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Education, Racism, and the Pandemic: A Pedagogical-Critical Analysis for Latin America 教育、种族主义和大流行病:拉丁美洲的教学批判分析
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241298593
Maikel Pons-Giralt, Oscar Ulloa-Guerra, Ricel Martínez-Sierra, Mirtha del Prado Morales, Mariana Ortega-Breña
The pandemic deepened social and educational inequality for Afro-descendants and indigenous people in Latin America and the Caribbean. A regional analytical overview with a focus on Brazil and on the social and educational challenges faced by these people and the epistemological, ontological, and pedagogical alternatives for the inclusion of racialized persons during the pandemic. The analysis points to the need for and the viabililty of exploring innovative pedagogical paths for promoting ethnic-racial inclusion and an antiracist form of education that responds to our contemporary context.La pandemia profundiza las brechas de desigualdad social y educacional para afrodescendientes e indígenas en América Latina y Caribe. Un panorama analítico regional, con foco en Brasil, acerca de los desafíos sociales y educacionales que enfrentan afrodescendientes e indígenas identifica fundamentos y experiencias que durante la pandemia constituyen alternativas epistemológicas, ontológicas y pedagógicas para la inclusión de personas racializadas. El análisis permite corroborar que es necesario y posible explorar caminos pedagógicos innovadores en la promoción de la inclusión étnico-racial y de una educación antirracista que contesten el escenario contemporáneo.
大流行病加深了拉丁美洲和加勒比地区非洲裔和土著人在社会和教育方面的不平等。以巴西为重点的地区分析概述了这些人面临的社会和教育挑战,以及在大流行病期间将种族化人群纳入其中的认识论、本体论和教学法替代方案。分析指出,有必要探索创新的教学方法,以促进民族-种族融合和反种族主义的教育形式,从而适应我们的当代环境,并使之具有可行性。以巴西为重点,对非洲裔和原住民所面临的社会和教育挑战进行了区域分析综述,确定了大流行病期间的基础和经验,这些基础和经验在认识论、本体论和教学法上构成了种族化人群融入的替代方案。分析证实,在促进民族-种族包容和反种族主义教育方面,有必要也有可能探索符合当 代情况的创新教学途径。
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引用次数: 0
Change in Governance Modes in Marine Protected Areas that Overlap with Fishing Territories: A Study of Cuba and Brazil 与捕鱼区重叠的海洋保护区治理模式的变化:古巴和巴西研究
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241262996
Manuela Dreyer da Silva, Cristina Frutuoso Teixeira, Raimundo Vento Tielves, Christian Luiz da Silva, Ania Bustio Ramos, Décio Estevão do Nascimento, Heather Heyes
This article discusses governance in Marine Protected Areas (MPAs), particularly the possibility of formulating arrangements capable of confronting the effects of the ocean grabbing process in fishing territories. Through the articulation of experiences in MPAs in Cuba and Brazil and the content analysis of technical-scientific documents produced on the daily governance of these areas, legal frameworks in both countries, and peer-reviewed articles, this study identifies vectors of change in established modes of governance. The identified vectors are potential verifiers of equity and socio-environmental justice criteria in governance processes that can encourage recognition of traditional fisher’s rights to deliberation on access and use of resources in these areas. On the other hand, the conclusions drawn also reveal the limits of these arrangements when considering the ambiguity of the legal regimes that outline the creation and implementation of MPAs.
本文讨论了海洋保护区(MPAs)的治理问题,特别是制定能够应对渔业领土海洋攫取过程影响的安排的可能性。通过对古巴和巴西海洋保护区经验的阐述,以及对这些区域日常治理技术科学文件、两国法律框架和同行评审文章的内容分析,本研究确定了既定治理模式的变革载体。所确定的载体是治理过程中公平和社会环境正义标准的潜在验证者,可以鼓励承认传统渔民对这些地区的资源获取和使用进行讨论的权利。另一方面,考虑到规定建立和实施海洋保护区的法律制度的模糊性,得出的结论也揭示了这些安排的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Autonomies and the Construction of Communal Economies in Zapotec Villages in Oaxaca, Mexico 墨西哥瓦哈卡萨波特克人村庄的自治和社区经济建设
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297919
Salvador Aquino Centeno, Maríana Ortega-Breña
San José, a Zapotec community in the Sierra Sur of Oaxaca, Mexico, has built certain autonomies over time while challenging the territorial policies designed by the Mexican state. This article goes beyond the focus on autonomies as jurisdictional rights recognized by the state and analyzes the de facto instances elaborated by communities to build economies as a support for self-determination. By strengthening its community organization, San José created a scheme of territorial possession to produce economies that enabled it to survive and challenge the Mexican state. It refused the government’s titling of its lands given this would subordinate the community’s interests to the territorial policies of the federal government. Instead, San José reconstructed colonial policies and institutions to appropriate its own territory and develop its own communal autonomy without relying on legal documentation from the Mexican state to endorse its rights to communal lands. The community created its own concepts of communal cultures by reconstructing mayordomías (civil-religious hierarchies), cofradías (religious brotherhoods), rancho culture, a municipal agency, ancestral memory, and the Zapotec language. On this basis they have built a communal autonomous model and maintain communal means of production such as labor and territory. San Jose’s experiences provide epistemologies and practices of how Indigenous communities can reduce inequalities in the centralizing contexts of neoliberal states that seek to eradicate Indigenous autonomies.San José, una comunidad zapoteca en la Sierra Sur de Oaxaca, México, ha construido autonomías a través del tiempo mientras ha desafiado las políticas territoriales diseñadas por el Estado mexicano. Mas allá de enfocar a las autonomías como derechos a una jurisdicción reconocida por el Estado, este artículo analiza las autonomías de facto que las comunidades elaboran para construir economías como sostén de la autodeterminación. A partir de fortalecer su organización comunitaria, San José creo un esquema de posesión territorial para producir economías que le permitieron sobrevivir y desafiar al Estado Mexicano en términos de no aceptar la titulación de sus tierras porque subordinaba los intereses de San José a las políticas territoriales del gobierno federal. San José reconstruyó las políticas e instituciones coloniales para apropiarse de su territorio y elaborar su propia autonomía comunitaria sin contar con documentación jurídica del Estado mexicano que avale sus tierras comunales. Creo sus propios conceptos de culturas comunales reconstruyendo las mayordomías, cofradías, la cultura de ranchos, la agencia municipal, la memoria ancestral y la lengua zapoteca para crear un modelo autonómico comunal y mantuvo los medios de producción comunales como el trabajo y el territorio. Las experiencias de San José aportan epistemologías y prácticas de cómo las comunidades indígenas pueden aminorar las desigualdades en contextos centralizado
圣何塞(San José)是墨西哥瓦哈卡州南部山区的一个萨波特克社区,随着时间的推移,该社区在挑战墨西哥州制定的领土政策的同时,也建立了一定的自治。这篇文章超越了将自治作为国家承认的管辖权利的关注点,而是分析了社区为建设经济作为自决的支持而制定的事实上的实例。通过加强社区组织,圣何塞创建了一个领土占有计划,以生产经济,使其能够生存并挑战墨西哥州。圣何塞拒绝政府为其土地颁发所有权证,因为这将使社区利益从属于联邦政府的领土政策。相反,圣何塞重新构建了殖民政策和制度,以占有自己的领土,发展自己的社区自治,而不依赖墨西哥州的法律文件来认可其对社区土地的权利。该社区通过重建 mayordomías(民间-宗教等级制度)、cofradías(宗教兄弟会)、牧场文化、市政机构、祖先记忆和萨波特克语,创造了自己的社区文化概念。在此基础上,他们建立了社区自治模式,并保持了劳动和领地等社区生产资料。圣何塞的经验为土著社区如何在新自由主义国家试图消灭土著自治的集权背景下减少不平等提供了认识论和实践。圣何塞是墨西哥瓦哈卡州南部山区的一个萨波特克族社区,该社区在挑战墨西哥国家制定的领土政策的同时,长期以来建立了自治。除了将自治视为国家承认的管辖权之外,本文还分析了社区为建设经济以支持自决而精心设计的事实上的自治。通过加强社区组织,圣何塞创建了一个领土占有计划,以产生经济,使其得以生存,并挑战墨西哥州不接受其土地所有权的做法,因为这使圣何塞的利益从属于联邦政府的领土政策。圣何塞重新构建了殖民政策和制度,在没有墨西哥州法律文件支持其社区土地的情况下,侵占其领土并制定自己的社区自治制度。圣何塞通过重建 mayordomías、cofradías、牧场文化、市政机构、祖先记忆和萨波特克语,创造了自己的社区文化概念,从而建立了社区自治模式,并保持了劳动力和领地等社区生产资料。圣何塞的经验提供了认识论和实践,说明在新自由主义国家试图消除土著自治的集权背景下,土著社区如何能够改善不平等现象。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World: Insights from Latin America and the Caribbean 导言:专制民粹主义与乡村世界:拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的启示
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241297952
Daniela Andrade, Sergio Coronado
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引用次数: 0
Independence and Emancipation: Latin American Theorizations on the Concept of Autonomy 独立与解放:拉丁美洲关于自治概念的理论研究
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-14 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241296816
Gustavo Moura de Oliveira, Massimo Modonesi
From the 1990’s to the present, Latin America has been, as no other region in the world, a laboratory of autonomies —explicit or implicitly framed as such— situated in the cycle of anti-neoliberal struggles. Faced with this historical-political context, in this text we re-examine the conceptualization and theorizations around the idea of autonomy. Based on a review of the major Latin American conceptual contributions, we have organized our reflections along five lines of theorization: autonomy understood as negation, as independence, as counter-power (and as popular power), as emancipation and as community.
从 20 世纪 90 年代至今,拉丁美洲一直是世界上任何其他地区都不曾有过的自治实验室--或明或暗地以此为框架--处于反新自由主义斗争的循环之中。面对这一历史政治背景,我们在本文中重新审视了围绕自治理念的概念化和理论化。在对拉丁美洲主要概念性贡献进行回顾的基础上,我们按照五条理论路线组织了我们的思考:将自治理解为否定、独立、反权力(和民众权力)、解放和社区。
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引用次数: 0
Corporate Power vs. Popular Power in the Politics of Food in Venezuela 委内瑞拉食品政治中的企业力量与民众力量
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-12 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241294228
Ana Felicien, Christina M. Schiavoni, Liccia Romero
This article is an inquiry into the politics of food in Venezuela, addressing the question: What do food politics tell us about broader forms, organizations, and relations of power in Venezuela today? By digging into the past, it sheds light on the challenges and opportunities at present, examining: a) The ways in which food, through its material and symbolic power, has served as a vehicle for processes of social differentiation along lines of race, class, and gender – processes which continue to evolve into the present; b) The interplay of global and national food politics and the ways in which these connect to and play out at the level of everyday life; and c) How the contours of the Venezuelan food system have been shaped by the pushes and pulls of state, society, and capital over time, in a delicate balance of forces characterized by both deep tensions and deep ties.
本文是对委内瑞拉食品政治的探究,旨在解决以下问题:食品政治对当今委内瑞拉更广泛的权力形式、组织和关系有何启示?通过对过去的挖掘,本文揭示了当前的挑战和机遇,研究了a) 食物如何通过其物质和象征性力量,成为种族、阶级和性别社会分化进程的载体--这些进程一直持续到现在;b) 全球和国家粮食政治的相互作用,以及这些相互作用与日常生活的联系和发挥的方式;c) 委内瑞拉粮食系统的轮廓如何随着时间的推移,在国家、社会和资本的推动和拉动下,在以深度紧张和深度联系为特征的微妙力量平衡中形成。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental Devastation 环境破坏
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-11 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241266201
Tamar Diana Wilson
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引用次数: 0
Development and Indigenous Ecopolitics in Post-Peace Guatemala 和平后危地马拉的发展与土著生态政治
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241294081
Nicholas Copeland
How do Indigenous and peasant political paradigms interact? This essay examines the relationship between Indigenous-ontopolitical critiques of development and peasant-oriented demands for alternative development in the Guatemalan defense of territory (DT), an Indigenous-led alliance against extractive development. Drawing on politically-engaged ethnographic and historical fieldwork, I argue that theories that counterpose indigenous ecological values of reciprocity and human-nature relationality to “development” oversimplify Indigenous responses to the multi-dimensional nature of colonization. I describe how Indigenous cosmological critiques coexist with demands for food sovereignty, agrarian struggles, integral development, and even progressive (redistributive) extraction in territorial defense movements. I suggest that the ascendance of post-development critiques in the DT crowds out heterogeneous demands for anticolonial development, limiting the movement’s potential to present a compelling alternative for marginalized communities. I point to a convergence between some kinds of Indigenous ontopolitics and counterinsurgency efforts to repress radical developmentalism and propose holding critiques of and demands for development in creative tension to strengthen counterhegemonic struggles.
土著与农民的政治范式如何互动?这篇文章探讨了土著居民对发展的政治批判与以农民为导向的替代发展要求之间的关系,后者是危地马拉捍卫领地(DT)活动的一部分。通过政治参与的人种学和历史实地调查,我认为将互惠和人与自然关系的土著生态价值观与 "发展 "对立起来的理论过于简化了土著对殖民化多维性质的反应。我描述了土著宇宙论批判如何与粮食主权要求、土地斗争、整体发展,甚至是领土保卫运动中的渐进(再分配)榨取共存。我认为,后发展批判在 DT 中的兴起挤掉了反殖民发展的各种需求,限制了该运动为边缘化社区提供令人信服的替代方案的潜力。我指出了某些类型的土著本土政治与镇压激进发展主义的反叛乱努力之间的趋同性,并建议在创造性的张力中保持对发展的批判和要求,以加强反霸权斗争。
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引用次数: 0
Pluriversal Autonomies Beyond Development: Towards an Intercultural, Decolonial and Ecological Buen Vivir as an Alternative to the 2030 Agenda in Abya Yala/Latin America 超越发展的多元自治:实现跨文化、非殖民和生态的 "美好生活",作为阿比亚亚拉/拉丁美洲 2030 年议程的替代方案
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241292327
Jorge Garcia-Arias, Javier Cuestas-Caza
This article employs Critical Development Studies to analyze the international political economy of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and address how the main elements that sustain and characterize it turn it into “another brick in the wall” of the hegemonic development paradigm (neoliberal, neo-developmentalist, neocolonial, privatized, inequitable, and environmentally predatory). It further analyzes how this 2030 Agenda contributed to the process of ‘enclosure of development’ in Abya Yala/Latin America (AY/LA). We then employ decolonial thought and pluriversal perspectives to contest this hegemonic vision and imagine an intercultural, decolonial and ecological buen vivir or “good living” (BV-IDE) as an autonomist alternative to the 2030A model for AY/LA, and address three contemporary experiences in Colombia, Ecuador, and Central America.En este trabajo, partiendo de una perspectiva de Estudios Críticos del Desarrollo y tras un análisis de economía política internacional crítica de la Agenda 2030 de Desarrollo Sostenible, mostramos cómo los ejes principales que la sostienen y atraviesan la convierten en ‘otro ladrillo en el muro’ del paradigma de desarrollo hegemónico (neoliberal, neodesarrollista, neocolonial, privatizado, inequitativo, y ecológicamente depredador), y cómo dicha Agenda 2030 ha contribuido al proceso de ‘cercamiento del desarrollo’, también en Abya Yala/América Latina (AY/AL).Como respuesta a esta visión hegemónica proponemos, desde los aportes del pensamiento decolonial y las perspectivas pluriversales, imaginar un buen vivir intercultural, decolonial y ecologista (BV-IDE) como alternativa autonomista al modelo de la 2030A para AY/AL, y presentamos tres experiencias contemporáneas, en Colombia, Ecuador y Centroamérica, conectadas con nuestra propuesta.
本文运用批判性发展研究分析了 2030 年可持续发展议程的国际政治经济学,并探讨了支撑该议程的主要因素及其特征如何使其成为霸权发展范式(新自由主义、新发展主义、新殖民主义、私有化、不公平和环境掠夺性)的 "墙上的另一块砖"。报告进一步分析了 2030 年议程是如何推动阿比亚亚拉/拉丁美洲(AY/LA)的 "发展圈地 "进程的。然后,我们运用非殖民主义思想和多元视角,对这一霸权愿景提出质疑,并设想一种跨文化、非殖民主义和生态的 "美好生活"(BV-IDE),作为阿比亚/拉丁美洲 2030A 模式的自主替代方案,并论述了哥伦比亚、厄瓜多尔和中美洲的三种当代经验。在本文中,我们从批判性发展研究的视角出发,对 2030 年可持续发展议程进行了批判性的国际政治经济分析,说明了支撑和贯穿该议程的主轴是如何使其成为霸权主义发展范式(新自由主义、新发展主义、新殖民主义、新自由主义、新殖民主义、新自由主义、新自由主义)的 "墙上的另一块砖"、新发展主义、新殖民主义、私有化、不公平和生态掠夺性),以及 2030 年议程是如何推动 "发展圈地 "进程的,在阿比亚亚拉/拉丁美洲(AY/AL)也是如 此。针对这种霸权主义的观点,我们从非殖民化思想和多元视角出发,建议设想一种良好的跨文化、非殖民和生态生活方式(BV-IDE),作为阿比亚/拉丁美洲 2030A 模式的自主替代方案,并介绍哥伦比亚、厄瓜多尔和中美洲与我们的建议相关的三个当代经验。
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引用次数: 0
Infrastructure Megaprojects as World Erasers: Cultural Survival in the Context of the Tehuantepec Isthmus Interoceanic Corridor 作为世界抹去者的大型基础设施项目:特万特佩克地峡跨洋走廊背景下的文化生存
IF 0.7 4区 历史学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/0094582x241294080
Susanne Hofmann
This article explores the meanings of infrastructural changes resulting from the Corredor Interoceánico del Istmo de Tehuantepec (CIIT) infrastructure project for the cultural survival of Indigenous peoples resident in the Tehuantepec Isthmus region through the lens of ontological justice. Based on interviews with affected residents in the states of Oaxaca and Veracruz, this research finds a strong desire for cultural continuity, collective life projects, Indigenous languages, cultural identities, beliefs, spirituality, established political and legal systems, and a solidarity economy. Contemporary megacorridors function as circulatory infrastructures that shift the life-reproducing benefits from territories elsewhere, thereby effectively imposing integration and assimilation of Indigenous peoples, Afrodescendant and comunidades equiparables into the dominant modern/colonial extractivist one-world world, and provoking mundicide. This article provides an empirical case for the urgency of recreating an ontodiverse world order that can guarantee the futurity of other ways of world-making.
本文通过本体论正义的视角,探讨了特万特佩克地峡地区土著居民因 Corredor Interoceánico del Istmo de Tehuantepec(CIIT)基础设施项目而产生的基础设施变化对其文化生存的意义。根据对瓦哈卡州和韦拉克鲁斯州受影响居民的访谈,本研究发现他们对文化连续性、集体生活项目、土著语言、文化身份、信仰、灵性、既定的政治和法律制度以及团结经济有着强烈的渴望。当代的巨型走廊发挥着循环基础设施的作用,它把生产生命的利益从领土转移到其他地方,从而有效地迫使土著人民、非洲后裔和可装备社区融入和同化到占主导地位的现代/殖民采掘主义的 "一个世界 "中,并引发了 "杀戮"。本文提供了一个实证案例,说明迫切需要重新建立一个本体多元化的世界秩序,以保证其他世界创造方式的未来。
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引用次数: 0
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Latin American Perspectives
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