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Sweden's ‘complicated’ relationship with genocide recognition 瑞典与承认种族灭绝的“复杂”关系
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-30 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221141587
Daniel Fittante
Scholars have unpacked the rhetorically nuanced ways political actors alter state narratives in resisting pressure to comply with international norms. But many of these rhetorical strategies apply in other contexts, where there exists sufficient norm ambiguity, too. For example, in response to Turkey's long-standing denialism, many governments have been asked to recognise the Armenian Genocide (or 1915 Genocide of Christians in the Ottoman Empire). But, because there exists no clear international norm about recognising genocides perpetuated by other states, even some of the most unlikely government officials adapt their rhetoric to resist recognition and pursue ulterior foreign policy objectives. Building on Dixon's rhetorical adaptation framework, this article argues that, between 1999 and 2021, Swedish political actors often adapted their rhetoric in ways similar to Turkish officials as a result of the normative ambiguity of states recognising the Armenian Genocide. In explaining why Sweden consistently resisted Genocide recognition efforts, this analysis focuses on its larger foreign policy commitments of spreading democracy in Turkey and managing the Syrian refugee crisis.
学者们揭示了政治行为者在抵制遵守国际规范的压力时改变国家叙事的微妙方式。但这些修辞策略中的许多都适用于其他语境,在这些语境中也存在足够的规范歧义。例如,为了回应土耳其长期以来的否认,许多政府被要求承认亚美尼亚种族灭绝(或1915年奥斯曼帝国对基督徒的种族灭绝)。但是,由于没有明确的国际规范来承认其他国家长期存在的种族灭绝行为,即使是一些最不可能的政府官员也会调整他们的言论,抵制承认,追求不可告人的外交政策目标。基于Dixon的修辞改编框架,本文认为,在1999年至2021年间,由于承认亚美尼亚种族灭绝的国家在规范上的模糊性,瑞典政治行为者经常以类似于土耳其官员的方式改编他们的修辞。在解释为什么瑞典一贯抵制承认种族灭绝的努力时,这一分析侧重于其在土耳其传播民主和管理叙利亚难民危机的更大外交政策承诺。
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引用次数: 0
Migration and partisan identification as British Unionists or Irish Nationalists in Northern Ireland 移民和在北爱尔兰作为英国联合主义者或爱尔兰民族主义者的党派认同
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-25 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136979
Thoroddur Bjarnason, I. Shuttleworth, Clifford Stevenson, E. Finell
The notion that mobility weakens collective norms and increases tolerance has a long pedigree in sociology. In this article, we examine the association of migration with partisan identification as British Unionists or Irish Nationalists in Northern Ireland, a region where the overlap of opposing religious and national identities is reflected in the residential segregation of its population. In representative samples of the population, we find that Irish Nationalist identification among Catholics and British Unionist identification among Protestants was lower among people not born in Northern Ireland and return migrants from beyond the British Isles. Having lived in the Republic was associated with more Nationalist identification among Catholics but less Unionist identification among Protestants and others. Moreover, having lapsed from the family religion is associated with decreased partisan identification. While international migration has in many countries led to increased tensions, conflict and the ascendance of exclusionary national populist movements, our results thus suggest that mobility beyond the British Isles has contributed to less nation–state conflict in Northern Ireland.
流动性削弱集体规范、增加宽容的观念在社会学中源远流长。在本文中,我们研究了北爱尔兰的移民与英国统一主义者或爱尔兰民族主义者的党派认同之间的关系,该地区对立的宗教和民族认同的重叠反映在其人口的居住隔离中。在具有代表性的人口样本中,我们发现天主教徒中的爱尔兰民族主义认同和新教徒中的英国统一主义认同在非北爱尔兰出生的人和从不列颠群岛以外返回的移民中较低。在共和国生活过的人在天主教徒中更倾向于民族主义,而在新教徒和其他人中更少倾向于统一派。此外,脱离家庭宗教与党派认同的减少有关。虽然国际移民在许多国家导致紧张局势加剧,冲突和排外的民族民粹主义运动的优势,但我们的研究结果表明,英伦三岛以外的流动有助于减少北爱尔兰的民族国家冲突。
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引用次数: 1
Biopolitical and juridical creations of the quarantine hotel: A discourse analysis of the Norwegian case 隔离酒店的生物政治和法律创造——挪威案例的话语分析
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-24 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136038
L. Gjerde
The quarantine hotel is one of several political instruments used to control the spread of Covid-19 in diverse countries, from Norway to China. I apply discourse analysis to map the discursive struggle to define the quarantine hotel in Norway. The government and other key political actors channel a biopolitical discourse constituting the quarantine hotel as necessary to protect the Norwegian population from imported contagion. This discourse's meaning is contested by a juridical counter-discourse articulated by lawyers and travellers, which constitutes the quarantine hotel as imprisonment/internment and a breach of rights. Travellers tend to combine this with a biopolitical counter-discourse, dismissing the quarantine hotel's biopolitical properties, strengthening the juridical critique. These discourses are important resources in a transnational, ongoing struggle, where the prize is the legitimacy of the politics of Covid-19, and the very ordering of the post-pandemic world.
隔离酒店是用于控制新冠肺炎在从挪威到中国等不同国家传播的几种政治工具之一。我运用话语分析来描绘挪威隔离酒店定义的话语斗争。政府和其他关键政治行为者传播了一种生物政治话语,构成了必要的隔离酒店,以保护挪威人口免受输入性传染。律师和旅行者提出的法律反言论对这一言论的含义提出了质疑,将隔离酒店视为监禁/拘留和侵犯权利。旅行者倾向于将其与生物政治反话语相结合,驳回隔离酒店的生物政治属性,加强司法批评。这些论述是跨国、持续斗争中的重要资源,其中的奖品是新冠肺炎政治的合法性,以及疫情后世界的秩序。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Revolutionary City: Urbanization and the Global Transformation of Rebellion by Mark R. Beissinger 书评:《革命的城市:城市化与反叛的全球转型》,作者:马克·r·贝辛格
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136032
Mami Fouad
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Racialized Social System by Ali Meghji 阿里·梅吉著《种族化的社会制度》
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136033
M. Romero
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: War, Survival Units and Citizenship: A Neo-Eliasian Process-Relational Perspective 书评:战争、生存单位和公民身份:新埃利亚斯过程关系视角
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136034
A. Linklater
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The New Patriarchs of Digital Capitalism: Celebrity Tech Founders and Networks of Power 书评:数字资本主义的新元老:名人科技创始人和权力网络
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136027
H. Koskinen
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Revolutionary Social Democracy: Working-Class Politics Across the Russian Empire (1882–1917) 书评:《革命社会民主:俄罗斯帝国的工人阶级政治》(1882-1917)
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136030
J. Arnason
European civilizing process for ongoing research on state formation. Major figures in that field such as Tilly, Mann, Skocpol and Giddens did not engage with Elias’s study of the civilizing process (which was not available in a complete English translation until the early 1980s). A central question is why students of state-building who typically begin with publications by the authors just mentioned should now pay close attention to Elias’s earlier writings. In a short review it is possible to make only one observation about the relationship between this work and influential writings on state-formation that have appeared in the recent period. The volume does not mount a challenge, in line with Elias’s original perspective, to the dominant literature. Studies of state-formation have provided a macrosociological investigation of the transformation of political organisation. As Kaspersen argues on page 51, Elias constructed an intricate discussion of interwoven sociogenetic and psychogenetic processes (on the metamorphosis of state structures and on evolving personality traits centred on the emotions of shame and embarrassment). Kaspersen refers on p. 127 to the manners books that Elias used to discuss what he later called ‘people in the round’, but the relevant chapters do not develop the point in order to underline the originality of Elias’s approach. Nor do they consider one major implication which is that students of state-formation can raise their game by exploring evidence of movements at the level of basic human emotions as well as in the realm of material interests that typically dominates empirical inquiry. Kaspersen’s discussion of webs of prerogatives and obligations is a major contribution to process sociology. But the exclusion of psychogenetic forces from that part of the analysis may lead some readers to conclude that War, Survival and Citizenship could have done more to defend and build on the bold changes of direction which were at the heart of Elias’s exploration of the European civilizing process. War, Survival Units and Citizenship could usefully have pointed the way to a more comprehensive examination of evolving patterns of privilege and responsibility in state-organised survival units. Elias emphasised the role of court ritual and ceremony in the formation of the modern European state. More recent reflections on court figurations have shown how public ritual and ceremony, monumental architecture and elite grand narratives contributed to the psychogenetic dimensions of power structures. Also crucial for Elias were the relations between the ‘established and the outsiders’ – between ruling groups that were convinced of their social superiority, and members of the lower strata who were persuaded to internalise feelings of inferiority with clear implications for the uneven distribution of prerogatives and obligations. Those overlapping research areas have much to contribute to the process-sociological perspective on survival units w
对欧洲文明进程中国家形成的持续研究。该领域的主要人物,如蒂利、曼恩、斯科波尔和吉登斯,并没有参与伊莱亚斯对文明过程的研究(直到20世纪80年代初才有完整的英文译本)。一个核心问题是,为什么研究国家建设的学生通常从上述作者的著作入手,现在却要密切关注以利亚早期的著作。在一个简短的回顾中,可能只对这项工作与最近出现的有关国家形成的有影响力的著作之间的关系进行一次观察。根据伊莱亚斯最初的观点,这本书并没有向主流文学发起挑战。对国家形成的研究提供了对政治组织转变的宏观社会学调查。正如卡斯珀森在第51页所言,伊莱亚斯构建了一个错综复杂的社会遗传学和心理遗传学过程的讨论(关于国家结构的蜕变和以羞耻和尴尬情绪为中心的人格特征的演变)。Kaspersen在127页提到了Elias用来讨论他后来所说的“人在周围”的礼仪书籍,但是相关章节并没有发展这一点,以强调Elias方法的独创性。他们也没有考虑到一个主要的含义,即国家形成的学生可以通过探索基本人类情感层面的运动证据来提高他们的游戏水平,以及在通常主导经验调查的物质利益领域。Kaspersen关于特权和义务网络的讨论是对过程社会学的重大贡献。但是,将心理因素排除在这部分分析之外,可能会导致一些读者得出这样的结论:《战争,生存和公民身份》本可以在捍卫和建立大胆的方向变化方面做得更多,而这正是埃利亚斯探索欧洲文明进程的核心。《战争、生存单位和公民身份》本可以为更全面地考察国家组织的生存单位中不断演变的特权和责任模式指明一条有用的道路。伊莱亚斯强调宫廷仪式和典礼在现代欧洲国家形成中的作用。最近对宫廷形象的反思表明,公共仪式和仪式、纪念性建筑和精英宏大叙事如何对权力结构的心理成因维度做出贡献。对伊莱亚斯来说,同样重要的是“既得利益者与局外人”之间的关系,即坚信自己社会优越的统治集团与被说服内化自卑感的下层民众之间的关系,这种自卑感明显暗示了特权和义务分配的不平衡。这些重叠的研究领域对生存单位的过程社会学观点有很大的贡献,这是由Kaspersen的书显著推进的。人们期待已久的是这个过程的下一阶段——即将出版的书(与诺曼·加布里埃尔合著),暂定书名为《生存单位的世界》。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Agents of Reform: Child Labor and the Origins of the Welfare State 书评:《改革的推动者:童工与福利国家的起源》
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136028
Till Hilmar
not investigated in-depth either, beyond discussions on gentrification. Chapter 4 is also a strong empirical chapter that deals with the Möllevången neighbourhood in Malmö, which was at an earlier stage of gentrification compared to Södermalm in Stockholm and Haga in Göteborg at the time of Creasap’s fieldwork. She suggests that some of the creative activities launched by the autonomous scene might have contributed to the ongoing gentrification process, despite their contrary intentions. However, no overt criticism is articulated by the author. Nonetheless, Creasap highlights that ‘by calling on inhabitants of the neighborhood to act, they issue a call to demand the right to the city. They do not call for gentrification to stop’ (p. 106, 113). Chapter 5 pays further attention to the ‘spatiality’ of social movements by examining the cases of Stockholm and Göteborg. The key content of the analysis is summarised as follows:
除了关于士绅化的讨论之外,也没有深入调查。第4章也是一个强有力的实证章节,涉及马尔默的Möllevången社区,与克里萨普实地调查时斯德哥尔摩的Södermalm和哥德堡的Haga相比,该社区处于绅士化的早期阶段。她认为,自治场景发起的一些创造性活动可能有助于正在进行的绅士化进程,尽管它们的意图相反。然而,提交人没有提出公开的批评。尽管如此,Creasap强调,“通过呼吁社区居民采取行动,他们发出了要求城市权利的呼吁。他们并不呼吁停止士绅化”(第106113页)。第五章通过考察斯德哥尔摩和哥德堡的案例,进一步关注社会运动的“空间性”。分析的主要内容总结如下:
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Making a Scene: Urban Landscapes, Gentrification, and Social Movements in Sweden 书评:《制造场景:瑞典的城市景观、绅士化和社会运动》
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-16 DOI: 10.1177/00016993221136025
Miguel A. Martínez
This book contributes to the understanding of autonomist and anarchist movements in Sweden ’ s three major cities – Stockholm, Göteborg, and Malmö – around 2010. It focuses on the movements ’ spatial dimensions and, in particular, the effects of gentri fi cation on the development of far-left urban activism. Creasap takes a cultural and geographical approach by centring on ‘ social movement scenes ’ – de fi ned as unstable networks and processes connecting physical spaces and activist groups. The analysis concludes by comparing the scenes in each city – a strong scene in Malmö versus a fragile one in Stockholm and a ‘ fl edgling ’ and more exclusionary one in Göteborg. Creasap ’ s concise and clear writing style helps readers follow the storyline and makes the sociological picture of the activist scenes more palatable for a wider, non-academic audience. The book also enriches the literature by analysing urban activism and radical politics in Sweden at a very speci fi c historical period, including squatting attempts, which is not common in social movements research. Theoretically, the book suggests the notion of ‘ scene ’ to bridge urban sociology and social movement research. Notwithstanding the book ’ s valuable contribution, my review will also raise some critical issues that might help further investigations along this line. First, the author uses the introductory chapter to present
这本书有助于理解2010年前后瑞典三大城市斯德哥尔摩、哥德堡和马尔默的自治主义和无政府主义运动。它关注运动的空间维度,特别是绅士化对极左城市激进主义发展的影响。Creasap采用文化和地理方法,以“社会运动场景”为中心,将其定义为连接物理空间和活动家团体的不稳定网络和过程。分析通过比较每个城市的场景得出结论——马尔默的场景很强烈,斯德哥尔摩的场景很脆弱,哥德堡的场景很“前卫”,更排外。Creasap简洁明了的写作风格有助于读者理解故事情节,并使活动家场景的社会学画面更适合更广泛的非学术观众。这本书还通过分析瑞典在一个非常特殊的历史时期的城市激进主义和激进政治,包括在社会运动研究中不常见的蹲着尝试,丰富了文献。从理论上讲,这本书提出了“场景”的概念,以连接城市社会学和社会运动研究。尽管这本书做出了宝贵的贡献,但我的评论也将提出一些关键问题,这些问题可能有助于沿着这条线进行进一步的调查。首先,作者用引言一章来介绍
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引用次数: 0
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Acta Sociologica
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