥夫拉多尔政府的主要农村项目Sembrando Vida和Producción para el Bienestar的实施情况，特别关注在提供农业补贴时绕过农民组织。本文的主要论点是，消除提供补贴的中介机构有助于减少官员和农民组织的庇护主义。然而，在2019年，这两个项目都存在缺陷。Sembrando Vida要求农民遵守不适合他们农业系统的要求；不包括面积少于2.5公顷的农民；而且缺乏营销策略。同时，Producción para el Bienestar涉及许多执行问题，未能及时提供资金。通过Producción para el Bienestar， Este trabajo analyizla implementación de Sembrando Vida, los principales del gobierno de Obrador， prestando特别是atención a la exclusión de las organizaciones campesinas en la entrega de subsidios agrícolas，农村计划和政府计划的原则。中心论点是建立在eliminación中介机构和distribución中介机构的基础上的，这些机构有助于减少客户的数量，而不是建立在职能部门和组织机构之间。在禁运期间，2019年的安博斯计划出现了缺陷。Sembrando Vida exigía a los campesinos cumplir conrequisitos conrequisitos conrequisitos para sus sistemas agrícolas, excluía a quienes tenían menos de 2.5 hectáreas y carecía de strategies de comercialización。Por su partte, Producción para el Bienestar enfrentó numersos problemas de implementación y no entregó los recursos a time。
{"title":"A Shift in Mexican Coffee Policies: An Analysis of Rural Programs and the Elimination of Intermediaries","authors":"Claudia Oviedo-Rodríguez","doi":"10.1177/0094582x251347806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582x251347806","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the implementation of Sembrando Vida and Producción para el Bienestar, the principal rural programs of the López Obrador administration, paying particular attention to bypassing farmer organizations upon providing agricultural subsides. The main argument of this paper is that such elimination of intermediaries in providing subsidies has contributed to reducing clientelism by functionaries and farmer organizations. However, in 2019 both programs were characterized by deficiencies. Sembrando Vida required farmers to comply with requirements that were not appropriate considering their agricultural systems; excluded farmers with less than 2.5 hectares; and lacked marketing strategies. Meanwhile, Producción para el Bienestar involved many implementation problems and failed to provide funding on time. Este trabajo analiza la implementación de Sembrando Vida y Producción para el Bienestar, los principales programas rurales del gobierno de López Obrador, prestando especial atención a la exclusión de las organizaciones campesinas en la entrega de subsidios agrícolas. El argumento central es que la eliminación de intermediarios en la distribución de los subsidios ha contribuido a reducir el clientelismo tanto por parte de los funcionarios como de las organizaciones campesinas. Sin embargo, en 2019 ambos programas presentaron deficiencias. Sembrando Vida exigía a los campesinos cumplir con requisitos poco adecuados para sus sistemas agrícolas, excluía a quienes tenían menos de 2.5 hectáreas y carecía de estrategias de comercialización. Por su parte, Producción para el Bienestar enfrentó numerosos problemas de implementación y no entregó los recursos a tiempo.","PeriodicalId":47390,"journal":{"name":"Latin American Perspectives","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2025-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144290201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-06-12DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251347822
Wendy C Grenade, Candia Mitchell Hall
This special volume of Latin American Perspectives uses the benefit of forty-six years of hindsight and insights gleaned in the aftermath of the Grenada Revolution (1979-1983) to revisit critical discourses on Grenada’s revolutionary histories, its politics and society. It aims to explore Grenadian and Caribbean scholarship by interrogating the memory of the Grenada Revolution through new lenses focusing on biographies on revolutionary figures, the haunts of history, solidarity, polarities and tensions, regionalism, culture and memory, performances and documentary film. This volume captures interdisciplinary insights on the Grenada Revolution in a new time, spanning four decades of history, politics, culture and development in post-revolutionary Grenada.
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Pub Date : 2025-05-30DOI: 10.1177/0094582x251337705
Kacper Przyborowski
The 2016 Colombian Peace Agreement was expected to bring an end to more than fifty years of armed conflict and build a sustainable peace. However, the country continues to be rife with violence, discrimination, and exclusion. Although the Peace Agreement’s state of implementation has been subject to academic debates, a critical discussion of the document has been missing. To address this gap, the article explores the document’s diverse political and economic functions, and demonstrates that it acts as a “smokescreen” allowing for (re)production of colonial continuities, especially in relation to the political participation of Black communities. The analysis is informed by interviews with social leaders involved in peace negotiations and activists from the Colombian Pacific. The above offers a novel approach, indicating that peacebuilding is “not only” about peace and conflict, as it provides opportunities for engagement with broader questions regarding the nature of the political community. Se esperaba que el Acuerdo de Paz colombiano de 2016 pusiera fin a más de cincuenta años de conflicto armado y construyera una paz sostenible. Sin embargo, el país continúa plagado de violencia, discriminación y exclusión. Aunque el estado de implementación del Acuerdo de Paz ha sido objeto de debates académicos, ha faltado una discusión crítica del documento. Para abordar esta brecha, el artículo explora las diversas funciones políticas y económicas del acuerdo, y demuestra que actúa como una “cortina de humo” que permite la (re)producción de continuidades coloniales, especialmente con respecto a la participación política de las comunidades negras. El análisis se basa en entrevistas con líderes sociales involucrados en las negociaciones de paz y activistas del Pacífico colombiano. A través de esto, se ofrece un enfoque novedoso, que indica que la construcción de paz “no se trata sólo” de paz y conflicto, sino que brinda oportunidades para abordar cuestiones más amplias sobre la naturaleza de la comunidad política.
2016年哥伦比亚和平协议有望结束50多年的武装冲突，建立可持续的和平。然而，这个国家仍然充斥着暴力、歧视和排斥。虽然《和平协定》的执行情况一直受到学术辩论的影响，但一直没有对该文件进行批判性的讨论。为了解决这一差距，本文探讨了该文件的各种政治和经济功能，并表明它作为一个“烟幕”，允许（重新）生产殖民地的连续性，特别是在黑人社区的政治参与方面。对参与和平谈判的社会领袖和来自哥伦比亚太平洋地区的活动人士的采访为这项分析提供了依据。上述提供了一种新颖的方法，表明建设和平“不仅”是关于和平与冲突，因为它提供了参与有关政治共同体性质的更广泛问题的机会。2016年12月，哥伦比亚和平与发展研究中心（esperaba que el el Acuerdo de Paz columbiano）发表了一份题为《más de cincuenta años de conflict to armado y contryera una Paz sostenible》的报告。Sin禁运，el país continúa暴力广场，discriminación y exclusión。关于关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论，关于学术界的辩论。Para bordar esta brecha， el artículo explorora las diverses funciones políticas和económicas del acuerdo， y demustra que actúa como . una " cortina de humo " que permite la (re)producción de continuidades colonales，特别是关于la la participación política de las commidades negras。网址：网址：análisis网址：líderes网址：sociales indeucrados网址：Pacífico哥伦比亚。1 .在过去的三年里，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处，在新设立的办事处。más
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