Nations and Nationalism最新文献

英文中文

Can institutions explain mass violence? Amhara ‘settler’ discourse and Ethiopia's ethnic federalism 制度可以解释大规模暴力吗？阿姆哈拉'定居者'话语与埃塞俄比亚的民族联邦制

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2024-01-28 DOI: 10.1111/nana.13004

Kaleb Demerew

This paper begins by reviewing rational choice institutionalism's explanation of how political institutions incentivise patronage networks emphasising ethnic cleavage. Acknowledging the limits of rationalist institutionalism in explaining societal norm constructions and mass behaviour, the paper then adopts discursive institutionalism to analyse the social affects of institutional design. The case study of violence against Amharas deemed ‘settlers’ in Ethiopia's contemporary ethnic federation highlights how new cleavages create new norms and new historical narratives, influencing group dynamics. These dynamics result in group-based mass violence when rents-based orders and patronage networks collapse during times of institutional instability or change. Thus, precipitated by the discursive effects of hyper-ethnicised institutional design, mass violence against Amhara in different ethnic regions in Ethiopia emerges as an unexpected outcome of regime change and democratic transition in the country. These incidents of targeted violence are not simply explained by institutions, but rather by the socio-political climate effected by the interaction between institutions and discourse under ethnic federalism. In short, this study demonstrates how institutions go beyond incentivising or constraining elite behaviour, producing discursive markers that normalise violence during periods of institutional ‘lapse’, when formal provisions of social order temporarily collapse.

本文首先回顾了理性选择制度主义对政治体制如何激励强调种族分裂的赞助网络的解释。认识到理性主义制度主义在解释社会规范构建和大众行为方面的局限性，本文随后采用辨证制度主义来分析制度设计的社会影响。通过对埃塞俄比亚当代民族联盟中被视为 "定居者 "的阿姆哈拉人遭受暴力的案例研究，突出说明了新的裂痕如何创造出新的规范和新的历史叙事，从而影响群体动态。在体制不稳定或变革时期，当基于租金的秩序和赞助网络崩溃时，这些动态就会导致基于群体的大规模暴力。因此，埃塞俄比亚不同民族地区针对阿姆哈拉人的大规模暴力事件是该国政权更迭和民主过渡的意外结果。这些有针对性的暴力事件并不能简单地用制度来解释，而是在种族联邦制下，制度与话语之间相互作用所产生的社会政治气候。简而言之，本研究表明，在制度 "失效 "时期，当社会秩序的正式规定暂时崩溃时，制度如何超越对精英行为的激励或约束，产生使暴力正常化的话语标记。

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引用次数: 0

Ethics and the state: Israel's nationality law and the revision of a revolution 伦理与国家：以色列国籍法与革命的修订

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2024-01-28 DOI: 10.1111/nana.13000

Eyal Chowers

In 2018, 70 years after it was founded, the State of Israel accepted a new nationality law, one which reshaped the identity of the state. Supporters of this constitutional law argue that it is necessary since the Jewish-national character of the state is under threat, and since liberal-democratic principles and policies have acquired undesired dominance in public life. The nationality law, however, does much more than restore a lost or imagined collective identity: it is a significant setback to both the liberal and republican understandings of a democratic state, as well as to Jewish-Arab relations. More broadly still, the law displays the growing distance between the ethical and political spheres in Israel; this distance is expressed in the law's remarkable modifications of the three Zionist revolutions pertaining to the material (land), the linguistic and the political-communal dimensions of Jewish, national life.

2018 年，以色列国在建国 70 年后接受了一部新的国籍法，这部法律重塑了国家的身份。这部宪法法律的支持者认为，这部法律是必要的，因为国家的犹太民族特征受到了威胁，而且自由民主的原则和政策在公共生活中获得了不受欢迎的主导地位。然而，国籍法所起的作用远不止是恢复一个失去的或想象中的集体身份：它是对民主国家的自由主义和共和主义理解的重大挫折，也是犹太人与阿拉伯人关系的重大挫折。更广泛地说，该法显示了以色列伦理和政治领域之间日益拉大的距离；这种距离表现在该法对犹太复国主义的三项革命进行了显著修改，这三项革命涉及犹太人民族生活的物质（土地）、语言和政治--社区层面。

引用次数: 0

Dancing with the devil? Emmanuel Macron, Marine Le Pen and the articulation of a new political divide in France 与魔鬼共舞？埃马纽埃尔-马克龙、玛丽娜-勒庞与法国新政治分歧的表述

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2024-01-16 DOI: 10.1111/nana.13001

Lise Esther Herman, Marta Lorimer

This paper investigates how political challengers articulate new political divides in European political party systems and with what implications for representative democracy. Focusing on the case of France and the discourse and practices of Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, the paper identifies three strategies these actors have used to articulate a new political division beyond Left and Right: the discursive rejection of traditional Left/Right politics, the combination of elements from across the Left/Right divide and the identification of each other as opposite sides on a new cleavage. Our analysis also suggests that rather than addressing the democratic pathologies associated with the traditional Left/Right party system, this new divide has largely contributed to deepen them. Specifically, the new dichotomy carries risks in terms of representative deficits, electoral demobilisation and the further legitimation of illiberal politics.

本文探讨了政治挑战者如何在欧洲政党制度中阐明新的政治分歧，以及这对代议制民主有何影响。本文以法国为例，通过埃马纽埃尔-马克龙（Emmanuel Macron）和玛丽娜-勒庞（Marine Le Pen）的言论和实践，指出了这两位政治挑战者在表达超越左右的新政治分歧时所采用的三种策略：在言论上摒弃传统的左/右政治，将来自左/右分歧的各种因素结合起来，以及将对方认定为新裂痕的对立面。我们的分析还表明，这种新的分裂非但没有解决与传统左右政党制度相关的民主病症，反而在很大程度上加深了这些病症。具体而言，新的二分法在代表性缺陷、选举去动员化以及非自由主义政治的进一步合法化等方面都存在风险。

引用次数: 0

Economic decline, ethnonationalism and civil war onset 经济衰退、民族主义和内战爆发

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.1111/nana.13002

Marc Scarcelli

Within the scholarship on the causes of civil wars, GDP per capita represents a strong and robust variable. Less attention, however, is paid to the role of economic decline. When it is included at all, scholars tend to consider it only in the period just prior to the onset of war. This paper argues that the impact of economic decline has been underestimated, for in addition to its short-term effects, evidence from case studies reveals that a particular pattern is often evident during periods of sharp economic decline, in which ethnonationalist actors ascend in political power while scapegoating minority populations. The resulting increase in interethnic tensions raises the risk of large-scale civil violence even many years after a major recession. The cases of Yugoslavia, Ivory Coast and India show the long-term effects of a common exogenous shock- the global recession of the late 1970s- in the form of rising ethnonationalist political actors, setting the stage for large-scale interethnic civil violence long after the initial economic shock.

在有关内战原因的学术研究中，人均国内生产总值是一个强有力的变量。然而，人们对经济衰退的作用关注较少。如果将其包括在内，学者们往往只考虑战争爆发前的时期。本文认为，经济衰退的影响被低估了，因为除了其短期影响外，案例研究的证据显示，在经济急剧衰退期，往往会出现一种特殊的模式，即民族主义行为体在政治权力上升的同时，将少数民族作为替罪羊。由此导致的种族间紧张局势加剧，甚至在经济大幅衰退多年后仍有可能引发大规模国内暴力。南斯拉夫、象牙海岸和印度的案例显示了 20 世纪 70 年代末全球经济衰退这一共同的外源冲击所产生的长期影响，其表现形式为民族主义政治行为体的崛起，在最初的经济冲击过后的很长一段时间里，为大规模的民族间国内暴力埋下了伏笔。

引用次数: 0

The Yugoslav War that was not theirs: The case of national minority millennials 不属于他们的南斯拉夫战争少数民族千禧一代的案例

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2024-01-04 DOI: 10.1111/nana.13003

Karolina Lendák-Kabók

This paper delves into the experiences of ethnic Hungarian millennials in Vojvodina, Serbia, who came of age during the tumultuous Yugoslav Wars in the 1990s. Despite their non-involvement in the conflict, they grappled with substantial challenges arising from surging nationalism that impacted both society and their personal lives. The study illuminates the unexplored suffering of members of this demographic and the enduring aftermath of their war-time encounters. Utilising qualitative interviews and a literature review on nationalism and the Yugoslav Wars, this research reconstructs the perceptions of ethnic minority millennials regarding the nationalistic atmosphere in which they grew up. It delves into their unexpected entanglement with the conflict and its profound consequences on their wellbeing, families and social dynamics. Despite their community's non-participatory stance, this study unveils the concealed wounds of war-induced trauma and their broader implications. The main value of the paper is that it shows how ethnic minority millennials were drawn into the conflict and how they have been impacted by it despite not being the war's main protagonists.

本文深入研究了塞尔维亚伏伊伏丁那省匈牙利族千禧一代的经历，他们是在 20 世纪 90 年代动荡的南斯拉夫战争期间长大的。尽管他们没有卷入冲突，但他们仍努力应对民族主义激增带来的巨大挑战，这些挑战对社会和个人生活都产生了影响。本研究揭示了这一群体成员未曾经历过的苦难，以及他们在战时遭遇的持久影响。本研究利用定性访谈和有关民族主义与南斯拉夫战争的文献综述，重构了少数民族千禧一代对其成长所处的民族主义氛围的看法。研究深入探讨了他们与冲突的意外纠葛，以及冲突对他们的福祉、家庭和社会动态造成的深远影响。尽管他们的社区不参与其中，但本研究揭示了战争造成的创伤所隐藏的伤口及其广泛影响。本文的主要价值在于，它展示了少数民族千禧一代是如何被卷入冲突的，以及尽管他们不是战争的主角，却如何受到冲突的影响。

引用次数: 0

Radicalization to the right, secular (ish) pandemic politics and the normalization of the Greek Cypriot far right 右翼激进化、世俗（等同）大流行政治和希族塞人极右派的正常化

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1111/nana.12999

Yiannos Katsourides, Leandros Savvides

One of the many dimensions of the global tussle surrounding the Covid-19 pandemic has been the rise of right-wing radicalization. In this article, we investigate whether the pandemic offered an opportunity for the Greek Cypriot far-right party, ELAM, to increase its visibility as an opposition force and in what ways. We also explore the transformations in populist rhetoric and practices in the Republic of Cyprus, seeking to identify patterns of persistence and evolution, particularly in how they handle scientific matters in their political stances. Similarly, we delve into the impact of far-right populist politics on the political dynamics in Cyprus. Our findings indicate that pandemic politics were not the exclusive or primary factor in the normalization of the far right but rather served as an accelerator of preexisting trends. The party's handling of the pandemic and scientific principles signifies the diversity within the far-right phenomenon rather than pointing to a universal pattern.

围绕 "Covid-19 "大流行病的全球斗争的诸多方面之一是右翼激进主义的兴起。在这篇文章中，我们将探讨疫情是否为希族塞人极右翼政党--希族塞人极右翼运动党（ELAM）--提供了一个提高其作为反对力量的能见度的机会，以及以何种方式提高其能见度。我们还探讨了塞浦路斯共和国民粹主义言论和实践的转变，试图找出其持续和演变的模式，尤其是他们在政治立场中如何处理科学问题。同样，我们还深入研究了极右民粹主义政治对塞浦路斯政治动态的影响。我们的研究结果表明，大流行病政治并不是极右翼正常化的唯一或主要因素，而是先前存在的趋势的加速器。政党对大流行病的处理方式和科学原则表明了极右现象的多样性，而不是指向一种普遍模式。

引用次数: 0

Association of Adenoid Hypertrophy with Nasal and Middle Ear Pathologies in Adults. 成人鼻、中耳病变与腺样体肥大的关系。

IF 1.5 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2023-12-01 Epub Date: 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1007/s12070-023-03784-4

Kole Amit Sharad, Dorkar Shashikant Narayan, Panchal Shivani Bhagwatkumar

A prospective comparative study was carried out in patients attending ENT Out Patient Department of a tertiary care Hospital with an aim to determine the association of adenoid hypertrophy with chronic nasal and middle ear pathologies in those aged 18 years or above. Patients presenting between August 2020 and February 2022 with chronic nasal and middle ear pathologies who underwent diagnostic nasal endoscopy were seen for adenoid hypertrophy and its association was analysed statistically. Adenoid hypertrophy (AH) in 18-25, 26-35, 36-45 and 46-55 years age group are 56.25, 28.12, 12.5, 3.125% respectively with a male:female ratio of 3:1. None of the patients were above 56 years in the study. No statistically significant association could be derived between chronic nasal and middle ear pathologies with AH. AH is a vital cause of nasal obstruction in adult population with a rising frequency these days owing to allergy, chronic infection and increased pollution. The entire of the individuals presenting with nasal obstruction, snoring and other nasal symptoms and chronic middle ear pathologies; AH should at all times be kept in mind as a ground and the patients shall be appraised for adenoid hypertrophy.

我们对某三级医院耳鼻喉科门诊就诊的患者进行了前瞻性比较研究，目的是确定18岁及以上患者腺样体肥大与慢性鼻和中耳病变的关系。对2020年8月至2022年2月就诊的慢性鼻中耳病变患者进行诊断性鼻内窥镜检查，发现腺样体肥大，并对其相关性进行统计学分析。18-25岁、26-35岁、36-45岁、46-55岁年龄组腺样体肥大(AH)分别为56.25%、28.12%、12.5、3.125%，男女比例为3:1。在这项研究中，没有一个患者的年龄超过56岁。慢性鼻部和中耳病变与AH之间没有统计学意义的关联。由于过敏、慢性感染和污染加剧，AH是成年人鼻塞的重要原因，近年来发病率不断上升。所有出现鼻塞、打鼾等鼻部症状和中耳慢性病变的个体;无论何时都应将AH作为诊断依据，并对患者进行腺样体肥大的评估。

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引用次数: 0

Nationalism and the energy transition: The case of the SNP 民族主义与能源转型:以苏格兰民族党为例

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1111/nana.12993

Owen Tutt, Harald Heubaum

While fossil fuels are a well-researched element of nationalist discourse, the relationship between nationalism and renewable energy has not yet been adequately explored. We address this gap by investigating the impact of the energy transition on the Scottish National Party's (SNP) discourse between 1983 and 2021. Through an analysis of SNP manifestos and speeches, we discursively trace the evolution of three pertinent amalgams of nationalism—green nationalism, resource nationalism and techno-nationalism—revealing renewable energy to have been co-opted and deployed in all three. Rather than the energy transition intuitively resulting in the decline of fossil fuel-based nationalisms in favour of those rooted in an emergent renewable energy paradigm, we find that adaptations in the SNP's discursive strategies allowed the former to co-exist with the latter, enhancing complementarity and mitigating goal conflicts.

虽然化石燃料是民族主义话语中一个被充分研究的元素，但民族主义与可再生能源之间的关系尚未得到充分探讨。我们通过调查1983年至2021年间能源转型对苏格兰民族党(SNP)话语的影响来解决这一差距。通过对SNP宣言和演讲的分析，我们论述了民族主义的三种相关融合——绿色民族主义、资源民族主义和技术民族主义——的演变，揭示了可再生能源在三者中都被采用和部署。能源转型并没有直观地导致以化石燃料为基础的民族主义的衰落，而是有利于植根于新兴可再生能源范式的民族主义，我们发现SNP话语策略的适应允许前者与后者共存，增强互补性并减轻目标冲突。

引用次数: 0

Christopher Coker, 1953–2023 克里斯托弗-库克，1953-2023 年

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1111/nana.12997

John Breuilly

引用次数: 0

Cultural and linguistic nationalism in the Esperanto movement: The Catalan case (1887–1928) 世界语运动中的文化和语言民族主义:加泰罗尼亚案例(1887-1928)

IF 2.2 2区社会学 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES

Nations and Nationalism

Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1111/nana.12996

Pilar Requejo De Lamo

The emergence of Esperantism in 1887 coincided with a nationalist movement in Catalonia that was gaining momentum. During the first decades of the 20th century, both phenomena became deeply intertwined, as Catalan nationalists embraced the constructed language and used the transnational network that developed around it to revindicate their cultural particularities. This article explores how the relationship between the constructed language and Catalanists evolved between 1887 and 1928, when a political regime unfavourable to regional nationalisms forced the Catalan Esperanto movement to reframe their activities and adopt a more apolitical and neutral position.

世界语主义于1887年出现，与加泰罗尼亚的民族主义运动同时兴起。在20世纪的头几十年里，这两种现象深深地交织在一起，因为加泰罗尼亚民族主义者接受了这种建构的语言，并利用围绕它发展起来的跨国网络来重新表明他们的文化特殊性。本文探讨了在1887年至1928年间，加泰罗尼亚语与世界语之间的关系是如何演变的。当时，一个不利于地区民族主义的政治政权迫使加泰罗尼亚世界语运动重新组织他们的活动，并采取一种更加非政治性和中立的立场。

引用次数: 0

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