Pub Date : 2024-08-08DOI: 10.1177/0143831x241261241
Johanness Kiess, Andre Schmidt
Right-wing extremist attitudes are a severe challenge to democracies and trade union movements around the world. Moreover, changes in the world of work, economic insecurities, and the effects of globalized capitalism – all bread-and-butter topics for trade unions – are a breeding ground for right-wing extremism also in countries with comparatively strong social security and co-determination rights like Germany. In this article, the authors focus on democratic efficacy at the workplace as a protective factor against far-right politicisation among workers. They argue that experiencing control and influence on decision-making at the workplace is related to lower right-wing extremist attitudes. The article introduces a new measure employed in a representative survey in Germany and same, influence of union membership is not a hypothesis anymore. The findings strongly suggest that perceived democratic efficacy at the workplace reduces right-wing extremist attitude. This holds even when authoritarianism and standard socio-demographics are controlled for. The findings suggest an empowerment effect of efficacy experiences at the workplace. Such empowerment makes it less ‘necessary’ for individuals to devalue out-groups and deisre strong a (national) leadership. Practical implications and limitations of the study are discussed.
{"title":"The political spillover of workplace democratization: How democratic efficacy at the workplace contributes to countering right-wing extremist attitudes in Germany","authors":"Johanness Kiess, Andre Schmidt","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241261241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241261241","url":null,"abstract":"Right-wing extremist attitudes are a severe challenge to democracies and trade union movements around the world. Moreover, changes in the world of work, economic insecurities, and the effects of globalized capitalism – all bread-and-butter topics for trade unions – are a breeding ground for right-wing extremism also in countries with comparatively strong social security and co-determination rights like Germany. In this article, the authors focus on democratic efficacy at the workplace as a protective factor against far-right politicisation among workers. They argue that experiencing control and influence on decision-making at the workplace is related to lower right-wing extremist attitudes. The article introduces a new measure employed in a representative survey in Germany and same, influence of union membership is not a hypothesis anymore. The findings strongly suggest that perceived democratic efficacy at the workplace reduces right-wing extremist attitude. This holds even when authoritarianism and standard socio-demographics are controlled for. The findings suggest an empowerment effect of efficacy experiences at the workplace. Such empowerment makes it less ‘necessary’ for individuals to devalue out-groups and deisre strong a (national) leadership. Practical implications and limitations of the study are discussed.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141927411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The proliferation of ride-hailing platforms in the last decade has been challenged by workers’ mobilization around the world. In order to complement the existing research on successful organizing, in this article the authors investigate the lack of collective resistance in two cases. By comparing the ride-hailing industry in Berlin (Germany) and Tallinn (Estonia), the authors explain the absence of collective mobilization in these different contexts. While ride-hailing in Berlin is more regulated than in Tallinn, drivers in both cities are structurally located in the weakest position within labour relations. Their isolation presents common features found in the business model and the work process, but also within wider societal structures and ideological landscape.
{"title":"‘What damage could a small breeze do to a fence?’ The lack of collective action on ride-hailing platforms in Berlin and Tallinn","authors":"Stefania Animento, Kairit Kall, Valentin Niebler, Marge Unt, Triin Roosalu, Liis Ojamäe","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241259529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241259529","url":null,"abstract":"The proliferation of ride-hailing platforms in the last decade has been challenged by workers’ mobilization around the world. In order to complement the existing research on successful organizing, in this article the authors investigate the lack of collective resistance in two cases. By comparing the ride-hailing industry in Berlin (Germany) and Tallinn (Estonia), the authors explain the absence of collective mobilization in these different contexts. While ride-hailing in Berlin is more regulated than in Tallinn, drivers in both cities are structurally located in the weakest position within labour relations. Their isolation presents common features found in the business model and the work process, but also within wider societal structures and ideological landscape.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141926636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-08DOI: 10.1177/0143831x241261311
Constanze Eib, Johnny Hellgren, Helena Falkenberg, Magnus Sverke
There is often a gap between what managers perceive they do in terms of fairness (managers’ justice enactment perceptions) and how fairly employees feel treated by their supervisor (employees’ organizational justice perceptions). This study investigates three managerial actions as potential predictors of congruence in managers’ justice enactment and employees’ justice perceptions. Using individual pay setting as context, the authors hypothesize that goal clarity, continuous feedback, and supervisory credibility predict congruence in justice perceptions (distributive, procedural, interpersonal, and informational justice). Analyses are based on 124 pay-setting managers with their employees from an industrial company in Sweden. Results reveal that goal clarity, continuous feedback, and supervisor credibility reduce the mean-value difference in justice perceptions between managers and employees. This study broadens the organizational justice literature by contributing with a new way of simultaneously studying justice enactment and justice perceptions to further knowledge on how to facilitate and improve fairness in organizations.
{"title":"What makes employees and managers see eye to eye concerning organizational justice? Predicting congruence in the Swedish pay-setting context","authors":"Constanze Eib, Johnny Hellgren, Helena Falkenberg, Magnus Sverke","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241261311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241261311","url":null,"abstract":"There is often a gap between what managers perceive they do in terms of fairness (managers’ justice enactment perceptions) and how fairly employees feel treated by their supervisor (employees’ organizational justice perceptions). This study investigates three managerial actions as potential predictors of congruence in managers’ justice enactment and employees’ justice perceptions. Using individual pay setting as context, the authors hypothesize that goal clarity, continuous feedback, and supervisory credibility predict congruence in justice perceptions (distributive, procedural, interpersonal, and informational justice). Analyses are based on 124 pay-setting managers with their employees from an industrial company in Sweden. Results reveal that goal clarity, continuous feedback, and supervisor credibility reduce the mean-value difference in justice perceptions between managers and employees. This study broadens the organizational justice literature by contributing with a new way of simultaneously studying justice enactment and justice perceptions to further knowledge on how to facilitate and improve fairness in organizations.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141925718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-08DOI: 10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2023.03
Ricardo Barradas
The deregulation and flexibilisation of labour relations has been on the active neoliberal agenda of policymakers all over the world, including in Portugal. Against this backdrop, labour conditions have been worsening since the 1970s and 1980s, and workers have progressively lost some labour rights, which is noticeable in stagnant (or falling) wages, the rise of personal income inequalities, the proliferation of atypical work, the increase of precariousness, the surge of emotional abuses in the workplace, the deterioration of work–life balance and the spread of informal work. Nonetheless, workers have evidenced higher resignation and conformism and lesser claimant behaviour in order to demand higher wages and better labour conditions, which is visible in the strong reduction in strike activity in the last four decades. Our argument asserts that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels restrain their demands for higher wages and better labour conditions due to the fear of decreasing their income and losing their jobs and the consequent risks of default. This paper aims to assess the relationship between workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels and their strike activity by performing a time-series econometric analysis focused on Portugal during the period of 1979 to 2021. We conclude that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels have a negative effect on strike activity in Portugal, both in the short term and in the long term, especially on strike volume and strike duration. We also conclude that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels have been one of the main drivers behind the decline of strike activity in Portugal in the last four decades.
{"title":"Why are (financialised) workers becoming more resigned and conformist and less claimants? Empirical evidence for Portugal","authors":"Ricardo Barradas","doi":"10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2023.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2023.03","url":null,"abstract":"The deregulation and flexibilisation of labour relations has been on the active neoliberal agenda of policymakers all over the world, including in Portugal. Against this backdrop, labour conditions have been worsening since the 1970s and 1980s, and workers have progressively lost some labour rights, which is noticeable in stagnant (or falling) wages, the rise of personal income inequalities, the proliferation of atypical work, the increase of precariousness, the surge of emotional abuses in the workplace, the deterioration of work–life balance and the spread of informal work. Nonetheless, workers have evidenced higher resignation and conformism and lesser claimant behaviour in order to demand higher wages and better labour conditions, which is visible in the strong reduction in strike activity in the last four decades. Our argument asserts that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels restrain their demands for higher wages and better labour conditions due to the fear of decreasing their income and losing their jobs and the consequent risks of default. This paper aims to assess the relationship between workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels and their strike activity by performing a time-series econometric analysis focused on Portugal during the period of 1979 to 2021. We conclude that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels have a negative effect on strike activity in Portugal, both in the short term and in the long term, especially on strike volume and strike duration. We also conclude that workers’ financialisation and indebtedness levels have been one of the main drivers behind the decline of strike activity in Portugal in the last four decades.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141927890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-05DOI: 10.1177/0143831x241261325
Donald Houston, Colin Lindsay, Robert Stewart, George Byrne
Underemployment in the UK and other European economies – that is people looking for a new job with longer hours, or wanting longer hours in their current job – has risen since the 2008–9 financial crisis. This article informs policy debates on how underemployment can be addressed in the UK. It deploys a mixed methods research design, which is necessary to identify how labour market conditions shape workforce planning, including establishment-level labour hoarding over a variety of temporal scales through underemployment. The authors analyse quantitative data identifying greater underemployment risks in less productive local economies and ‘slacker’ local labour markets (but note complex differences across rural and urban areas). They complement this with qualitative data drawing on exploratory interviews with employer representatives and identify the potential importance of both labour market conditions and business models in shaping workforce planning decisions that affect underemployment risks. The authors discuss priorities for labour market and employment policy.
{"title":"Local labour markets, workforce planning and underemployment","authors":"Donald Houston, Colin Lindsay, Robert Stewart, George Byrne","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241261325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241261325","url":null,"abstract":"Underemployment in the UK and other European economies – that is people looking for a new job with longer hours, or wanting longer hours in their current job – has risen since the 2008–9 financial crisis. This article informs policy debates on how underemployment can be addressed in the UK. It deploys a mixed methods research design, which is necessary to identify how labour market conditions shape workforce planning, including establishment-level labour hoarding over a variety of temporal scales through underemployment. The authors analyse quantitative data identifying greater underemployment risks in less productive local economies and ‘slacker’ local labour markets (but note complex differences across rural and urban areas). They complement this with qualitative data drawing on exploratory interviews with employer representatives and identify the potential importance of both labour market conditions and business models in shaping workforce planning decisions that affect underemployment risks. The authors discuss priorities for labour market and employment policy.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2024-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141944631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-24DOI: 10.1177/0143831x241247958
Marie Nilsen, Hanne Finnestrand, Trond Kongsvik
The Nordic working life model (NWLM) promotes ‘good work’ on societal and workplace levels. However, this model is now challenged by emerging business models in the platform economy. This study investigates how digital labor platforms respond to conflicting institutional logics and how platform-mediated work intervenes with the inherent logic of the NWLM. The authors examine platform business strategies and their implications for working environment regulations, co-determination, and collective bargaining. Empirical data comprising 50 interviews with food delivery workers, platform managers, union representatives, employer association representatives, and occupational health and safety regulators from the Norwegian Labor Inspection Authority were analyzed by applying institutional complexity as a theoretical framework. The findings illustrate that a high degree of institutional complexity provides companies with discretionary space, which they utilize to achieve legitimacy and competitive advantages. The authors introduce the term institutional opportunism to describe how adaptation is performed. The study reveals that the platform economy, characterized by workers with limited experience of and knowledge about working life and strong market pressures, poses a challenge to the NWLM.
{"title":"Unraveling opportunism in platform-mediated work within the Nordic working life model: An institutional complexity perspective","authors":"Marie Nilsen, Hanne Finnestrand, Trond Kongsvik","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241247958","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241247958","url":null,"abstract":"The Nordic working life model (NWLM) promotes ‘good work’ on societal and workplace levels. However, this model is now challenged by emerging business models in the platform economy. This study investigates how digital labor platforms respond to conflicting institutional logics and how platform-mediated work intervenes with the inherent logic of the NWLM. The authors examine platform business strategies and their implications for working environment regulations, co-determination, and collective bargaining. Empirical data comprising 50 interviews with food delivery workers, platform managers, union representatives, employer association representatives, and occupational health and safety regulators from the Norwegian Labor Inspection Authority were analyzed by applying institutional complexity as a theoretical framework. The findings illustrate that a high degree of institutional complexity provides companies with discretionary space, which they utilize to achieve legitimacy and competitive advantages. The authors introduce the term institutional opportunism to describe how adaptation is performed. The study reveals that the platform economy, characterized by workers with limited experience of and knowledge about working life and strong market pressures, poses a challenge to the NWLM.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141100147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-23DOI: 10.1177/0143831x241245001
Emma Lees
Moving beyond the idea of crises as a prime determinant of cooperative participation, this article provides a nuanced account of why and under what circumstances service-sector professionals in Barcelona have opted for cooperative self-management. Taken collectively, their experiences contribute to how job quality and meaningful work, and a receptiveness to cooperativism and solidaristic diverse economies, might be conceptualised and realised in knowledge-based occupations including architects, legal, finance, and organisation professionals, social scientists, economists, and journalists and communications professionals. For these individuals, neoliberal capitalist market logics have been viewed as fostering conditions that compromise ethical integrity and job quality in their respective professions. They have instead opted for jointly-owned and democratically-managed cooperative enterprises and are advancing economic democracy and the solidarity economy as a means to reassert the normative potential of paid work in society such that workers might realise not only their own well-being and flourishing but also the ‘common well-being’ and general interest.
{"title":"Opting for cooperative self-management: The ethical and job quality motives of service-sector professionals and technicians in Barcelona","authors":"Emma Lees","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241245001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241245001","url":null,"abstract":"Moving beyond the idea of crises as a prime determinant of cooperative participation, this article provides a nuanced account of why and under what circumstances service-sector professionals in Barcelona have opted for cooperative self-management. Taken collectively, their experiences contribute to how job quality and meaningful work, and a receptiveness to cooperativism and solidaristic diverse economies, might be conceptualised and realised in knowledge-based occupations including architects, legal, finance, and organisation professionals, social scientists, economists, and journalists and communications professionals. For these individuals, neoliberal capitalist market logics have been viewed as fostering conditions that compromise ethical integrity and job quality in their respective professions. They have instead opted for jointly-owned and democratically-managed cooperative enterprises and are advancing economic democracy and the solidarity economy as a means to reassert the normative potential of paid work in society such that workers might realise not only their own well-being and flourishing but also the ‘common well-being’ and general interest.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141105585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-22DOI: 10.1177/0143831x241245007
Eriks Ozols, Stefan Ivanov Hristov, Thomas Paster
In October 2022, the European Union adopted a directive on adequate minimum wages in the European Union (AMWD). This directive has sparked considerable controversy. While employers uniformly oppose the AMWD, unions are divided. In many EU countries, unions support the AMWD, while in Denmark and Sweden, they oppose it. This article aims to answer the question: Why do unions in some member states support the AMWD, while unions in other countries oppose it? Drawing on 27 semi-structured interviews with union representatives from 13 EU countries, the article presents a typology of union positions towards AMWD consisting of three types: domestically-oriented opposition, domestically-oriented support, and externally-oriented support. The article proposes an explanation for these three different types that is based on two variables: bargaining coverage, and the role of state institutions in protecting it.
{"title":"Unions divided? Trade union attitudes towards the European Union’s Directive on Adequate Minimum Wages","authors":"Eriks Ozols, Stefan Ivanov Hristov, Thomas Paster","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241245007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241245007","url":null,"abstract":"In October 2022, the European Union adopted a directive on adequate minimum wages in the European Union (AMWD). This directive has sparked considerable controversy. While employers uniformly oppose the AMWD, unions are divided. In many EU countries, unions support the AMWD, while in Denmark and Sweden, they oppose it. This article aims to answer the question: Why do unions in some member states support the AMWD, while unions in other countries oppose it? Drawing on 27 semi-structured interviews with union representatives from 13 EU countries, the article presents a typology of union positions towards AMWD consisting of three types: domestically-oriented opposition, domestically-oriented support, and externally-oriented support. The article proposes an explanation for these three different types that is based on two variables: bargaining coverage, and the role of state institutions in protecting it.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140637071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-09DOI: 10.1177/0143831x241235287
Stefan Tengblad, Thomas Andersson
Sweden has the reputation of being one of the most progressive countries in the world concerning work-life development and industrial democracy. In this article, an analytical overview of the development in these areas is provided, which includes the antecedents, major events, actor positioning and also the broad-term outcomes. Two major reform movements are described: one aiming to create a radically different work-life where workers control their own work with a power balance between labour and capital, and one a reformist movement aiming to create a degree of co-determination and a more engaging work-life without any major changes in power relations. The case shows that the radical movement was not able to generate radical change and that the reformistic movement achieved only partial success. The outcome over time has been a decreased interest in work-life development where co-determination practices are heavily institutionalized but perhaps do not provide better conditions for workers than in many other advanced industrial countries with a lesser degree of formal co-determination.
{"title":"The struggle for industrial democracy in Sweden: A sociological macro-meso analysis 1960–2020","authors":"Stefan Tengblad, Thomas Andersson","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241235287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241235287","url":null,"abstract":"Sweden has the reputation of being one of the most progressive countries in the world concerning work-life development and industrial democracy. In this article, an analytical overview of the development in these areas is provided, which includes the antecedents, major events, actor positioning and also the broad-term outcomes. Two major reform movements are described: one aiming to create a radically different work-life where workers control their own work with a power balance between labour and capital, and one a reformist movement aiming to create a degree of co-determination and a more engaging work-life without any major changes in power relations. The case shows that the radical movement was not able to generate radical change and that the reformistic movement achieved only partial success. The outcome over time has been a decreased interest in work-life development where co-determination practices are heavily institutionalized but perhaps do not provide better conditions for workers than in many other advanced industrial countries with a lesser degree of formal co-determination.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140580391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-06DOI: 10.1177/0143831x241240616
José Antonio Llosa, Enrique Iglesias-Martínez, Esteban Agulló-Tomás, Sara Menéndez-Espina, Beatriz Oliveros
Suicidal ideation is a variable prior to suicidal behaviour and one of the main producers of risk of death by suicide. The sample consisted of a total of 1,288 people living in Spain who at the time of answering the questionnaire were in active employment. Contractual status is a significant variable for the prediction of suicidal ideation. Contractual temporality is a risk factor for suicidal ideation, whereas permanent employment is a protective factor. In suicidal ideation, job insecurity is a mediating risk factor and a key dimension of job precariousness because of the adverse effects on mental health it causes. Job insecurity interacts with objective causes of precariousness and is presented as a necessary variable for understanding the relationship between these material causes and suicidal thoughts.
{"title":"The effect of precarious employment on suicidal ideation: A serial mediation model with contractual temporality and job insecurity","authors":"José Antonio Llosa, Enrique Iglesias-Martínez, Esteban Agulló-Tomás, Sara Menéndez-Espina, Beatriz Oliveros","doi":"10.1177/0143831x241240616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831x241240616","url":null,"abstract":"Suicidal ideation is a variable prior to suicidal behaviour and one of the main producers of risk of death by suicide. The sample consisted of a total of 1,288 people living in Spain who at the time of answering the questionnaire were in active employment. Contractual status is a significant variable for the prediction of suicidal ideation. Contractual temporality is a risk factor for suicidal ideation, whereas permanent employment is a protective factor. In suicidal ideation, job insecurity is a mediating risk factor and a key dimension of job precariousness because of the adverse effects on mental health it causes. Job insecurity interacts with objective causes of precariousness and is presented as a necessary variable for understanding the relationship between these material causes and suicidal thoughts.","PeriodicalId":47456,"journal":{"name":"Economic and Industrial Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2024-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140580480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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