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MOA volume 60 issue 2 Cover and Back matter MOA第60卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000258
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引用次数: 0
The Security Arena in Africa: local order-making in the Central African Republic, Somaliland, and South Sudan by Tim Glawion Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. 272. $99.99 (hbk). 《非洲的安全竞技场:中非共和国、索马里兰和南苏丹的地方秩序制定》,Tim Glawion著,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2020年。第272页$99.99(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000027
R. Tapscott
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引用次数: 0
Explaining the (local) ethnic census: subnational variation in ethnic politics in Kenyan elections 解释(地方)民族普查:肯尼亚选举中民族政治的次国家变化
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000076
K. Harris
Abstract Why do elections in some ethnically diverse constituencies resemble an ethnic census, while in others ethnicity plays a less prominent role? Prior literature on ethnic bloc voting in Africa suggests that political parties acquire ethnic ‘labels’ that tacitly signal which groups belong to the party. In ethnic census-style elections, voters and politicians then use ethnicity as a heuristic for deciding which party to support. However, ethnic censuses are not the only possible outcome in diverse constituencies. Links between ethnic identities and political parties can create a disconnect between locally and nationally relevant identities that affects the dynamics of local elections. Drawing on data from over 160 semi-structured, qualitative interviews and detailed election results in four ethnically diverse Kenyan parliamentary constituencies, I show how local constructions of ethnic difference mediate the effects of national political dynamics and shape patterns of political competition in parliamentary elections, affecting the behaviour of politicians and voters.
摘要为什么一些种族多样的选区的选举类似于人口普查,而在另一些选区,种族的作用却不那么突出?先前关于非洲种族集团投票的文献表明,政党获得了种族“标签”,这些标签默认了哪些群体属于该党。在种族普查式的选举中,选民和政治家会使用种族作为决定支持哪个政党的启发式方法。然而,种族普查并不是不同选区唯一可能的结果。族裔身份和政党之间的联系可能会造成地方和国家相关身份之间的脱节,从而影响地方选举的动态。根据来自四个不同种族的肯尼亚议会选区的160多个半结构化、定性访谈和详细选举结果的数据,我展示了地方种族差异结构如何调节国家政治动态的影响,并在议会选举中形成政治竞争模式,影响政治家和选民的行为。
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引用次数: 0
Mennonites and Post-Colonial African Studies edited by John M. Janzen, Harold F. Miller & John C. Yoder London: Routledge, 2021. Pp. 316. $160.00 (hbk). 约翰·詹岑、哈罗德·F·米勒和约翰·C·约德主编的《门诺派与后殖民地非洲研究》,伦敦:劳特利奇,2021年。第316页$160.00(hbk)。
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000039
D. Peterson
commitment to disentangling security outcomes from the form of political ordermaking, clearly noting that greater levels of security are no more closely associated with stability than with fluidity. This is a very important finding, helping to counterbalance the too-often uninterrogated assumption that formality and state-ness provide better outcomes for ordinary people than informality and non-stateness. The framework has the significant benefit of putting diverse actors and their jurisdictional claims-making on equal analytic footing, allowing not just a comparison across a range of cases, but an examination of farmers and teachers alongside warlords and international aid agencies to offer a textured picture of everyday security in often overlooked parts of the world. The book left me with a couple of questions. First, I wondered why Glawion chose (urban) space to conceptualise and identify distributions of jurisdictional claims, as compared with other potential axes –for instance, patterns of legal pluralism (see Benton’s Historical Perspectives on Legal Pluralism, Cambridge University Press,  and Massoud’s Shari‘a Inshallah, Cambridge University Press, ) or sites of surveillance (see Purdeková on ‘“Mundane Sights” of Power’ in African Studies Review, ). Intuitively, space seems helpful to understand conflict zones, crisscrossed by frontlines and no-go zones – but this assumption merits elaboration. Second, while the book purports to delink stable ordering, state control, and security, at times it implies the opposite, for instance, when Glawion notes that the outer circle is characterised by ‘unruly actors’, ‘security-related rumours and the use of violence’ (–). This left me wondering the extent to which the very real methodological constraints of researching (and thereby literally centring) comparatively safe zones might risk reproducing the very approach that the security arena seeks to critique – namely, the notion of a less-governed and more insecure hinterland (see, e.g. –). These questions point to the challenge of disentangling complex and contingent political dynamics, and their relation to the elusive concept of security. The book should be applauded for its efforts to investigate often-pathologised places on their own terms, its empirical richness and its theoretical ambition.
致力于将安全结果与政治秩序制定的形式区分开来,明确指出更高水平的安全与稳定的关系并不比与流动性的关系更密切。这是一个非常重要的发现,有助于平衡一种经常不错误的假设,即正式和状态比非正式和无状态为普通人提供更好的结果。该框架的显著好处是,将不同的行为者及其管辖权主张置于平等的分析基础上,不仅可以对一系列案件进行比较,还可以对农民和教师以及军阀和国际援助机构进行审查,从而对世界上经常被忽视的地区的日常安全提供一个有质感的画面。这本书给我留下了几个问题。首先,我想知道,与其他潜在的轴心——例如法律多元主义的模式——相比,格拉维恩为什么选择(城市)空间来概念化和确定管辖权主张的分布(见Benton的《法律多元论的历史视角》,剑桥大学出版社, 和马苏德的《伊斯兰教法》,剑桥大学出版社,) 或监视地点(见《非洲研究评论》中的Purdekováon“Mundane Sights of Power”,). 直观地说,空间似乎有助于理解前线和禁区交错的冲突区——但这一假设值得详细阐述。其次,虽然这本书声称将稳定秩序、国家控制和安全脱钩,但有时却暗示了相反的情况,例如,当格拉维恩指出,外部圈子的特点是“不守规矩的行为者”、“与安全有关的谣言和使用暴力”(–). 这让我想知道,研究(从而从字面上集中)相对安全区的真正方法限制可能在多大程度上有可能复制安全领域试图批评的方法,即治理较少、更不安全的腹地的概念(例如。–). 这些问题指向了解开复杂和偶然的政治动态的挑战,以及它们与难以捉摸的安全概念的关系。这本书应该受到赞扬,因为它努力以自己的方式调查经常被病理化的地方,它的经验丰富性和理论野心。
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引用次数: 0
Youth leadership for development: contradictions of Africa's growing leadership pipeline 青年领导促进发展:非洲日益增长的领导管道中的矛盾
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000064
Krystal Strong, Christiana Kallon Kelly
Abstract Over the past decade, hundreds of youth leadership initiatives have been established globally with the mission of grooming a new generation of leaders. This paper examines this largely unstudied and rapidly expanding leadership pipeline based on an ongoing study, which has collected data on 277 programmes that: target African youth, offer educational training or professional development, and have goals of cultivating leaders who will contribute to African development; and interviewed and surveyed 240 youth participants. Our purpose is twofold: (1) we offer an overview of the organisational approaches of these initiatives, which reveal a global ecosystem within and beyond Africa that is investing billions of dollars into youth leadership. Then, using case studies of the African Leadership Academy and University, and the Young African Leadership Initiative, (2) we ask what their tendency toward elite-driven strategies, corporate leadership models, and foreign collaboration may indicate about their larger politics and likely impact.
摘要在过去的十年里,全球建立了数百项青年领导力倡议,其使命是培养新一代领导者。本文根据一项正在进行的研究,审查了这一基本上未经研究且迅速扩大的领导渠道,该研究收集了277个方案的数据,这些方案包括:针对非洲青年,提供教育培训或职业发展,目标是培养有助于非洲发展的领导人;并采访和调查了240名青年参与者。我们的目的有两个:(1)我们概述了这些举措的组织方法,揭示了非洲内外的全球生态系统,该生态系统正在向青年领导力投资数十亿美元。然后,通过对非洲领导力学院和大学以及非洲青年领导力倡议的案例研究,(2)我们询问他们倾向于精英驱动的战略、企业领导力模式和对外合作,这可能表明他们的更大政治和可能的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Taxation in Namibia: an everyday political practice without deliberation and influence 纳米比亚的税收:没有经过深思熟虑和影响的日常政治实践
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000052
J. Söderström
Abstract Tax compliance is a major concern as states try to increase state revenues in order to provide services for their populations. Remarkably, taxation has not figured centrally on the agenda among scholars working on the African voter. This article contributes through studying the social practice of taxes, by asking: how is taxation understood as a political practice? This is studied using focus groups across the private and public sector in Namibia, where the willingness to pay taxes and the relative tax burden is high. This micro-study of citizens’ experiences focuses on the perceived room for political practice in relation to taxes, sense of influence over taxes and whether taxes are thought about in citizenship terms. The article shows that taxes are relegated to a sphere of politics where deliberation and opportunities for accountability are missing, yet ideas of duty are central elements of tax compliance.
税收合规是一个主要问题,因为各州试图增加国家收入,以便为其人口提供服务。值得注意的是,在研究非洲选民的学者们的议程中,税收并没有占据中心位置。本文通过研究税收的社会实践,提出以下问题:税收如何被理解为一种政治实践?这是利用纳米比亚私营和公共部门的焦点小组进行研究的,纳米比亚的纳税意愿和相对的税收负担都很高。这项对公民经验的微观研究侧重于与税收有关的政治实践的感知空间、对税收的影响感以及税收是否被视为公民。这篇文章表明,税收被降级为政治领域,在那里缺乏审议和问责的机会,但责任观念是税收合规的核心要素。
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引用次数: 0
MOA volume 60 issue 2 Cover and Front matter MOA第60卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022278x22000246
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引用次数: 0
From dependence to conviviality: unaccompanied youth and host communities at the Zimbabwean–South African borderland 从依赖到欢乐:津巴布韦-南非边境无人陪伴的青年和收容社区
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000040
Noa Levy
Abstract Unaccompanied child and youth migrants negotiate with local host communities in their attempts to find a place to belong to, yet research has generally neglected their participation in the making of relationships with the people around them. Providing a perspective of the longue durée, the Zimbabwean–South African borderland teaches us that time is critical in young migrants’ ability to negotiate their positioning and actively shape relationships with host communities, based on mutual interest. While at the beginning of their stay, unaccompanied children and youth were at the mercy of others, time enabled them to accumulate knowledge and develop skills that were in demand, shifting their place in society and setting the ground for conviviality.
无人陪伴的儿童和青年移民与当地收容社区进行谈判,试图找到一个属于他们的地方,但研究通常忽视了他们与周围人建立关系的参与。从津巴布韦-南非边境的情况来看,这段漫长的过渡期告诉我们,年轻移民能否在共同利益的基础上协商自己的定位,并积极塑造与收容社区的关系,时间是至关重要的。在他们逗留之初,无人陪伴的儿童和青年受他人支配,时间使他们能够积累知识和发展所需的技能,改变他们在社会中的地位,并为欢乐奠定基础。
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引用次数: 0
‘Assuming our place in the concert of nations’: Burundi as imagined in Pierre Nkurunziza's political speeches “在国际舞台上占有一席之地”:皮埃尔·恩库伦齐扎政治演讲中想象的布隆迪
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X22000088
Andrea Filipi, Katrin Wittig
Abstract Pierre Nkurunziza died in 2020, just a few months short of completing his tenure as the first post-civil war President of Burundi. Critics have cast him as yet another rebel-turned-politician who came to office on a promise of a democratic transformation but became progressively authoritarian, particularly during his third, disputed term in office. As a political figure, however, Nkurunziza remains poorly understood. What kind of a worldview motivated his politics? Drawing on critical discourse analysis, we identify three recurring themes in Nkurunziza's key political speeches: anti-colonialism; unity and self-sufficiency; and discourse around ‘politics of a new beginning’. These themes were stable across time, indicating Nkurunziza's consistent worldview, but became more pronounced and radical as he faced growing challenges to his legitimacy from within and without. Far from being confined to rhetoric, the themes also manifested in concrete policy decisions, underscoring the urgent need to take ideology seriously in understanding the political trajectories of African leaders.
皮埃尔·恩库伦齐扎(Pierre Nkurunziza)于2020年去世,距离结束他作为布隆迪内战后第一位总统的任期只有几个月的时间。批评人士把他描绘成又一个由反对派转变为政治家的人,他上台时承诺进行民主转型,但却逐渐变得专制,尤其是在他第三个有争议的任期内。然而,作为一个政治人物,人们对恩库伦齐扎仍然知之甚少。什么样的世界观激发了他的政治?根据批判性话语分析,我们在恩库伦齐扎的主要政治演讲中确定了三个反复出现的主题:反殖民主义;团结自足;以及围绕“新开端的政治”的讨论。随着时间的推移,这些主题是稳定的,这表明恩库伦齐扎的世界观是一致的,但随着他面临越来越多的来自内部和外部的合法性挑战,这些主题变得更加明显和激进。这些主题远非局限于言辞,它们还体现在具体的政策决定中,强调在理解非洲领导人的政治轨迹时迫切需要认真对待意识形态。
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引用次数: 0
Keeping Ebola at bay: public authority and ceremonial competence in rural Sierra Leone 遏制埃博拉:塞拉利昂农村的公共权力和礼仪能力
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0022278X21000422
F. Kamara, G. A. Mokuwa, P. Richards
Abstract Ebola Virus Disease struck Sierra Leone in May 2014. An international response was instrumental in ending the epidemic by December 2015 and has been extensively documented. Less attention has been paid to local responses. Here, we focus on a case in which there was no infection despite high infection in neighbouring areas. This brings into focus the role of customary public authority in implementing successful controls. We pay particular attention to the activities of a chiefdom Ebola Task force committee chaired by the Paramount Chief. Meetings were characterised by protocol and ceremony, but ‘face time’ served to reinforce, in ritual terms, important messages about quarantine and social distancing. The committee's pronouncements had illocutionary force. Local volunteers translated this ceremonial message into practical action to block imported cases. The analysis of ceremonial competence, we conclude, opens a window into how public authority addresses developmental shocks in Africa.
摘要埃博拉病毒病于2014年5月袭击塞拉利昂。国际应对措施有助于在2015年12月前结束这一流行病,并已被广泛记录在案。对地方反应的关注较少。在这里,我们关注的是一个病例,尽管邻近地区感染率很高,但没有感染。这突出了习惯公共当局在实施成功控制方面的作用。我们特别关注由最高酋长主持的酋长国埃博拉特别工作组委员会的活动。会议以礼仪和仪式为特色,但从仪式的角度来看,“面对面”有助于强化有关隔离和保持社交距离的重要信息。委员会的声明具有言外之力。当地志愿者将这一仪式性信息转化为阻止输入病例的实际行动。我们得出结论,对礼仪能力的分析为了解公共当局如何应对非洲的发展冲击打开了一扇窗户。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Modern African Studies
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