Abstract Civic education has long been viewed as a political tool to construct identity in nation‐states. This view, however, is complicated by the cases of Hong Kong and Macau. As former colonies and current autonomous regions of China, the two cities went through decolonisation without becoming nation‐states. Does this status affect Hong Kong's and Macau's identity discourses? Are civic textbooks tools to construct or deconstruct a Chinese/national identity? What explains the two cities' different identity discourses? Going beyond the civic–ethnic binary, this article argues that identities in ‘postcolonial territorial autonomies’, such as Hong Kong and Macau, should be analysed through a multilevel framework of identity/state–society interactions, reflecting the local, national and global forces at play. The interactions of these forces shape Hong Kong's layered identity, Macau's ambiguous identity and the two cities' contradictory attitudes towards colonial legacies. This study contributes to a relational and interactional rethinking of national identity and decolonisation.
{"title":"Debating national identity in postcolonial cities: A comparison of civic education textbooks in Hong Kong and Macau","authors":"Licheng Qian, Meng U Ieong","doi":"10.1111/nana.12974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12974","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Civic education has long been viewed as a political tool to construct identity in nation‐states. This view, however, is complicated by the cases of Hong Kong and Macau. As former colonies and current autonomous regions of China, the two cities went through decolonisation without becoming nation‐states. Does this status affect Hong Kong's and Macau's identity discourses? Are civic textbooks tools to construct or deconstruct a Chinese/national identity? What explains the two cities' different identity discourses? Going beyond the civic–ethnic binary, this article argues that identities in ‘postcolonial territorial autonomies’, such as Hong Kong and Macau, should be analysed through a multilevel framework of identity/state–society interactions, reflecting the local, national and global forces at play. The interactions of these forces shape Hong Kong's layered identity, Macau's ambiguous identity and the two cities' contradictory attitudes towards colonial legacies. This study contributes to a relational and interactional rethinking of national identity and decolonisation.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135645317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Francisco Jiménez Aguilar, Antonio Álvarez‐Benavides
Abstract During the Great Recession, a group of identitarian nativist associations emerged in Spain, which, over time, gave shape to a new social movement: the Cultural Associations of National Aid ( Asociaciones Culturales de Ayuda Nacional ). Based on a digital ethnography and critical discursive analysis, this paper aims to examine their worldview and ‘repertoire of contention’, focusing on the latest events that have shaken the world and, more particularly, Spanish society. This research highlights two contributions to the nationalism and far‐right social movements study: ‘national priority’ as a radicalization of the ‘national preference’, and ‘national aid’ as a new discriminatory non‐state aid, which we will refer to as ‘ultranationalist charity’.
在经济大衰退期间，西班牙出现了一批认同本土主义的协会，随着时间的推移，形成了一个新的社会运动:国家援助文化协会(Asociaciones Culturales de Ayuda Nacional)。基于数字民族志和批判性话语分析，本文旨在研究他们的世界观和“争论的保留”，重点关注震动世界的最新事件，尤其是西班牙社会。本研究强调了对民族主义和极右翼社会运动研究的两个贡献:“国家优先”是“国家偏好”的激进化，“国家援助”是一种新的歧视性非国家援助，我们将其称为“极端民族主义慈善”。
{"title":"The new Spanish far‐right movement: Crisis, national priority and ultranationalist charity","authors":"Francisco Jiménez Aguilar, Antonio Álvarez‐Benavides","doi":"10.1111/nana.12992","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12992","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract During the Great Recession, a group of identitarian nativist associations emerged in Spain, which, over time, gave shape to a new social movement: the Cultural Associations of National Aid ( Asociaciones Culturales de Ayuda Nacional ). Based on a digital ethnography and critical discursive analysis, this paper aims to examine their worldview and ‘repertoire of contention’, focusing on the latest events that have shaken the world and, more particularly, Spanish society. This research highlights two contributions to the nationalism and far‐right social movements study: ‘national priority’ as a radicalization of the ‘national preference’, and ‘national aid’ as a new discriminatory non‐state aid, which we will refer to as ‘ultranationalist charity’.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135744376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article excavates the Eurocentric roots of Iranian nationalist discourse, which emerged from the political and intellectual trajectories of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Premised on the epistemic privilege of the Persian language, a selective remembrance of the past, and forging an internal Other, I contend that this raciolinguistic ideology equated Persianness with Iranianness and naturalised Persian as both a language and a race. I begin with tracing the origin of Iranianness or Irāniyat : a concept coined by Mirza Fath'Ali Akhundzadeh and Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, two influential figures in late Qajar Iran, whose writings introduced and disseminated the Eurocentric and Orientalist view of the non‐Persian Other. In the second section, I examine how the Berlin Circle, a group of Iranian nationalist intellectuals in the early 20th century, elaborated these ideas into a coherent racial and political ideology that later informed the Pahlavis' state‐building project in 1925. The last section of the article engages with the recent neologism of the ‘Persianate World’, an intellectual enterprise imbued with an Orientalist predisposition that aims to inscribe a trans‐border and transcultural quality to Persian culture far beyond its current boundaries, encompassing Eurasia and Central Asia.
{"title":"Persian orientalism: Raciolinguistic ideologies and the construction of ‘Iranianness’","authors":"Ahmad Mohammadpour","doi":"10.1111/nana.12990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12990","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article excavates the Eurocentric roots of Iranian nationalist discourse, which emerged from the political and intellectual trajectories of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Premised on the epistemic privilege of the Persian language, a selective remembrance of the past, and forging an internal Other, I contend that this raciolinguistic ideology equated Persianness with Iranianness and naturalised Persian as both a language and a race. I begin with tracing the origin of Iranianness or Irāniyat : a concept coined by Mirza Fath'Ali Akhundzadeh and Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, two influential figures in late Qajar Iran, whose writings introduced and disseminated the Eurocentric and Orientalist view of the non‐Persian Other. In the second section, I examine how the Berlin Circle, a group of Iranian nationalist intellectuals in the early 20th century, elaborated these ideas into a coherent racial and political ideology that later informed the Pahlavis' state‐building project in 1925. The last section of the article engages with the recent neologism of the ‘Persianate World’, an intellectual enterprise imbued with an Orientalist predisposition that aims to inscribe a trans‐border and transcultural quality to Persian culture far beyond its current boundaries, encompassing Eurasia and Central Asia.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134903917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The dichotomy between civic Western nationalism and ethnic non‐Western nationalism (also known as “the Kohn dichotomy” after the historian of nationalism Hans Kohn) remains one of the most influential frameworks for understanding nationalism. It is also one of the most controversial: The binary schema has been criticised not only for its conceptual inconsistencies but also for entrenching an ethnocentric hierarchy that depicts Western nations as fountains of civic virtue. This article enriches these longstanding debates by excavating the neglected inverse side of the Kohn dichotomy. Since the late nineteenth century, the idealised Western nation is imagined not only as a civic polity united by common political traditions but also as an organic community blessed with natural boundaries. In short, Western nations are depicted as both civic and ethnic. Meanwhile, non‐Western nations are denied the privilege of being contradictory and deemed to suffer from a perennial mismatch between civic and ethnic elements: Non‐Western nations are depicted either as ethnic communities lacking civic traditions or as artificial political constructions lacking organic roots. Without taking into account this intricate dialectic between the civic and ethnic poles of the nation form, critics of the Kohn dichotomy will struggle to fully grasp its ideological functions or historical longevity.
{"title":"Mind the gap: The nation form and the Kohn dichotomy","authors":"Jaakko Heiskanen","doi":"10.1111/nana.12991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12991","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The dichotomy between civic Western nationalism and ethnic non‐Western nationalism (also known as “the Kohn dichotomy” after the historian of nationalism Hans Kohn) remains one of the most influential frameworks for understanding nationalism. It is also one of the most controversial: The binary schema has been criticised not only for its conceptual inconsistencies but also for entrenching an ethnocentric hierarchy that depicts Western nations as fountains of civic virtue. This article enriches these longstanding debates by excavating the neglected inverse side of the Kohn dichotomy. Since the late nineteenth century, the idealised Western nation is imagined not only as a civic polity united by common political traditions but also as an organic community blessed with natural boundaries. In short, Western nations are depicted as both civic and ethnic. Meanwhile, non‐Western nations are denied the privilege of being contradictory and deemed to suffer from a perennial mismatch between civic and ethnic elements: Non‐Western nations are depicted either as ethnic communities lacking civic traditions or as artificial political constructions lacking organic roots. Without taking into account this intricate dialectic between the civic and ethnic poles of the nation form, critics of the Kohn dichotomy will struggle to fully grasp its ideological functions or historical longevity.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134886083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Mill's System of Logic (1843) indicates that the definition of ‘nationality’ he offered in Considerations on Representative Government (1861) is not a throwaway comment but a carefully considered causal hypothesis tailored to his politico‐ethological research programme. This matters because Lord Acton's critique of Mill's claim that free institutions are almost impossible in multinational states ignored the definition, thereby obscuring subsequent scholars' vision of the conceptual dimension of this famous dispute. Although Mill struggled in his politico‐ethological endeavour, he was sufficiently confident to judge that, if nationalities seek self‐determination through exclusive control of the state, liberal democratic institutions would be unlikely to emerge in multinational states, let alone survive and prosper. Since Acton's critique presupposed an undemocratic conception of free institutions and a far weaker notion of national self‐determination, it failed to contradict that judgement. Indeed, once their conceptual disagreements are clarified, Acton's empirical analysis can be seen to support it.
{"title":"Mill and Acton on liberty, nationality and multinational states","authors":"Tim Beaumont","doi":"10.1111/nana.12989","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12989","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Mill's System of Logic (1843) indicates that the definition of ‘nationality’ he offered in Considerations on Representative Government (1861) is not a throwaway comment but a carefully considered causal hypothesis tailored to his politico‐ethological research programme. This matters because Lord Acton's critique of Mill's claim that free institutions are almost impossible in multinational states ignored the definition, thereby obscuring subsequent scholars' vision of the conceptual dimension of this famous dispute. Although Mill struggled in his politico‐ethological endeavour, he was sufficiently confident to judge that, if nationalities seek self‐determination through exclusive control of the state, liberal democratic institutions would be unlikely to emerge in multinational states, let alone survive and prosper. Since Acton's critique presupposed an undemocratic conception of free institutions and a far weaker notion of national self‐determination, it failed to contradict that judgement. Indeed, once their conceptual disagreements are clarified, Acton's empirical analysis can be seen to support it.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135769872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Ukrainians' resilience in the face of Russia's 2022 invasion can be explained by cumulative identity change through successive revolutions: the Orange Revolution in 2004, the Maidan Revolution or Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014 and the current as yet unnamed war. The two phases of the war, from 2014 and 2022, have accelerated both the civic and the social construction of Ukrainian identity. Post‐post‐Soviet Ukraine is now a consolidated civic and political nation. But there is also an increased consensus on traditional nationalist mythology, defined by opposition to Russia's aggressive reimperialisation and autocratic political culture and by Ukraine's hyper‐Europeanisation.
{"title":"Ukraine at war: Baseline identity and social construction","authors":"Andrew Wilson","doi":"10.1111/nana.12986","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12986","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Ukrainians' resilience in the face of Russia's 2022 invasion can be explained by cumulative identity change through successive revolutions: the Orange Revolution in 2004, the Maidan Revolution or Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014 and the current as yet unnamed war. The two phases of the war, from 2014 and 2022, have accelerated both the civic and the social construction of Ukrainian identity. Post‐post‐Soviet Ukraine is now a consolidated civic and political nation. But there is also an increased consensus on traditional nationalist mythology, defined by opposition to Russia's aggressive reimperialisation and autocratic political culture and by Ukraine's hyper‐Europeanisation.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135149445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Alan Bairner, Niamh Kitching, Stuart Whigham, Ali Bowes
Abstract The aim of this paper is to consider the relationship between sport and identity formation by examining testimonies of 24 British women who attended the Solheim Cup golf tournament in 2019 to support a transnational team made up of professional European women players. Relatively little is known about the effects of transnational sports teams on identity formation, not least because such teams are themselves rare. The Solheim Cup, contested by teams of female professional golfers representing the United States and Europe, is one such example. The data set consists of interviews with women who attended the competition that took place in a period of political uncertainty between the UK electorate voting to leave the European Union and Brexit actually taking place. The paper analyses the women's views in relation to national identity, European identity and cosmopolitanism. Although it emerges that most of the women felt more European in the context of a competition involving a team representing Europe and were opposed to the United Kingdom leaving the European Union, they could also be described as cosmopolitan as a result of their educational level, social class and experience of living in or regularly visiting foreign countries.
{"title":"National identities, European identity and cosmopolitanism: The case of female golf fans at the 2019 Solheim Cup","authors":"Alan Bairner, Niamh Kitching, Stuart Whigham, Ali Bowes","doi":"10.1111/nana.12988","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12988","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this paper is to consider the relationship between sport and identity formation by examining testimonies of 24 British women who attended the Solheim Cup golf tournament in 2019 to support a transnational team made up of professional European women players. Relatively little is known about the effects of transnational sports teams on identity formation, not least because such teams are themselves rare. The Solheim Cup, contested by teams of female professional golfers representing the United States and Europe, is one such example. The data set consists of interviews with women who attended the competition that took place in a period of political uncertainty between the UK electorate voting to leave the European Union and Brexit actually taking place. The paper analyses the women's views in relation to national identity, European identity and cosmopolitanism. Although it emerges that most of the women felt more European in the context of a competition involving a team representing Europe and were opposed to the United Kingdom leaving the European Union, they could also be described as cosmopolitan as a result of their educational level, social class and experience of living in or regularly visiting foreign countries.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136024613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Does ethnic empowerment under colonial rule shape ethnic power even after independence? Existing research offers mixed arguments and rarely differentiates between different types of political empowerment. Drawing on the historical observation that the parliament and the security forces were two of the major sources of political power in newly independent states, this preregistered study tests whether ethnic representation in the colonial constabulary force and the receipt of guaranteed communal representation in the colonial legislature reduces the risk of postcolonial ethnic exclusion in ex‐British colonies. It is found that the former has a strong and consistent effect on reducing the odds of postcolonial ethnic exclusion, but the latter, despite its frequent usage as a form of colonial ethnic empowerment, does not prevent political exclusion. The importance of martial vis‐à‐vis rational‐legal power in newly independent states and varying levels of diachronic continuity between the two forms of colonial empowerment may account for the diverging results.
{"title":"Ethnic empowering policies and postcolonial political exclusion in the British empire: An analysis of ethnic police recruitment and communal legislative representation","authors":"Tay Jeong, Choong Kyo Jeong","doi":"10.1111/nana.12987","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12987","url":null,"abstract":"Does ethnic empowerment under colonial rule shape ethnic power even after independence? Existing research offers mixed arguments and rarely differentiates between different types of political empowerment. Drawing on the historical observation that the parliament and the security forces were two of the major sources of political power in newly independent states, this preregistered study tests whether ethnic representation in the colonial constabulary force and the receipt of guaranteed communal representation in the colonial legislature reduces the risk of postcolonial ethnic exclusion in ex‐British colonies. It is found that the former has a strong and consistent effect on reducing the odds of postcolonial ethnic exclusion, but the latter, despite its frequent usage as a form of colonial ethnic empowerment, does not prevent political exclusion. The importance of martial vis‐à‐vis rational‐legal power in newly independent states and varying levels of diachronic continuity between the two forms of colonial empowerment may account for the diverging results.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45038621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While exclusionary national identities are widespread among Europeans, relatively few people vote for the far right in most countries. Thus, an exclusionary identity in many cases does not lead to voting for the most nativist types of parties. We explain this empirical puzzle by showing that these identities need to be activated to become behaviourally relevant. To this end, we analyse longitudinal comparative data of over 135,000 individuals across more than 26 years and 26 countries combining different survey programmes and manifesto data. We use latent class analysis to show that over half of respondents hold exclusionary conceptions of nationhood. Moreover, this type of national identity predicts voting far right. Using multi‐level modelling and within‐country estimators, we further demonstrate that this relationship is significantly stronger when a country's political elites across all parties become more exclusionary. Taking the activation hypothesis to the test in a European context, we conclude that the effect of national identity is conditional on its prior activation.
{"title":"Careless whisper: Political elite discourses activate national identities for far‐right voting preferences","authors":"Antonia C. May, Christian S. Czymara","doi":"10.1111/nana.12985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12985","url":null,"abstract":"While exclusionary national identities are widespread among Europeans, relatively few people vote for the far right in most countries. Thus, an exclusionary identity in many cases does not lead to voting for the most nativist types of parties. We explain this empirical puzzle by showing that these identities need to be activated to become behaviourally relevant. To this end, we analyse longitudinal comparative data of over 135,000 individuals across more than 26 years and 26 countries combining different survey programmes and manifesto data. We use latent class analysis to show that over half of respondents hold exclusionary conceptions of nationhood. Moreover, this type of national identity predicts voting far right. Using multi‐level modelling and within‐country estimators, we further demonstrate that this relationship is significantly stronger when a country's political elites across all parties become more exclusionary. Taking the activation hypothesis to the test in a European context, we conclude that the effect of national identity is conditional on its prior activation.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46997696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As part of an effort to establish a national identity within the education sector, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) revised its 2018/2019 textbooks. This study seeks to understand the motivation behind the revisions, focusing on how the new content depict ‘the self’ and ‘the other’. Through our analysis, it was discovered that the textbooks should be seen as an extension of the Palestinian struggle for nation‐building and self‐determination. The PNA's strategy to curricula development represents a departure from the previous Oslo framework with a focus on historical Palestine and defining ‘the other’ on their own terms.
{"title":"The new Palestinian textbooks: A strategy for national identity and self‐determination","authors":"Samira Alayan, Celia Riley","doi":"10.1111/nana.12976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12976","url":null,"abstract":"As part of an effort to establish a national identity within the education sector, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) revised its 2018/2019 textbooks. This study seeks to understand the motivation behind the revisions, focusing on how the new content depict ‘the self’ and ‘the other’. Through our analysis, it was discovered that the textbooks should be seen as an extension of the Palestinian struggle for nation‐building and self‐determination. The PNA's strategy to curricula development represents a departure from the previous Oslo framework with a focus on historical Palestine and defining ‘the other’ on their own terms.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45031331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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