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Breaching the EU governance by decompression 通过减压破坏欧盟治理
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2276286
Vratislav Havlík, Vít Hloušek
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引用次数: 0
EU trade liberalisation, sectoral coalitions and development: insights from Moldova and Georgia 欧盟贸易自由化、行业联盟与发展:来自摩尔多瓦和格鲁吉亚的见解
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2270773
Julia Langbein, Denis Cenusa, Irina Guruli
This paper contributes to the literature on EU trade policy by introducing insights from the political economy literature on development to the study of how EU trade liberalisation affects development in trading partners. Drawing on a comparison of EU trade liberalisation with Moldova and Georgia, we argue that the type of coalition between public and private actors in partner countries’ top export sectors determines which firms benefit from better market access to the EU, as indicated by their ability to increase their exports. We show that liberalised trade with the EU tends to contribute to achieving the EU’s declared objective of inclusive development if the presence of inclusionary development coalitions ensures that a broad range of firms is enabled to increase their export capacities through a mechanism that we call ‘inclusive empowerment’. Otherwise, trade liberalisation contributes to exclusive development, benefitting big, mostly foreign firms, or, at worse, consolidating rent-seeking practices.
本文通过引入关于发展的政治经济学文献的见解来研究欧盟贸易自由化如何影响贸易伙伴的发展,从而为欧盟贸易政策的文献做出了贡献。通过对欧盟贸易自由化与摩尔多瓦和格鲁吉亚的比较,我们认为,伙伴国家最大出口部门的公共和私人行为体之间的联盟类型决定了哪些公司从更好的欧盟市场准入中受益,正如它们增加出口的能力所表明的那样。我们表明,如果包容性发展联盟的存在确保了广泛的公司能够通过我们称之为“包容性授权”的机制增加其出口能力,那么与欧盟的自由化贸易往往有助于实现欧盟宣布的包容性发展目标。否则,贸易自由化会助长排他性发展,使大型(主要是外国公司)受益,或者更糟糕的是,巩固寻租行为。
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引用次数: 0
De-Europeanization as discursive disengagement: has Georgia “got lost” on its way to European integration? 作为话语脱离的去欧洲化:格鲁吉亚在通往欧洲一体化的道路上“迷失”了吗?
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2278072
Lia Tsuladze, Nino Abzianidze, Mariam Amashukeli, Lela Javakhishvili
This article looks at de-Europeanization as a progressive disengagement between domestic authorities and EU actors manifested through their discourses. The authors view discursive disengagement as consisting of two major aspects: Discursive opposition between domestic authorities and the EU reflected in their conflicting statements and the intensification of this discursive opposition, whereby the domestic authorities’ discourses shift from defensive to offensive ones. The authors trace the respective developments based on the case of Georgia, looking at the discursive interaction between domestic and EU actors in the Georgian TV media from July 2021 to June 2022. The research has revealed Georgian authorities’ discursive opposition to EU actors behind the façade of seemingly pro-European statements. After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, this discursive opposition has escalated and become offensive. The authors use quantitative content analysis to map actor-discourse networks, as well as critical discourse analysis to reveal deeper layers of de-Europeanization discourse.
本文将去欧洲化视为国内当局与欧盟行动者之间通过其话语表现出来的渐进式脱离接触。作者认为,话语脱离包括两个主要方面:一是国内当局与欧盟之间的话语对立,反映在他们相互冲突的言论上;二是这种话语对立的加剧,国内当局的话语从防御性转向进攻性。作者以格鲁吉亚为例追溯了各自的发展,考察了2021年7月至2022年6月格鲁吉亚电视媒体中国内和欧盟行动者之间的话语互动。这项研究揭示了格鲁吉亚当局在表面上亲欧言论背后对欧盟行为者的口头反对。在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰之后,这种言论的反对已经升级并变得具有攻击性。作者使用定量内容分析来绘制行为者-话语网络,以及批判性话语分析来揭示去欧洲化话语的更深层次。
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引用次数: 0
Compliance negotiations in EU external relations: the case of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement 欧盟对外关系中的合规谈判:以欧盟-乌克兰联系国协定为例
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2272732
Maryna Rabinovych, Anne Pintsch
The article advances the research on compliance negotiations in the context of the EU’s external relations. It develops further the framework on EU compliance negotiations, introduced by Jönsson and Tallberg in 1998, and provides empirical evidence from a case study on the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement’s implementation. The article suggests three arguments for the expansion of the original framework. Firstly, we add to the framework the case of pre-emptive compliance negotiations, i.e. negotiations in view of anticipated non-compliance. Secondly, it is suggested to supplement the original framework with the ‘object of negotiations’ category, as the issue at stake influences other variables in compliance negotiations, such as the power relations between the parties and the conflictive vs. cooperative nature of the negotiations. Thirdly, the article unpacks the role of multistakeholder networks in the dynamics of compliance negotiations in the EU’s external relations.
本文提出了欧盟对外关系背景下的合规谈判研究。本文进一步发展了Jönsson和Tallberg于1998年提出的欧盟合规谈判框架,并从欧盟-乌克兰联系国协定实施的案例研究中提供了经验证据。本文提出了扩展原始框架的三个论点。首先,我们在框架中加入了先发制人的遵守谈判,即针对预期的不遵守进行谈判。其次,建议用“谈判对象”类别补充原有框架,因为利害攸关的问题会影响合规谈判中的其他变量,例如各方之间的权力关系以及谈判的冲突与合作性质。第三,本文揭示了多利益相关者网络在欧盟对外关系合规谈判动态中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
In Europe we trust: selecting and empowering EU institutions in disruptive circumstances 在欧洲,我们相信:在混乱的环境中选择并授权欧盟机构
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-22 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2272037
Eugenia C. Heldt, Elena Ríos Camacho, Tony Mueller
Over the past decade, the European Union (EU) made significant strides in economic and fiscal policy integration without formal treaty-based changes. After the euro crisis, member states granted the European Central Bank banking supervisory powers. During the pandemic, they entrusted the European Commission with raising EU debt through NextGenerationEurope. This article examines the empowerment of supranational institutions as a deliberate ajustment to disruptive circumstances. By so doing, it demonstrates that empowerment can happen through legislative acts and joint decisions by member states. The study reveals that when states have multiple agent options, like in the banking union, they select the institution they trust the most. Conversely, in nested delegation games, extensive monitoring and reporting requirements, as in the case of NextGenerationEurope, are aimed at avoiding the defection of single member states, what we call ”principal slack”, at the implementation stage.
在过去十年中,欧盟在经济和财政政策一体化方面取得了重大进展,但没有对条约进行正式修改。欧元危机后,成员国授予欧洲央行银行监管权。疫情期间,他们委托欧盟委员会通过“下一代欧洲”(NextGenerationEurope)筹集欧盟债务。本文考察了超国家机构的授权作为对破坏性环境的蓄意调整。通过这样做,它表明授权可以通过立法行为和成员国的联合决定来实现。研究表明,当国家有多个代理选择时,比如在银行业联盟中,他们会选择自己最信任的机构。相反,在嵌套的授权游戏中,广泛的监控和报告要求(如NextGenerationEurope的情况)旨在避免单个成员国在执行阶段的背叛,即我们所说的“主要懈怠”。
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引用次数: 1
Governing Global Spaces: the roles of the European Union and other major powers 治理全球空间:欧盟和其他大国的角色
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-22 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2270616
Sieglinde Gstöhl, Simon Schunz
ABSTRACTThis article offers a comparative assessment of the current roles of the European Union (EU) in the governance of the Global Spaces − the atmosphere, the high seas, the poles, outer space, and cyberspace. It does so from a twofold perspective: first, it compares the EU’s capacity to act and roles across the Global Spaces, drawing on actorness and role theory. Second, to contextualize the EU’s roles, it contrasts them with those of the United States, China and Russia. The findings show that the EU is still in the process of calibrating its roles in the governance of most of these Global Spaces. It is primarily a norm defender, which distinguishes its external action from the more competitive approaches of other major powers. The EU’s recent attempt to become more strategic has, for now, led to a gap between its role conception and performance, largely due to its limited actorness.KEYWORDS: ActornessatmospherecyberspaceEuropean UnionGlobal Spaceshigh seasouter spacepolar regionsrole theory Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
摘要本文对欧盟(EU)在全球空间(大气、公海、极地、外层空间和网络空间)治理中的当前角色进行了比较评估。它是从两个角度来做的:首先,它比较了欧盟在全球空间中的行动能力和角色,借鉴了行动者和角色理论。其次,为了将欧盟的角色置于大背景下,本文将其与美国、中国和俄罗斯的角色进行了对比。调查结果表明,欧盟仍在调整其在大多数全球空间治理中的角色。它主要是规范的捍卫者,这使它的对外行动有别于其他大国更具竞争性的做法。欧盟最近试图变得更具战略性,但就目前而言,这导致了其角色概念与表现之间的差距,这主要是由于它的角色有限。关键词:行动者大气网络空间欧盟全球空间高纬度外层空间极区角色理论披露声明作者未报告潜在利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Paper 3: the EU and the governance of the Maritime Global Space 文件3:欧盟与海洋全球空间治理
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-22 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2270615
Marianne Riddervold
This article investigates the extent to which the European Union (EU) contributes to the governance of Global Spaces by exploring its policies towards the maritime domain. In a more competitive and uncertain geopolitical setting, are the EU’s policies changing and becoming more strategic? Or does the EU continue to promote multilateral cooperation and regulation of the maritime Global Space, and if so, what type of governance regimes does it promote? Developing and applying three analytical models of Global Space policies, the article finds that the EU has been consistent in its approach, which reflects a combination of its strong interest in free navigation and an attempt to achieve sustainable growth through climate regulation. Despite more geopolitical conflict in these areas and in international relations more broadly, the EU’s approach to the maritime Global Space is to promote international governance regimes.
本文调查了欧盟(EU)通过探索其对海洋领域的政策对全球空间治理的贡献程度。在竞争更加激烈、地缘政治环境更加不确定的情况下,欧盟的政策是否正在发生变化,并变得更具战略性?欧盟是否会继续推动海洋全球空间的多边合作和监管?如果会,欧盟会推动什么样的治理机制?本文开发并应用了全球空间政策的三种分析模型,发现欧盟的方法是一致的,这反映了它对自由航行的强烈兴趣和通过气候监管实现可持续增长的尝试。尽管在这些地区以及更广泛的国际关系中存在更多地缘政治冲突,但欧盟对海洋全球空间的态度是促进国际治理机制。
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引用次数: 0
Leaving the dragon’s shadow – Normative Power Europe and the emergence of a Taiwan policy in the EU? 离开龙的阴影——欧洲规范力量与欧盟对台政策的出现?
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2258263
Frédéric Krumbein
For a long time, Taiwan was confined to being an object of the EU’s China policy, but the EU increasingly treats Taiwan as a partner in its own right. EU-Taiwan relations are in their most dynamic stage since the EU opened its representative office in Taipei in 2003. But the ‘One China policy’ still constrains EU-Taiwan relations, as the EU only recognizes the People’s Republic of China as a sovereign state and not Taiwan. The article analyzes EU-Taiwan relations through the lens of Normative Power Europe. Taiwan has gained more attention and support in the EU, because Taiwan is Asia’s most liberal democracy. Furthermore, Taiwan also fits well into the EU’s geo-economic strategy of de-risking. China’s increasingly aggressive policy towards Taiwan and strong support from the United States for Taiwan strengthen the EU’s support for Taiwan, too.
长期以来,台湾一直被局限于欧盟对华政策的对象,但欧盟越来越把台湾视为自己的伙伴。欧盟与台湾的关系正处于2003年欧盟在台北设立代表处以来最活跃的阶段。但“一个中国政策”仍然制约着欧盟与台湾的关系,因为欧盟只承认中华人民共和国是一个主权国家,而不承认台湾。本文从“规范性权力欧洲”的视角来分析欧盟与台湾的关系。台湾在欧盟获得了更多的关注和支持,因为台湾是亚洲最自由的民主国家。此外,台湾也非常符合欧盟降低风险的地缘经济战略。中国对台湾的政策越来越咄咄逼人,美国对台湾的大力支持也加强了欧盟对台湾的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Europe, the MENA region and knowledge production Reviewed books Joseph, S., Meari, L., and Zaatari, Z. (Eds.). The Politics of Engaged Gender Research in the Arab Region: Feminist Fieldwork and the Production of Knowledge . Bloomsbury Publishing , 2022.Kmak, M., and Björklund, H. Refugees and Knowledge Production: Europe’s Past and Present (p. 234) . Taylor & Francis , 2022.Pace, M., and Völkel, J. C. Knowledge production in higher education: The Middle… 欧洲,中东和北非地区和知识生产回顾书籍约瑟夫,S., Meari, L.,和Zaatari, Z.(编辑)。阿拉伯地区参与式性别研究的政治:女性主义田野调查与知识生产。布卢姆斯伯里出版社,2022年。M. Kmak, Björklund, H.《难民与知识生产:欧洲的过去与现在》(第234页)。泰勒,弗朗西斯,2022年。Pace, M.和Völkel, J. C.高等教育中的知识生产:中…
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2259647
Dafne Carletti, Sara Tonsy
ABSTRACTKnowledge production is one of the most important elements of human interaction. It shapes identities, determines policies, and reflects the understanding of borders and geographies. For instance, how Europe and the MENA region perceive one another depends largely on who creates the discourse, and under which disciplines these discourses are elaborated. For centuries, however, discourse creation has been regulated by neoliberal and patriarchal interests. Such (super-)structures frame how these regions are represented, leading to colonial assumptions, biased knowledge and objectifying research. We argue that knowledge of Europe and the MENA, its creation and diffusion should be critical and horizontal practices, moving towards deterritorialization and decolonisation. Not to succumb to a ‘regional’ hierarchy of global North/South, we need to reflect on the positioning of researchers, acknowledging the liminality of identities, to appreciate the dynamic nature of boundaries, and to revisit various elements of knowledge production as language, freedom of movement, and funding. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
摘要知识生产是人类交往的重要内容之一。它塑造了身份,决定了政策,反映了对边界和地理的理解。例如,欧洲和中东和北非地区如何看待彼此在很大程度上取决于谁创造了话语,以及这些话语是在哪些学科下阐述的。然而,几个世纪以来,话语创造一直受到新自由主义和父权利益的制约。这样的(超)结构框定了这些地区的表现方式,导致了殖民假设、有偏见的知识和客观化的研究。我们认为,欧洲和中东和北非的知识,其创建和传播应该是关键的和横向的做法,走向去领土化和非殖民化。为了不屈服于全球南北的“区域”等级制度,我们需要反思研究人员的定位,承认身份的有限性,欣赏边界的动态本质,并重新审视知识生产的各种要素,如语言、行动自由和资金。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Crisis and paradigm change in the European semester: from austerity to investment-oriented policy ideas 欧洲学期的危机和范式变化:从紧缩到投资导向的政策思想
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2258442
Alice Cavalieri, Johannes Karremans
The policy-responses to the COVID-19 pandemic have fuelled expectations about potential paradigmatic change in European Economic Governance (EEG). Building on existing scholarship on policy paradigms, we develop testable expectations about the steps preceding paradigmatic change, which we explore on the basis of three types of data. First, we show how public spending in three key Eurozone countries between 2008 and 2021 follows predicted patterns of the punctuated equilibrium model. Second, we show that governments’ justifications for their annual budgets reflect a gradual change in policy-ideas between 2009 and 2020, following the expected three orders of change. Third, we show how this gradual change is also present in the European Country-Specific Recommendations and in the bureaucratic logics within the European Commission. Our findings reconcile three strands of scholarship on policy change and have implications for our understanding of the European integration process and for future research on economic policy-making within EEG.
针对COVID-19大流行的政策应对引发了人们对欧洲经济治理(EEG)可能发生范式变化的预期。在现有政策范式研究的基础上,我们对范式变化之前的步骤提出了可测试的期望,我们基于三种类型的数据进行了探索。首先,我们展示了2008年至2021年间三个主要欧元区国家的公共支出如何遵循间断均衡模型的预测模式。其次,我们表明,政府对其年度预算的理由反映了2009年至2020年间政策观念的逐步变化,并遵循了预期的三个变化顺序。第三,我们展示了这种渐进变化如何也出现在欧洲具体国家建议和欧盟委员会内部的官僚逻辑中。我们的研究结果调和了关于政策变化的三种学术观点,并对我们对欧洲一体化进程的理解以及对EEG中经济政策制定的未来研究具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of European Integration
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