Face culture is a crucial facet of East Asia. The most common self-report measure for face concern is the unidimensional Loss of Face Scale. In this study, we examined the dimensionality, factor structure, and validity of the Loss of Face Scale in two samples. Sample 1 (N = 602) consisted of 303 Taiwanese mothers and 299 U.S. mothers. Sample 2 (N = 602) was an independent sample from Sample 1, consisting of 294 Taiwanese mothers and 308 U.S. mothers. We proposed a modified 15-item four-dimensional factor structure to better capture the complexity of face. Four sub-domains emerged from the results of exploratory structural equation modelling: Low-Profile, Over-Preparation, Harmony Seeking, and Non-Aggression. Multigroup confirmatory factor analysis indicated configural and metric invariance but failed to establish full scalar invariance across countries. Convergent validity was supported by positive correlations with other Asian cultural values. While all four domains of face showed small to moderate correlations with depression in the U.S., only Low-Profile was associated with depression in Taiwan, suggesting that not all aspects of face concern are non-adaptive in East Asian contexts. Future studies should consider the multidimensional nature of face as well as how different dimensions affect mental and social well-being across cultures.
Low consumer acceptance emerges as one important barrier to the introduction of cultivated meat, a novel food which offers an opportunity for more sustainable and ethical meat production. Due to the motives for impression management and self-esteem, one factor that could contribute to people's acceptance of cultivated meat is their perceptions of other individuals who consume cultivated meat. In the current research, two online survey studies with 393 Singaporean undergraduate students and 401 American adults were conducted to explore the perceptions of cultivated meat eaters. In both studies, participants were randomly assigned to read one of three profiles that described a cultivated meat eater, a conventional meat eater, and a vegetarian. Then they rated the target on a list of traits. In Study 1, cultivated meat eaters were evaluated as more eco-friendly than conventional meat eaters, and less pure than vegetarians. In Study 2, cultivated meat eaters were perceived as more eco-friendly than conventional meat eaters, and less healthy than vegetarians; further, the participants tended to believe that others' general perception of cultivated meat eaters is slightly negative, and their belief about others' perception was strongly correlated with their acceptance of cultivated meat. Practical implications and future directions were discussed.
Are attributions of motives for prosocial behaviour modulated by the actor's wealth? We provide evidence for people attributing higher reputational motives to rich prosocial actors than poor ones across four studies. This effect persists across different kinds of prosocial behaviours, including helping (Study 1), volunteering (Study 2), and donating money (Studies 3–4). Furthermore, rich (vs. poor) prosocial actors are perceived to be less likely to be driven by altruistic motives and to have lower moral character than poor actors (Studies 2–3). Attribution of reputational motives and altruistic motives mediates the effect of target wealth on the perception of moral character (Study 2–3). Study 4 demonstrates that the judgement gap disappears when reputational benefits are implausible: voluntary privacy eliminates the wealth-based gap in motive attributions and judgement of moral character. These findings highlight that suspicion of motives prevents people from giving credit to rich prosocial actors. The implications for understanding motive inferences and prosocial credit are also discussed.