Pub Date : 2022-02-21DOI: 10.1177/19401612221082062
S. Wahutu
Although the last two decades have seen a concerted effort to understand the role and place of African journalism in covering events on the continent, there has been little focus on who journalists chose to quote as sources in their stories. This despite scholarship on sources being vital to our understanding of how journalists gain the “raw materials” to produce stories about events. Thus, while scholarship has begun taking Africa's coverage of itself seriously, there has been a slower uptick in focusing on whom African journalists give voice to as co-constructors of events. This silence is even more perplexing, considering that scholars and observers have been critical of who is quoted as a source when the global north covers events unfolding in Africa. This paper shows that African suffering was made legible for African audiences through a combination of American, English, and Sudanese voices. Specifically, it finds that African journalists are –counterintuitively - vital players in silencing some African voices in their construction of knowledge about the atrocities in Darfur. Despite the criticism leveled at journalism fields in the global north over their perceived silencing of African voices, African journalists are similarly engaged in this silencing as well.
{"title":"Making African Suffering Legible: Co-Constructing Narrative of the Darfur Atrocities","authors":"S. Wahutu","doi":"10.1177/19401612221082062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221082062","url":null,"abstract":"Although the last two decades have seen a concerted effort to understand the role and place of African journalism in covering events on the continent, there has been little focus on who journalists chose to quote as sources in their stories. This despite scholarship on sources being vital to our understanding of how journalists gain the “raw materials” to produce stories about events. Thus, while scholarship has begun taking Africa's coverage of itself seriously, there has been a slower uptick in focusing on whom African journalists give voice to as co-constructors of events. This silence is even more perplexing, considering that scholars and observers have been critical of who is quoted as a source when the global north covers events unfolding in Africa. This paper shows that African suffering was made legible for African audiences through a combination of American, English, and Sudanese voices. Specifically, it finds that African journalists are –counterintuitively - vital players in silencing some African voices in their construction of knowledge about the atrocities in Darfur. Despite the criticism leveled at journalism fields in the global north over their perceived silencing of African voices, African journalists are similarly engaged in this silencing as well.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"818 - 836"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49128613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-04DOI: 10.1177/19401612221075936
Zicheng Cheng, Bingbing Zhang, Homero Gil de Zúñiga
According to lifestyle politics theory, social media platforms introduce new ways for people to engage in civic life. Based on the communication mediation model, prior scholarship laid out theoretical and empirical foundations for how media exposure to the news positively influences people’s political participatory behavior through supplemental communicative processes. Building on this line of research, we rely on a two-wave panel survey of U.S. adults to examine how the different online and social media communicative patterns among U.S. citizens, such as news use, political expression, and discussion, predict political consumerism behavior - the purchase decision of consumers based on political or ethical reasons. Advancing diverse causal order structural equation models, this study highlights a positive influence of news consumption, social media political expression, and political discussion in explaining political consumerism (i.e., boycotting and buycotting). Specifically, results underscore the importance of political expression and discussion mediating the relationship between online, social media and WhatsApp news use and political consumerism. Implications for future research and limitations to the study are provided in the manuscript.
{"title":"Antecedents of Political Consumerism: Modeling Online, Social Media and WhatsApp News Use Effects Through Political Expression and Political Discussion","authors":"Zicheng Cheng, Bingbing Zhang, Homero Gil de Zúñiga","doi":"10.1177/19401612221075936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221075936","url":null,"abstract":"According to lifestyle politics theory, social media platforms introduce new ways for people to engage in civic life. Based on the communication mediation model, prior scholarship laid out theoretical and empirical foundations for how media exposure to the news positively influences people’s political participatory behavior through supplemental communicative processes. Building on this line of research, we rely on a two-wave panel survey of U.S. adults to examine how the different online and social media communicative patterns among U.S. citizens, such as news use, political expression, and discussion, predict political consumerism behavior - the purchase decision of consumers based on political or ethical reasons. Advancing diverse causal order structural equation models, this study highlights a positive influence of news consumption, social media political expression, and political discussion in explaining political consumerism (i.e., boycotting and buycotting). Specifically, results underscore the importance of political expression and discussion mediating the relationship between online, social media and WhatsApp news use and political consumerism. Implications for future research and limitations to the study are provided in the manuscript.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"995 - 1016"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44715269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-28DOI: 10.1177/19401612221075571
Stephen Cushion, Llion Carbis
How the news media report who’s responsible for political decisions is fundamental to an informed citizenry. Our study develops a new way of examining political responsibility coverage by drawing on the concept of informational opportunities in order to explore how television news could enhance audience understanding. We examine how television news reported who was responsible for making policies across England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland during the coronavirus pandemic. Drawing on a content analysis study of five UK television news bulletins (N = 181), we found that reporting did not regularly attribute political responsibility to all four governments of the UK at the start of the pandemic. Once the nations began to adopt different lockdown measures the clarity of reporting legislative decisions improved, but there were still missed opportunities to clarify which government was responsible for specific policies. By way of conclusion, we argue that scholars examining how the media report political responsibility need to find creative ways of theorising and empirically studying informational opportunities in order to enhance public understanding.
{"title":"Identifying Informational Opportunities in Political Responsibility Reporting: A Study of Television News Coverage During the Coronavirus Pandemic in the UK's Devolved System","authors":"Stephen Cushion, Llion Carbis","doi":"10.1177/19401612221075571","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221075571","url":null,"abstract":"How the news media report who’s responsible for political decisions is fundamental to an informed citizenry. Our study develops a new way of examining political responsibility coverage by drawing on the concept of informational opportunities in order to explore how television news could enhance audience understanding. We examine how television news reported who was responsible for making policies across England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland during the coronavirus pandemic. Drawing on a content analysis study of five UK television news bulletins (N = 181), we found that reporting did not regularly attribute political responsibility to all four governments of the UK at the start of the pandemic. Once the nations began to adopt different lockdown measures the clarity of reporting legislative decisions improved, but there were still missed opportunities to clarify which government was responsible for specific policies. By way of conclusion, we argue that scholars examining how the media report political responsibility need to find creative ways of theorising and empirically studying informational opportunities in order to enhance public understanding.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47179360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-27DOI: 10.1177/19401612221075539
Jorge Saavedra Utman
The literature about the status of an image, about hegemonic signs, of the capacity to make something visible, as well as the regime of visibility is extensive and connect in a fascinating way with the discussion of power the power to construct an icon, to naturalize an emblem, to make an arbitrary articulation a commonsensical symbol for a human collective, to represent people, cultures and souls. This book is about that construction, the image of nation-states, including the actors trying to create that image and the reasons and conditions to make it so. The origins and this book’s case study are in the revolts that shook Brazil in the years before the South American country organized an array of global sports events, the most important the FIFA World Cup of 2014 and the Summer Olympic Games of 2016. Specifically, the book takes the Jornadas de Junho protests’ that occurred in June-July 2013, becoming the most significant and broadest mobilization in decades in Brazil. From this chain of protests, the book launches the question about the construction of the country’s image. And such query makes total sense from a historical point of view, from how the idea of Brazil has been built by state and hegemonic power, with all its colonialist inheritance and whitening processes. But also, from a contemporary perspective connected to branding a nation with the state-corporate interest of showcasing it as “safe”, “modern”, and “reliable” for the international investor gaze. Now, a priori, attention on this construction would only look at mainstream media or the state. This book gets away from that dual analysis in addressing who, how, why and under what circumstances are constructing or trying to the nation. The analysis thus focus on four actors: the state, mainstream local media, activists, and foreign media, to see the kind of country they depict, the strategies they use and the conditions they have to portray a particular image. Through the examination of newspaper articles, television reports, online videos and photos produced by Brazil’s top newspapers, TV newscasts, grassroots media groups, and foreign media, on the one hand; and sixty-four interviews with government officials, activists, journalists and foreign correspondents, Book Review
关于图像的地位、霸权标志、使事物可见的能力以及可见性制度的文献是广泛的，并以一种引人入胜的方式与权力的讨论联系在一起——构建图标、使徽章自然化、使任意表达成为人类集体的常识性象征、代表人民，文化和灵魂。这本书讲述的是这种建构，民族国家的形象，包括试图创造这种形象的行为者，以及创造这种形象所需的原因和条件。本书的起源和案例研究是在这个南美国家组织一系列全球体育赛事之前的几年里，巴西发生的起义，最重要的是2014年国际足联世界杯和2016年夏季奥林匹克运动会。具体而言，这本书以2013年6月至7月发生的Jornadas de Junho抗议活动为背景，成为巴西几十年来最重要、最广泛的动员活动。从这一连串的抗议活动中，本书提出了关于国家形象建设的问题。从历史的角度来看，从国家和霸权如何建立巴西的理念，以及它所有的殖民主义继承和白化过程来看，这种质疑是完全有意义的。但同时，从当代的角度来看，将一个国家打造成具有国家企业利益的国家，在国际投资者的注视下展示其“安全”、“现代”和“可靠”。现在，先验地，对这一结构的关注只会着眼于主流媒体或国家。这本书摆脱了双重分析，讲述了谁、如何、为什么以及在什么情况下建设或试图建设国家。因此，分析的重点是四个参与者：国家、当地主流媒体、活动家和外国媒体，以了解他们描绘的国家类型、他们使用的策略以及他们描绘特定形象的条件。一方面，通过审查巴西顶级报纸、电视新闻广播、基层媒体团体和外国媒体制作的报纸文章、电视报道、网络视频和照片；64次采访政府官员、活动人士、记者和外国记者，书评
{"title":"Book Review: Media and the Image of the Nation during Brazil's 2013 Protests by César Jiménez-Martínez","authors":"Jorge Saavedra Utman","doi":"10.1177/19401612221075539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221075539","url":null,"abstract":"The literature about the status of an image, about hegemonic signs, of the capacity to make something visible, as well as the regime of visibility is extensive and connect in a fascinating way with the discussion of power the power to construct an icon, to naturalize an emblem, to make an arbitrary articulation a commonsensical symbol for a human collective, to represent people, cultures and souls. This book is about that construction, the image of nation-states, including the actors trying to create that image and the reasons and conditions to make it so. The origins and this book’s case study are in the revolts that shook Brazil in the years before the South American country organized an array of global sports events, the most important the FIFA World Cup of 2014 and the Summer Olympic Games of 2016. Specifically, the book takes the Jornadas de Junho protests’ that occurred in June-July 2013, becoming the most significant and broadest mobilization in decades in Brazil. From this chain of protests, the book launches the question about the construction of the country’s image. And such query makes total sense from a historical point of view, from how the idea of Brazil has been built by state and hegemonic power, with all its colonialist inheritance and whitening processes. But also, from a contemporary perspective connected to branding a nation with the state-corporate interest of showcasing it as “safe”, “modern”, and “reliable” for the international investor gaze. Now, a priori, attention on this construction would only look at mainstream media or the state. This book gets away from that dual analysis in addressing who, how, why and under what circumstances are constructing or trying to the nation. The analysis thus focus on four actors: the state, mainstream local media, activists, and foreign media, to see the kind of country they depict, the strategies they use and the conditions they have to portray a particular image. Through the examination of newspaper articles, television reports, online videos and photos produced by Brazil’s top newspapers, TV newscasts, grassroots media groups, and foreign media, on the one hand; and sixty-four interviews with government officials, activists, journalists and foreign correspondents, Book Review","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"27 1","pages":"966 - 967"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46163378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-24DOI: 10.1177/19401612211072787
Lisa Schwaiger, Daniel Vogler, Mark Eisenegger
Online media environments have changed the way young people access news. Despite much research on the topic, the expectations of journalistic news by young adults who have turned their back on traditional news media remain unclear. We use a novel multimethod qualitative online study design to investigate the perceived quality, functions, and expectations toward journalistic news of young adults in Switzerland who use social media as their main source for news and rarely consume traditional media. Nineteen young adults between 20 and 25 years of age with different educational levels participated in our study in May 2020. Our results show that even though the participants only occasionally use traditional news media channels, they still consider journalistic news relevant and appreciate quality standards of professional journalism such as actuality and veracity (Swart 2021b). Among the functions of news, the participants highlighted sociability and identification. Exchange and discussion of news are, thus, of high relevance online but also offline. Also, the participants show a high affinity toward news on mobilizing topics, which are of interest to themselves and their peers, and motivate them to engage with news more intensely. According to the participants, news should be attractively prepared, such as with audiovisual formats and easy to understand and integrate into everyday life. The participants also expressed a preference to consume news articles from different media brands within a single platform. Our study outlines a fruitful path for comprehensive qualitative research with innovative online tools.
{"title":"Change in News Access, Change in Expectations? How Young Social Media Users in Switzerland Evaluate the Functions and Quality of News","authors":"Lisa Schwaiger, Daniel Vogler, Mark Eisenegger","doi":"10.1177/19401612211072787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612211072787","url":null,"abstract":"Online media environments have changed the way young people access news. Despite much research on the topic, the expectations of journalistic news by young adults who have turned their back on traditional news media remain unclear. We use a novel multimethod qualitative online study design to investigate the perceived quality, functions, and expectations toward journalistic news of young adults in Switzerland who use social media as their main source for news and rarely consume traditional media. Nineteen young adults between 20 and 25 years of age with different educational levels participated in our study in May 2020. Our results show that even though the participants only occasionally use traditional news media channels, they still consider journalistic news relevant and appreciate quality standards of professional journalism such as actuality and veracity (Swart 2021b). Among the functions of news, the participants highlighted sociability and identification. Exchange and discussion of news are, thus, of high relevance online but also offline. Also, the participants show a high affinity toward news on mobilizing topics, which are of interest to themselves and their peers, and motivate them to engage with news more intensely. According to the participants, news should be attractively prepared, such as with audiovisual formats and easy to understand and integrate into everyday life. The participants also expressed a preference to consume news articles from different media brands within a single platform. Our study outlines a fruitful path for comprehensive qualitative research with innovative online tools.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"27 1","pages":"609 - 628"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44575513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-24DOI: 10.1177/19401612211072863
Nina Springer
Credible Threat is not an easy read because Sarah Sobieraj dives deep into places nobody wants to find themselves. The book empathically and graphically illustrates —through the experience of 52 women interviewees—how it feels to wade in the dark and muddy waters digital abuse creates. The challenge this book takes on requires interdisciplinary thinking: understanding “how women who ... participate in public conversations about political and social issues navigate this menacing landscape, and the ways that this abuse—and women’s response to it—shapes political life more broadly” (p. 4). For this purpose, Sobieraj skillfully brings together (feminist) perspectives from sociology, political science, law, and economy—even connection points to psychology emerge, such as stress and coping. The author illustrates how digital abuse finds its precedents in historical inequalities, how the law has not yet managed to adapt to its specific characteristics, and how the individual “costs” must be collectivized to further understand the societal relevance of the abuse. Credible Threat is an award-winning, six-chapter must-read with points so manifold that this review can hardly do them justice. The book is based on the fundamental insight that digital abuse must be understood as a weapon in power struggles “to control political discourse that reflects and reinforces existing social inequalities” (p. 3). These struggles have existed and still exist offline as well. While such attacks feel “deeply personal” (p. 26), Sobieraj stretches that the abuse is “impersonal” (p. 25) in the sense that messages are generic and interchangeable. Most of all, digital abuse is intersectional—“unevenly distributed [even] among women” (p. 10). Attacks often lack information about the aggressors, can be ubiquitous on various platforms, and trigger anticipatory fear—all of which create a disorienting climate larger than “the sum of its parts” (p. 31). Sobieraj also helps us understand how we can unintentionally feed into this climate by: getting caught up in trivializing narratives that render the digital life as detachable from “real life”; not taking communicative violence seriously; or blaming the victims if the abuse is rendered as an inevitable result of Book Review
{"title":"Book Review: Credible Threat. Attacks Against Women Online and the Future of Democracy by Sarah Sobieraj","authors":"Nina Springer","doi":"10.1177/19401612211072863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612211072863","url":null,"abstract":"Credible Threat is not an easy read because Sarah Sobieraj dives deep into places nobody wants to find themselves. The book empathically and graphically illustrates —through the experience of 52 women interviewees—how it feels to wade in the dark and muddy waters digital abuse creates. The challenge this book takes on requires interdisciplinary thinking: understanding “how women who ... participate in public conversations about political and social issues navigate this menacing landscape, and the ways that this abuse—and women’s response to it—shapes political life more broadly” (p. 4). For this purpose, Sobieraj skillfully brings together (feminist) perspectives from sociology, political science, law, and economy—even connection points to psychology emerge, such as stress and coping. The author illustrates how digital abuse finds its precedents in historical inequalities, how the law has not yet managed to adapt to its specific characteristics, and how the individual “costs” must be collectivized to further understand the societal relevance of the abuse. Credible Threat is an award-winning, six-chapter must-read with points so manifold that this review can hardly do them justice. The book is based on the fundamental insight that digital abuse must be understood as a weapon in power struggles “to control political discourse that reflects and reinforces existing social inequalities” (p. 3). These struggles have existed and still exist offline as well. While such attacks feel “deeply personal” (p. 26), Sobieraj stretches that the abuse is “impersonal” (p. 25) in the sense that messages are generic and interchangeable. Most of all, digital abuse is intersectional—“unevenly distributed [even] among women” (p. 10). Attacks often lack information about the aggressors, can be ubiquitous on various platforms, and trigger anticipatory fear—all of which create a disorienting climate larger than “the sum of its parts” (p. 31). Sobieraj also helps us understand how we can unintentionally feed into this climate by: getting caught up in trivializing narratives that render the digital life as detachable from “real life”; not taking communicative violence seriously; or blaming the victims if the abuse is rendered as an inevitable result of Book Review","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"27 1","pages":"545 - 547"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47419238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-24DOI: 10.1177/19401612221075553
A. Koo
Studies about media self-censorship typically focus on its mechanism in traditional newsroom settings. But how media self-censorship may evolve in online journalism has remained largely unexplored. Using Hong Kong as a case, I examine the digital evolution of media self-censorship in a unique non-democratic context. Drawing on interviews with online journalists, my findings reveal that digital transformation has provided new valences for media self-censorship. With the financial hardship of legacy media in the digital age, Hong Kong online journalists are more directly exposed to external threats such as advertisement boycotts orchestrated by the state, and hence increasingly reluctant to offend external powerholders out of the fear of political and financial retaliation. Moreover, as online journalists adopt business-driven norms that favor the generation of clicks, political or policy news are further marginalized. These stories are often deemed boring, non-engaging to online audiences, and are not “sensationalizable” due to political risks, especially when compared to soft news types like crimes and lifestyles stories. Adapting to these changes, news managers are increasingly used to avoiding professional editorial debates that results are unpredictable but using “objective” web metrics as persuasive devices to discourage the production of sensitive news. Lastly, the dissemination of sensitive news is curbed in the social media gatekeeping process. These findings suggest that an authoritarian state can effectively influence online news production by controlling the capital that drives digital transformation, thereby limiting the liberating potential of the media in the digital age.
{"title":"The Evolution of Self-Censorship in Hong Kong Online Journalism: Influences from Digitalization and the State","authors":"A. Koo","doi":"10.1177/19401612221075553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221075553","url":null,"abstract":"Studies about media self-censorship typically focus on its mechanism in traditional newsroom settings. But how media self-censorship may evolve in online journalism has remained largely unexplored. Using Hong Kong as a case, I examine the digital evolution of media self-censorship in a unique non-democratic context. Drawing on interviews with online journalists, my findings reveal that digital transformation has provided new valences for media self-censorship. With the financial hardship of legacy media in the digital age, Hong Kong online journalists are more directly exposed to external threats such as advertisement boycotts orchestrated by the state, and hence increasingly reluctant to offend external powerholders out of the fear of political and financial retaliation. Moreover, as online journalists adopt business-driven norms that favor the generation of clicks, political or policy news are further marginalized. These stories are often deemed boring, non-engaging to online audiences, and are not “sensationalizable” due to political risks, especially when compared to soft news types like crimes and lifestyles stories. Adapting to these changes, news managers are increasingly used to avoiding professional editorial debates that results are unpredictable but using “objective” web metrics as persuasive devices to discourage the production of sensitive news. Lastly, the dissemination of sensitive news is curbed in the social media gatekeeping process. These findings suggest that an authoritarian state can effectively influence online news production by controlling the capital that drives digital transformation, thereby limiting the liberating potential of the media in the digital age.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46169286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-19DOI: 10.1177/19401612221073994
R. Lawrence
The aim of this book is surprisingly simple: To adjust our perspective on the impacts of digital media on politics toward a more moderate and conventional view. Jungherr, Rivero and Gayo-Avello offer a model of digital politics that steers a middle course between the poles of “nothing has changed” and “everything has changed.” Their premise is that political actors’ underlying needs have not shifted with the advent of digital media—only their means of meeting those needs. Politicians still need, as they always have, to enter public discourse and reach people with their messages, to persuade and to mobilize, and to leverage the coordinating power of organizations. Digital media simply offer new and often more efficient ways of achieving some of those ends. But digital media have not fundamentally transformed the underlying motivations of politics nor permanently transformed institutional power relations. The book thus seeks to “transcend the false dichotomy between transformation and stasis” (p. 6). In place of that dichotomy, Retooling Politics argues that the actual influence of digital media on politics should be measured by “the degree to which digital media structure communicative environments in politics and allow actors and organizations to systematically improve their relative position” (p. 9). One real effect is the way that digital media have disrupted the business model, normative standards, and gatekeeping power of legacy media; another is the fundamental structure of many-to-many rather than one-to-many information flows enabled by the Internet. In contrast, they argue, digital media have not radically disrupted campaign communication—in contrast to popular notions about Barack Obama’s presidential campaigns—nor radically improved the efficacy of protest politics, as many initially believed in the wake of the Arab Spring. In campaign politics, they argue, rather than transformation we see adaptation to new tools. In protest politics, we see the persistence of age-old challenges: While digital media make far-flung coordination easier, they do not solve for fundamental power imbalances between institutionalized insiders and insurgent outsiders. A strength of Retooling Politics is how well and explicitly it combines theoretical perspectives and findings from across the fields of communication and political Book Review
{"title":"Book Review: Retooling Politics: How Digital Media Are Shaping Democracy by Andreas Jungherr, Gonzalo Rivero and Daniel Gayo-Avello","authors":"R. Lawrence","doi":"10.1177/19401612221073994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612221073994","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this book is surprisingly simple: To adjust our perspective on the impacts of digital media on politics toward a more moderate and conventional view. Jungherr, Rivero and Gayo-Avello offer a model of digital politics that steers a middle course between the poles of “nothing has changed” and “everything has changed.” Their premise is that political actors’ underlying needs have not shifted with the advent of digital media—only their means of meeting those needs. Politicians still need, as they always have, to enter public discourse and reach people with their messages, to persuade and to mobilize, and to leverage the coordinating power of organizations. Digital media simply offer new and often more efficient ways of achieving some of those ends. But digital media have not fundamentally transformed the underlying motivations of politics nor permanently transformed institutional power relations. The book thus seeks to “transcend the false dichotomy between transformation and stasis” (p. 6). In place of that dichotomy, Retooling Politics argues that the actual influence of digital media on politics should be measured by “the degree to which digital media structure communicative environments in politics and allow actors and organizations to systematically improve their relative position” (p. 9). One real effect is the way that digital media have disrupted the business model, normative standards, and gatekeeping power of legacy media; another is the fundamental structure of many-to-many rather than one-to-many information flows enabled by the Internet. In contrast, they argue, digital media have not radically disrupted campaign communication—in contrast to popular notions about Barack Obama’s presidential campaigns—nor radically improved the efficacy of protest politics, as many initially believed in the wake of the Arab Spring. In campaign politics, they argue, rather than transformation we see adaptation to new tools. In protest politics, we see the persistence of age-old challenges: While digital media make far-flung coordination easier, they do not solve for fundamental power imbalances between institutionalized insiders and insurgent outsiders. A strength of Retooling Politics is how well and explicitly it combines theoretical perspectives and findings from across the fields of communication and political Book Review","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"27 1","pages":"548 - 550"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44689809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-18DOI: 10.1177/19401612211072775
Meagan E. Doll
Compared to studies on peace-journalism content, little research examines journalists’ perceptions of peace journalism despite theoretical suggestions that individuals influence content production. To address this relative disparity, this study examines the social conditions shaping journalists’ perceptions of peace journalism using a hierarchy-of-influences perspective and data from 20 in-depth interviews with East African journalists, conducted between September 2020 and February 2021. Findings suggest that journalists generally understand peace journalism in one of two ways, each with distinct intended audiences, aims, and reporting interventions. Moreover, when examined alongside respondents’ professional situations, these perceptions tend to be stratified by varying degrees of professional precarity.
{"title":"For People, For Policy: Journalists’ Perceptions of Peace Journalism in East Africa","authors":"Meagan E. Doll","doi":"10.1177/19401612211072775","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612211072775","url":null,"abstract":"Compared to studies on peace-journalism content, little research examines journalists’ perceptions of peace journalism despite theoretical suggestions that individuals influence content production. To address this relative disparity, this study examines the social conditions shaping journalists’ perceptions of peace journalism using a hierarchy-of-influences perspective and data from 20 in-depth interviews with East African journalists, conducted between September 2020 and February 2021. Findings suggest that journalists generally understand peace journalism in one of two ways, each with distinct intended audiences, aims, and reporting interventions. Moreover, when examined alongside respondents’ professional situations, these perceptions tend to be stratified by varying degrees of professional precarity.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"1017 - 1036"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46610755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-17DOI: 10.1177/19401612211072782
Natasha van Antwerpen, D. Turnbull, R. Searston
The proliferation of misinformation in contemporary information environments contributes to increasing polarization and decreasing trust in institutions and experts, both of which encourage further proliferation of misinformation. Increasing attention has been brought to the role of news media in the spread and uptake of misinformation, and to the role of journalists and news organizations in combatting this spread. Constructive journalism is a relatively new approach to reporting which, among other aims, looks to increase audience engagement, reduce polarization, and provide a more accurate view of events. In early 2020, we interviewed 16 journalism professionals from Europe (UK inclusive), Australia, Africa, and North America across a range formats to explore their perceptions of the use ‘constructive’ reporting strategies to address the spread of misinformation. We used thematic analysis to produce three themes and six subthemes in journalists’ responses, ‘apathy against the machine’, with subthemes ‘journalism as a moderator’, and ‘news and mental health’; ‘standards as shared reality’, with subthemes, ‘pluralism not postmodernism’, and ‘this means information war’; and ‘truth, trust, and the turn to transparency’, with subthemes, ‘facts necessary but not sufficient’, and ‘principles not particulars’. Constructive journalism was thought to address misinformation by increasing engagement with news and institutions, reducing polarization, providing a sense of shared reality amidst increasingly diverse perspectives, increasing trust, and reducing misperceptions encouraged by selection and reporting strategies. Constructive journalism may be a promising approach to addressing the spread and consequences of misinformation, however, empirical work is needed to evaluate the efficacy of the approach.
{"title":"Perspectives from Journalism Professionals on the Application and Benefits of Constructive Reporting for Addressing Misinformation","authors":"Natasha van Antwerpen, D. Turnbull, R. Searston","doi":"10.1177/19401612211072782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/19401612211072782","url":null,"abstract":"The proliferation of misinformation in contemporary information environments contributes to increasing polarization and decreasing trust in institutions and experts, both of which encourage further proliferation of misinformation. Increasing attention has been brought to the role of news media in the spread and uptake of misinformation, and to the role of journalists and news organizations in combatting this spread. Constructive journalism is a relatively new approach to reporting which, among other aims, looks to increase audience engagement, reduce polarization, and provide a more accurate view of events. In early 2020, we interviewed 16 journalism professionals from Europe (UK inclusive), Australia, Africa, and North America across a range formats to explore their perceptions of the use ‘constructive’ reporting strategies to address the spread of misinformation. We used thematic analysis to produce three themes and six subthemes in journalists’ responses, ‘apathy against the machine’, with subthemes ‘journalism as a moderator’, and ‘news and mental health’; ‘standards as shared reality’, with subthemes, ‘pluralism not postmodernism’, and ‘this means information war’; and ‘truth, trust, and the turn to transparency’, with subthemes, ‘facts necessary but not sufficient’, and ‘principles not particulars’. Constructive journalism was thought to address misinformation by increasing engagement with news and institutions, reducing polarization, providing a sense of shared reality amidst increasingly diverse perspectives, increasing trust, and reducing misperceptions encouraged by selection and reporting strategies. Constructive journalism may be a promising approach to addressing the spread and consequences of misinformation, however, empirical work is needed to evaluate the efficacy of the approach.","PeriodicalId":47605,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Press-Politics","volume":"28 1","pages":"1037 - 1058"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48679978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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