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The transformation and design of EU restrictive measures against Russia 欧盟对俄限制措施的转变与设计
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2190105
Katharina L. Meissner, Chiara Graziani
ABSTRACT Sanctions were the European Union’s (EU) immediate response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. These restrictive measures focus on specific individuals, entities, goods, services, and sectors. Out of a need for nuanced data, we map and analyze the entire set of EU sanctions imposed on Russia since 2014 until today. We show and argue that the sanctions’ design has become increasingly comprehensive over the past months which reflects the EU’s geopolitical considerations in carving out a response to the unparalleled threat imposed by Russia. Our new, author-created dataset covers the complete track record of Council decisions, regulations, and annexes of these restrictive measures, and thereby offers fine-grained information on the transformation and design of EU sanctions against Russia and the Russian-controlled areas in Ukraine.
摘要制裁是欧盟对俄罗斯于2022年2月24日入侵乌克兰的直接回应。这些限制性措施侧重于特定的个人、实体、商品、服务和部门。出于对细致入微数据的需要,我们绘制并分析了自2014年至今欧盟对俄罗斯实施的整套制裁。我们表明并认为,在过去几个月里,制裁的设计变得越来越全面,这反映了欧盟在应对俄罗斯施加的无与伦比的威胁时的地缘政治考虑。我们由作者创建的新数据集涵盖了安理会决定、法规和这些限制性措施附件的完整记录,从而提供了有关欧盟对俄罗斯和俄罗斯在乌克兰控制区制裁的转变和设计的精细信息。
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引用次数: 4
A moving target. EU actorness and the Russian invasion of Ukraine 一个移动的目标。欧盟行为与俄罗斯入侵乌克兰
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2183394
Oriol Costa, Esther Barbé
ABSTRACT The war in Ukraine sends mixed signals about the capacity of the EU to be a relevant actor. Despite steps forward over defense, strategic autonomy has been seen as a ‘pipe dream’ that has encountered a ‘reality check’. Key member states are in a similar predicament. Despite talk of a Zeitenwende, Germany has been deemed a ‘reluctant giant’. France has allegedly seen discourse on European sovereignty vindicated, but at the same time has managed to alienate a few EU countries. We interpret this ambivalence as an effect of the fragmentation of the liberal international order, accelerated by war in Ukraine, and claim that this process is increasing the requirements for EU actorness. We then identify a range of reactions to such situation. We map them and leverage the mapping to offer a research agenda on the politics of EU foreign policy.
乌克兰战争发出了关于欧盟作为相关行动者的能力的复杂信号。尽管在国防方面取得了进展,但战略自主一直被视为遭遇“现实检验”的“白日梦”。主要成员国也处于类似的困境。尽管有“时代转型”的说法,但德国一直被认为是一个“不情愿的巨人”。据称,法国已经看到有关欧洲主权的言论是正确的,但与此同时,它也设法疏远了一些欧盟国家。我们将这种矛盾心理解释为自由国际秩序分裂的结果,乌克兰战争加速了这一进程,并声称这一进程正在增加对欧盟行动者的要求。然后我们确定对这种情况的一系列反应。我们将它们绘制成地图,并利用这一地图来提供有关欧盟外交政策政治的研究议程。
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引用次数: 7
Third time lucky? Reconciling EU climate and external energy policy during energy security crises 第三次幸运?在能源安全危机期间协调欧盟气候和外部能源政策
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2190588
M. Giuli, S. Oberthür
ABSTRACT The Russian aggression against Ukraine brought energy security to the top of the European policy agenda. Existing literature suggests that the prioritization of energy security would come at the expense of climate policy. We argue that the EU’s response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine may constitute a departure from this pattern. Our assessment shows a higher level of coherence of objectives and instruments between energy security and climate objectives than the EU’s energy policy responses to previous crises with Russia, notably the gas supply crisis of 2009 and the annexation of Crimea in 2014. While some uncertainty about final outcomes remains, we argue that change in several contextual conditions helps explain coherent policy outputs and make coherent outcomes more likely on the occasion of the present crisis.
摘要俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略使能源安全成为欧洲政策议程的首要议题。现有文献表明,能源安全的优先次序将以牺牲气候政策为代价。我们认为,欧盟对俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的反应可能偏离了这种模式。我们的评估显示,能源安全和气候目标之间的目标和工具的一致性高于欧盟对之前与俄罗斯的危机的能源政策反应,特别是2009年的天然气供应危机和2014年吞并克里米亚。尽管最终结果仍存在一些不确定性,但我们认为,几个背景条件的变化有助于解释连贯的政策产出,并在当前危机的情况下更有可能产生连贯的结果。
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引用次数: 4
The impact of Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine on public perceptions of EU security and defence integration: a big data analysis 俄罗斯2022年入侵乌克兰对公众对欧盟安全和防务一体化看法的影响:一项大数据分析
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2183392
O. Fernández, Marie Vandendriessche, Á. Saz-Carranza, N. Agell, Javier A. Franco
ABSTRACT The 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine sent shockwaves through Europe and led to rapid policy changes concomitant with variations in citizen perceptions. This article analyses how EU public opinion on security and defence matters has reacted to the war: what patterns of change and continuity can be detected, what differences are visible between Member States, and how might those be explained? Our analysis draws on big data-based sentiment analysis of news sources, reflecting a widely recognized connection between media coverage and public opinion – especially during crisis times – and complementing more traditional measurements of citizen perceptions such as opinion polls. Broadly speaking, we find that the invasion has heightened rather than fundamentally altered underlying trends. Our article contributes to a growing literature on the acceptability of European integration in security and defence, showing that publics are generally supportive of it, and regard it as complementary to NATO.
摘要2022年俄罗斯入侵乌克兰在欧洲引发了轩然大波,并导致了政策的快速变化,同时公民观念也发生了变化。本文分析了欧盟在安全和国防问题上的公众舆论对战争的反应:可以发现哪些变化和连续性模式,成员国之间存在哪些差异,以及如何解释这些差异?我们的分析借鉴了基于大数据的新闻来源情绪分析,反映了媒体报道与公众舆论之间公认的联系——尤其是在危机时期——并补充了民意调查等更传统的公民感知测量。总的来说,我们发现入侵加剧了而不是从根本上改变了根本趋势。我们的文章为越来越多的关于欧洲在安全和国防方面一体化的可接受性的文献做出了贡献,表明公众普遍支持它,并认为它是对北约的补充。
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引用次数: 5
In every crisis an opportunity? European Union integration in defence and the War on Ukraine 每一次危机都是一次机会?欧盟防务一体化与乌克兰战争
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2183395
Daniel Fiott
ABSTRACT Russia’s war on Ukraine has upended the European security order. Ukraine has requested EU membership, unprecedented sanctions have been imposed on Russia, European countries have shipped weapons and munitions to Ukraine and NATO has shored up its military presence. Despite such action, is it possible to speak of a transformative moment or ‘Zeitenwende’ for EU security and defence? This article analyses the state of EU integration in defence since the war on Ukraine. Drawing on hypotheses developed under ‘new intergovernmentalism’, this article analyses how EU Member State preferences in defence and intergovernmental-supranational dynamics are being shaped by the war. In particular, the article probes how supranational and intergovernmental institutions have reacted to the war and how domestic preferences have fed into recent EU defence efforts. In doing so, the article provides a preliminary assessment of the state of EU integration in defence since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争颠覆了欧洲的安全秩序。乌克兰申请加入欧盟,俄罗斯受到前所未有的制裁,欧洲国家向乌克兰运送武器和弹药,北约加强了其军事存在。尽管采取了这样的行动,欧盟安全和防务是否有可能迎来变革时刻或“时代”?本文分析了乌克兰战争以来欧盟防务一体化的现状。根据“新政府间主义”提出的假设,本文分析了欧盟成员国在国防和政府间-超国家动态方面的偏好是如何被战争塑造的。文章特别探讨了超国家和政府间机构对战争的反应,以及国内偏好如何影响欧盟最近的防务努力。在此过程中,本文对自俄罗斯入侵乌克兰以来欧盟在防务方面的一体化状况进行了初步评估。
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引用次数: 7
The establishment of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office: integration with limited supranationalisation? 欧洲检察官办公室的建立:与有限的超国家的融合?
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2196069
L. Schmeer
ABSTRACT In 2017, member states established the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO), an EU body investigating and prosecuting offences against the EU financial interests. This article analyses the relation between the institutional design of the EPPO and sovereignty concerns of member states. Combining the core state powers framework with literature on Council negotiation dynamics, it argues that the Council was divided regarding how far-reaching the authority of this new body vis-à-vis member states should be or to what extent member states should retain control over the body. A qualitative discourse analysis shows that the competition between states sharing a supranational position regarding the EPPO and those sharing an intergovernmental position resulted in the creation of a complex and ambiguous body. These findings contribute to the literature on agencification of Justice and Home Affairs as well as, more broadly, to scholarship on the construction of new types of authority.
摘要2017年,成员国成立了欧洲检察官办公室(EPPO),这是一个调查和起诉侵犯欧盟金融利益犯罪的欧盟机构。本文分析了EPPO的制度设计与成员国主权关切之间的关系。它将核心国家权力框架与安理会谈判动态的文献相结合,认为安理会在这个新机构对成员国的权力应该有多深远,或者成员国应该在多大程度上保留对该机构的控制方面存在分歧。定性话语分析表明,在EPPO问题上持超国家立场的国家与持政府间立场的国家之间的竞争导致了一个复杂而模糊的机构的产生。这些发现有助于研究司法和内政机构的文献,也有助于更广泛地研究新型权威的构建。
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引用次数: 0
Towards a legally plausible theory of judicialization in the European Union 欧盟司法化的法律合理性理论
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2190104
Julien Bois, Mark Dawson
ABSTRACT This article examines the development of judicialization literature in the EU arguing that – in spite of the obvious advantages of inter-disciplinary collaboration – scholarship on judicialization in law and political science is drafting apart in the 21st Century. While early political science research on the European Courts found theoretical inspiration in legal research, law and political science have increasingly diverging epistemological and methodological starting points. As the article argues, using prominent papers, this results in both disciplines producing partial accounts of judicial change with limited external validity. The article concludes by offering routes to improving the inter-disciplinary foundations of judicialization research.
摘要本文考察了欧盟司法化文献的发展,认为尽管跨学科合作具有明显的优势,但法律和政治学中的司法化学术在21世纪正在兴起。虽然早期对欧洲法院的政治学研究在法律研究中找到了理论灵感,但法律和政治学的认识论和方法论起点越来越不同。正如文章所说,使用著名的论文,这导致两个学科都对司法变革进行了部分描述,外部有效性有限。文章最后提出了完善司法化跨学科研究的途径。
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引用次数: 0
Implementation performance in the field of the EU Customs Union: consequences of differentiated policy implementation on customs control efficiency 欧盟关税同盟领域的执行绩效:差别化政策执行对海关管制效率的影响
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-02 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2183198
Mikel Erkoreka, Asier Blas
ABSTRACT Research in differentiated policy implementation in the European Union is in vogue because of its strengths for deploying public policies and assessing policy outcomes. This article sets out a path dependency argument about the dynamics of differentiated customs policy implementation in the EU. We analyse two highly representative cases of customs fraud to develop a quantitative and qualitative approach to the impact of customisation on customs control performance: the first, linked to an exercise of unfair competition; the second, a case of customs common standards ‘misinterpretation’ related to path dependency. We conclude that differentiated policy implementation has proved inefficient for ensuring an equivalent level playing field of customs controls in the EU, resulting in three substantial negative outcomes: economic and budgetary; problem-solving capacity; and output legitimacy. Differentiated policy implementation can lead to a competitive disadvantage, especially when dealing with policies that do not permit any graduation in their fulfilment.
欧盟差别化政策实施研究因其在公共政策部署和政策结果评估方面的优势而备受青睐。本文提出了关于欧盟差异化关税政策实施动态的路径依赖论证。我们分析了两个极具代表性的海关欺诈案例,以开发一种定量和定性的方法来研究定制对海关管制绩效的影响:第一,与不公平竞争的行为有关;第二,与路径依赖相关的海关共同标准“误解”案例。我们的结论是,事实证明,在确保欧盟海关管制的同等公平竞争环境方面,差异化政策的实施效率低下,导致了三个实质性的负面结果:经济和预算;解决问题的能力;以及产出合法性。差异化的政策执行可能导致竞争劣势,特别是在处理不允许任何毕业的政策执行时。
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引用次数: 2
Riding the Eurosceptic tiger vs taming it by technocracy: the UK and France as two ideal types of how to manage hard Euroscepticism 驾驭欧洲怀疑主义之虎vs驯服技术官僚:英国和法国是应对强硬的欧洲怀疑主义的两种理想模式
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2183197
Andrew Glencross
ABSTRACT This article provides a Weberian ideal-type framework to capture elite strategies for managing hard Euroscepticism and their consequences for EU disintegration. It does so by drawing on policy evolution theory to conceptualise two ideal types representing contrasting strategies: taming Euroscepticism by technocratic adaptation or embracing it. This framework is used to analyse empirical examples that match these two ideal-type approaches respectively: France and the UK between 2004 and 17. The use of this framework is a novel way of explaining the evolution and differences between elite French and UK responses to hard Euroscepticism by showing how and why French EU policy remained intra-paradigmatic as compared to the paradigm shift of Brexit. This approach allows for a better understanding of the process and probability of EU disintegration by linking the latter to strategic policy choices. In a UK context, it also offers a way to anticipate the signals leading to a reversal of disintegration.
本文提供了一个韦伯式的理想型框架,以捕捉管理硬欧洲怀疑主义及其对欧盟解体的后果的精英战略。它通过借鉴政策演化理论,将两种代表截然不同策略的理想类型概念化:通过技术官僚式的适应来驯服欧洲怀疑主义,或者接受它。这一框架分别用于分析与这两种理想型方法相匹配的实证例子:2004年至2017年的法国和英国。这一框架的使用是解释法国和英国精英阶层对强硬的欧洲怀疑主义反应的演变和差异的一种新颖方式,它展示了与英国退欧的范式转变相比,法国的欧盟政策如何以及为什么仍然是范式内的。通过将欧盟解体与战略政策选择联系起来,这种方法可以更好地理解欧盟解体的过程和可能性。在英国的背景下,它还提供了一种预测导致解体逆转的信号的方法。
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引用次数: 0
Ontological security, crisis and political myth: the Ukraine war and the European Union 本体论安全、危机与政治神话:乌克兰战争与欧盟
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2183396
Vincent Della Sala
ABSTRACT The paper’s aim is two-fold. First, it wants to explore if and how the war in Ukraine has exposed tension in the EU’s foundational myth as a political community forged in crisis with the aim to bring peace and stability to Europe. Second, it highlights how the war reveals that the EU ultimately fails to be an ontological security provider for member states and Europeans. The paradox of the EU’s myth of crisis is that it, like all foundational myths, is supposed to lead to a more secure sense of self and continuity. However, the war in Ukraine is a crisis that cannot be addressed without putting into discussion the other part of the foundational myth of how integration leads to peace and how this may help to explain limits to how much the EU can do to guarantee peace and stability.
摘要本文的目的有两个。首先,它想探讨乌克兰战争是否以及如何暴露了欧盟作为一个在危机中建立的政治共同体的基本神话中的紧张局势,目的是为欧洲带来和平与稳定。其次,它强调了战争如何揭示欧盟最终未能成为成员国和欧洲人的本体论安全提供者。欧盟危机神话的悖论在于,它和所有基本神话一样,应该会带来更安全的自我意识和连续性。然而,乌克兰战争是一场危机,如果不讨论一体化如何带来和平的基本神话的另一部分,以及这如何有助于解释欧盟在保障和平与稳定方面所能做的有限。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal of European Integration
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