Medical Anthropology最新文献

In 2019, Spanish fertility clinics reached a historical record of ova extractions. A total of 14,521 surgeries were performed to serve the growing egg demand internationally. Here I show how bringing a cycle to completion is not an easy task for egg donors. Selecting a clinic, understanding their own biocapital in the industry and how to invest it, fitting the cycle into their lives, and managing pain and emotions become crucial parts of their work. I argue that these activities constitute a vast amount of labor that, although essential for the generation of value in reproductive bioeconomies, remains invisible and undertheorized.

In response to the changing landscape of transnational surrogacy, the industry has introduced flexible business models requiring women to move within and across borders to act as surrogate mothers. However, knowledge about their experiences remain vague, particularly concerning women traveling abroad under illegal conditions. Building upon interviews with Thai surrogate mothers, I demonstrate how their im/mobility reveals critical insights into labor conditions and power relations and is formed within the global reproductive industry as well as the specific national context. I also argue that the women's im/mobility and flexibility are central when making themselves bioavailable for the global surrogacy market.

Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in a Northern Cypriot clinic, I examine how practices of secrecy function as strategic tools for invisibilization in the lived realities of Turkish egg donors engaged in an illicit, gendered, and stigmatized form of reproductive labor, both within and across national borders. Combining feminist studies of reproductive labor with an analysis of secrecy, stigma, and dirty work, I adopt a notion of secrecy as an embodied social practice to explore ethnographically how secrecy is integral to the bioavailability of Turkish egg donors. Secret practices enable these young women to intimately navigate gendered moral, health, socio-legal, and financial concerns within the challenging wider context of restrictive reproductive biopolitics, a legally ambigious cross-border biomedical market, fragile socio-economic conditions, and a heteropatriarchal sexual culture in Turkey. For Turkish egg donors, who opt for strategic invisibilization, moral and financial concerns sometimes override health and legal considerations. Secrecy sustains this transnational bioeconomy while simultaneously concealing its exploitative harms and risks.

In this article, we explore the perspectives of commercial gestational surrogates in California, USA. Women who gestate for others reveal themselves as important agents in the process of giving meaning and cultural legitimacy to their practice, thus demonstrating their capacity to act in their own interest and resignify their work in their own terms. To them, surrogacy is more than wage labor. They assert the importance of their experience as a source of professional skills, downplaying its monetary value and placing it within favorable moral frameworks, thus finding cultural legitimacy. In doing so, they bridge the divide between traditional female reproductive work (unpaid emotional, relational, and care work) and productive work (paid professional work in the public sphere). They achieve this without subverting the underlying values of western kinship. The results shed light on employability and entrepreneurship of surrogates in the fertility industry of California.

Based on fieldwork in maternity wards in Tanzania, I argue that the partograph - a graphical representation of a pregnant woman's labor - far exceeds its intended role as tracking and surveillance of labor progress. Through surveillance and its concomitant documentation, nurses, especially, also utilize this document to co-create care for themselves and their colleagues. These forms of care proliferate largely unseen by global health systems but are vital for understanding the meeting point of bureaucracy, surveillance, and care and the dynamics of maternity care in this and other lower resource settings. Nurses use the partograph to generate novel forms of surveillance-care.

In Senegal, where pregnancy is "women's business," men's roles in prenatal and postpartum care are mediated by gendered expectations of what expectant fathers are allowed to know and do. Expectant fathers' roles map onto masculine expectations of the authoritative, sovereign head-of-household. Using the state-authored Handbook of Mother and Child Health, I argue that state surveillance is refracted through preexisting masculine prenatal care roles, and that men willingly articulate themselves to the role of the surveillance state by relying on the Handbook as a guide for how to watch their pregnant partners and make sure they are adhering to its guidance.

Jihan, a former Kurdish guerilla fighter, struggles to gain medical treatment for the health problems she suffers as a result of war and trauma. The provision of care in Turkey has been motivated by ethno-political security concerns. Therefore, medical encounters are characterized by silences, not-knowing and of averting danger. Based on theories of ignorance, I explore how experiences of war and torture constitute dangerous knowledge that are difficult to share in a context, without a guaranteed therapeutic safe space. Patient and doctor navigate mistrust, silences and proxy-reasons in an attempt to deal with the traumata and violent experiences left unsaid.

Based on fieldwork in Danish families living with ADHD, we expand on Nielsen's insight that ADHD is experienced as a state of desynchronization by showing how family members' rhythms mutually affect each other. We argue that ADHD is not only a biological and psychiatric condition, but also a temporal and socially responsive phenomenon. The intensity of ADHD is influenced by mutual affect in families and by general life circumstances. Families constitute bodily networks through which sensations, moods, rhythms, and practices spread and are passed down through generations. Yet, families use various time work strategies to manage rhythm affect.