To get a better picture of the relation between nationalism and global environmental problems within the state‐dominated situation, I present the inherent logic of international environmental politics as a version of the famous Prisoner's Dilemma. I argue that the same contingent bonds that relate the members of nations to their respective nation‐states are part of the contemporary difficulty of actually working together for the common good on the international level by creating exclusive feelings of solidarity—the ‘Prisoners’ of the Dilemma. To reveal the experiential background of nation‐states in this situation, I rephrase and apply Edith Stein's theory of the state as a collective entity. Stein was an inter‐war political philosopher who is now mainly read within religious studies and philosophy of mind. As my argument implies, her work also has relevance for further affect nationalism studies.
{"title":"Nation‐states in a Prisoner's Dilemma with climate change: Applying Edith Stein's theory of the state","authors":"Minna‐Kerttu M Kekki","doi":"10.1111/nana.13016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13016","url":null,"abstract":"To get a better picture of the relation between nationalism and global environmental problems within the state‐dominated situation, I present the inherent logic of international environmental politics as a version of the famous Prisoner's Dilemma. I argue that the same contingent bonds that relate the members of nations to their respective nation‐states are part of the contemporary difficulty of actually working together for the common good on the international level by creating exclusive feelings of solidarity—the ‘Prisoners’ of the Dilemma. To reveal the experiential background of nation‐states in this situation, I rephrase and apply Edith Stein's theory of the state as a collective entity. Stein was an inter‐war political philosopher who is now mainly read within religious studies and philosophy of mind. As my argument implies, her work also has relevance for further affect nationalism studies.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140575628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Several English‐language adaptations of the Indian epic Rāmāyaṇa have been published since the beginning of the 21st century. The epic has been regarded and recreated as a metonym for the Indian nation. Contemporary versions have often referred to Indian geography and have tried to poetically or literally associate mythic spaces with real ones. In this paper, I use discourse analysis in order to study some of the most influential 21st‐century English‐language retellings of the Rāmāyaṇa. I conclude that these and other versions of the epic describe India as a regionally divided nation which can ultimately be united through national geography, its association with mythology and the contrast between the geography of India and that of foreign nations. In this sense, I regard these contemporary versions as a ‘literary pilgrimage’ through which Indian readers can get to know the geography of their nation and regard it as sacred.
{"title":"The progressive pilgrim: Real and mythical Indian geography in contemporary retellings of the Rāmāyaṇa","authors":"João Pedro Oliveira","doi":"10.1111/nana.13014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13014","url":null,"abstract":"Several English‐language adaptations of the Indian epic Rāmāyaṇa have been published since the beginning of the 21st century. The epic has been regarded and recreated as a metonym for the Indian nation. Contemporary versions have often referred to Indian geography and have tried to poetically or literally associate mythic spaces with real ones. In this paper, I use discourse analysis in order to study some of the most influential 21st‐century English‐language retellings of the Rāmāyaṇa. I conclude that these and other versions of the epic describe India as a regionally divided nation which can ultimately be united through national geography, its association with mythology and the contrast between the geography of India and that of foreign nations. In this sense, I regard these contemporary versions as a ‘literary pilgrimage’ through which Indian readers can get to know the geography of their nation and regard it as sacred.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140384417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article explores the specifics of Russian antisemitic discourse of recent years using the example of three nationalist communities on Vkontakte, the most popular Russian social networking site, by means of critical discourse analysis. The main strategies they employ to frame the Jews online are stereotyping Jews as ungrateful and greedy, labelling the liberal opposition as Jews and using conspiracy narratives of Jews controlling the elites. The war in Ukraine has added nuances: Jews are accused of helping Ukraine, undermining the Russian political system and orchestrating the conflict. A situation of socio-political turmoil transforms the perceived threat presented by Jews in ‘pro-regime’ nationalist discourse from symbolic (identitarian) to realistic (economic and political) by providing underpinnings for the traditional fears. For nationalist communities based on the ethnic and racial understanding of a nation, this transformation is less present because they originally perceived Jews as a realistic threat. Though sociologically, Russian antisemitism has been in stable decline offline in recent decades, it is more visible online because of social media's apparent anonymity and content generation affordances.
{"title":"‘The non-dormant beast’: Antisemitism in communities of Russian nationalists on Vkontakte","authors":"Petr Oskolkov, Sabina Lissitsa, Eyal Lewin","doi":"10.1111/nana.13013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13013","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the specifics of Russian antisemitic discourse of recent years using the example of three nationalist communities on Vkontakte, the most popular Russian social networking site, by means of critical discourse analysis. The main strategies they employ to frame the Jews online are stereotyping Jews as ungrateful and greedy, labelling the liberal opposition as Jews and using conspiracy narratives of Jews controlling the elites. The war in Ukraine has added nuances: Jews are accused of helping Ukraine, undermining the Russian political system and orchestrating the conflict. A situation of socio-political turmoil transforms the perceived threat presented by Jews in ‘pro-regime’ nationalist discourse from symbolic (identitarian) to realistic (economic and political) by providing underpinnings for the traditional fears. For nationalist communities based on the ethnic and racial understanding of a nation, this transformation is less present because they originally perceived Jews as a realistic threat. Though sociologically, Russian antisemitism has been in stable decline offline in recent decades, it is more visible online because of social media's apparent anonymity and content generation affordances.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140201156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars have neglected at a theoretical level the structuring role of warfare in the rise of nations and states. I argue that war‐making has been a constitutive force in the emergence and persistence of many national identities in four ways. First, wars can act as ‘turning points’ for good or ill to become national mythomoteurs. Second, they can create enduring popular we–they stereotypes against significant others. Third, they can generate a gemeinschaft of national sacrifice that anchors the nation after a return to peace. Finally, the outcomes of wars can legitimate ruling establishments or mobilise peoples against them. However, warfare can also disable nation formation. I shall focus on the impact of imperial wars on Eurasian borderland populations. While generating nationalism in these regions, such wars create shatter zones, marked by ethnic diversity and conflict that frustrate the formation of stable national communities.
{"title":"Thor's hammer: How warfare enables and disables nation formation","authors":"John Hutchinson","doi":"10.1111/nana.13010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13010","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have neglected at a theoretical level the structuring role of warfare in the rise of nations and states. I argue that war‐making has been a constitutive force in the emergence and persistence of many national identities in four ways. First, wars can act as ‘turning points’ for good or ill to become national <jats:italic>mythomoteurs</jats:italic>. Second, they can create enduring popular we–they stereotypes against significant others. Third, they can generate a gemeinschaft of national sacrifice that anchors the nation after a return to peace. Finally, the outcomes of wars can legitimate ruling establishments or mobilise peoples against them. However, warfare can also disable nation formation. I shall focus on the impact of imperial wars on Eurasian borderland populations. While generating nationalism in these regions, such wars create shatter zones, marked by ethnic diversity and conflict that frustrate the formation of stable national communities.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140036032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, I explore the relationship between religion and nationhood among contemporary Lithuanian migrants in Norway. The central puzzle is the lack of an open national feeling in the religious setting. However, academic literature has well documented the tight connection between the Catholic Church and Lithuanian nationhood. Interpreting the empirical data from qualitative interviews and participant observations through the lens of everyday nationalism, I argue that seeming lacklustre national sensibilities among Lithuanian Catholics do not signal Catholicism's demise as the vehicle for reproducing Lithuanian nationhood. Instead, it is an expression of the resilience of banal forms of nationalism reproduced via the institutional framework of the Catholic Church and the practices of the clergy and laity. I suggest that the case of Lithuanian Catholics in Norway intimates the need for a more nuanced approach to the concept of individual agency as opposed to a strict agency vs. banality dichotomy in everyday nationhood scholarship. Scrutinising habitual, banal forms of nationhood, together with the conscious ones, is pivotal in comprehending the complex relationship between religion and nationalism in empirical cases where visible displays of national sensibilities may be subtle but nonetheless meaningful.
{"title":"Everyday nationhood and religion in the context of migration: The case of Lithuanian Catholics in Norway","authors":"Eglė Kesylytė‐Allix","doi":"10.1111/nana.13011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13011","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I explore the relationship between religion and nationhood among contemporary Lithuanian migrants in Norway. The central puzzle is the lack of an open national feeling in the religious setting. However, academic literature has well documented the tight connection between the Catholic Church and Lithuanian nationhood. Interpreting the empirical data from qualitative interviews and participant observations through the lens of everyday nationalism, I argue that seeming lacklustre national sensibilities among Lithuanian Catholics do not signal Catholicism's demise as the vehicle for reproducing Lithuanian nationhood. Instead, it is an expression of the resilience of banal forms of nationalism reproduced via the institutional framework of the Catholic Church and the practices of the clergy and laity. I suggest that the case of Lithuanian Catholics in Norway intimates the need for a more nuanced approach to the concept of individual agency as opposed to a strict agency vs. banality dichotomy in everyday nationhood scholarship. Scrutinising habitual, banal forms of nationhood, together with the conscious ones, is pivotal in comprehending the complex relationship between religion and nationalism in empirical cases where visible displays of national sensibilities may be subtle but nonetheless meaningful.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140035799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studies on nationalism have recently transitioned from macro-level analyses of large structural factors to micro-level examinations, emphasizing nationalism as a set of cultural and political beliefs held by individuals. Such works that use opinion measures to explore heterogeneity in national self-understandings show that nationalist beliefs distribute among the public in particular and non-random ways, though the extent to which these heterogeneities induce variation in behavioural outcomes remains relatively unexplored. In this article, we argue that varying conceptions of nationhood inform ethnonational boundary-making strategies and social action. Using latent class analyses and a resource allocation task in original representative survey data (N = 1,460), we ask whether varying cultural positions on nationhood covaries with preferential behaviour. We found that nationalist cultural models provide heterogeneous cultural templates and lead to preferential treatment of ethnonational ingroups.
{"title":"Sentiments of solidarity: Varying conceptions of nationhood in Turkey","authors":"Turgut Keskintürk, Tuna Kuyucu","doi":"10.1111/nana.13008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13008","url":null,"abstract":"Studies on nationalism have recently transitioned from macro-level analyses of large structural factors to micro-level examinations, emphasizing nationalism as a set of cultural and political beliefs held by individuals. Such works that use opinion measures to explore heterogeneity in national self-understandings show that nationalist beliefs distribute among the public in particular and non-random ways, though the extent to which these heterogeneities induce variation in behavioural outcomes remains relatively unexplored. In this article, we argue that varying conceptions of nationhood inform ethnonational boundary-making strategies and social action. Using latent class analyses and a resource allocation task in original representative survey data (N = 1,460), we ask whether varying cultural positions on nationhood covaries with preferential behaviour. We found that nationalist cultural models provide heterogeneous cultural templates and lead to preferential treatment of ethnonational ingroups.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140004497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
National pride relates to nationalism, one of the most powerful forces in modern politics. Many surveys have shown that most citizens are proud of their countries, but few have directly examined the underlying reasons for why people are proud of their countries. Using parallel national surveys in China and the United States, we investigate the sources and contents of national pride in the two most powerful nation‐states in the world. Our results reveal clear differences between citizens in the two countries. While the sources of American national pride are largely ideational, the sources of Chinese national pride tend to be material. The evidence provides a first set of insights into the sources of national pride and challenges conventional depictions of nationalism as a monolithic concept.
{"title":"The sources of national pride: Evidence from China and the United States","authors":"Jiaqian Ni, Mengqiao Wang, Kai Quek","doi":"10.1111/nana.13007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13007","url":null,"abstract":"National pride relates to nationalism, one of the most powerful forces in modern politics. Many surveys have shown that most citizens are proud of their countries, but few have directly examined the underlying reasons for why people are proud of their countries. Using parallel national surveys in China and the United States, we investigate the sources and contents of national pride in the two most powerful nation‐states in the world. Our results reveal clear differences between citizens in the two countries. While the sources of American national pride are largely ideational, the sources of Chinese national pride tend to be material. The evidence provides a first set of insights into the sources of national pride and challenges conventional depictions of nationalism as a monolithic concept.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139787765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
National pride relates to nationalism, one of the most powerful forces in modern politics. Many surveys have shown that most citizens are proud of their countries, but few have directly examined the underlying reasons for why people are proud of their countries. Using parallel national surveys in China and the United States, we investigate the sources and contents of national pride in the two most powerful nation‐states in the world. Our results reveal clear differences between citizens in the two countries. While the sources of American national pride are largely ideational, the sources of Chinese national pride tend to be material. The evidence provides a first set of insights into the sources of national pride and challenges conventional depictions of nationalism as a monolithic concept.
{"title":"The sources of national pride: Evidence from China and the United States","authors":"Jiaqian Ni, Mengqiao Wang, Kai Quek","doi":"10.1111/nana.13007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13007","url":null,"abstract":"National pride relates to nationalism, one of the most powerful forces in modern politics. Many surveys have shown that most citizens are proud of their countries, but few have directly examined the underlying reasons for why people are proud of their countries. Using parallel national surveys in China and the United States, we investigate the sources and contents of national pride in the two most powerful nation‐states in the world. Our results reveal clear differences between citizens in the two countries. While the sources of American national pride are largely ideational, the sources of Chinese national pride tend to be material. The evidence provides a first set of insights into the sources of national pride and challenges conventional depictions of nationalism as a monolithic concept.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139847658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper begins by reviewing rational choice institutionalism's explanation of how political institutions incentivise patronage networks emphasising ethnic cleavage. Acknowledging the limits of rationalist institutionalism in explaining societal norm constructions and mass behaviour, the paper then adopts discursive institutionalism to analyse the social affects of institutional design. The case study of violence against Amharas deemed ‘settlers’ in Ethiopia's contemporary ethnic federation highlights how new cleavages create new norms and new historical narratives, influencing group dynamics. These dynamics result in group-based mass violence when rents-based orders and patronage networks collapse during times of institutional instability or change. Thus, precipitated by the discursive effects of hyper-ethnicised institutional design, mass violence against Amhara in different ethnic regions in Ethiopia emerges as an unexpected outcome of regime change and democratic transition in the country. These incidents of targeted violence are not simply explained by institutions, but rather by the socio-political climate effected by the interaction between institutions and discourse under ethnic federalism. In short, this study demonstrates how institutions go beyond incentivising or constraining elite behaviour, producing discursive markers that normalise violence during periods of institutional ‘lapse’, when formal provisions of social order temporarily collapse.
{"title":"Can institutions explain mass violence? Amhara ‘settler’ discourse and Ethiopia's ethnic federalism","authors":"Kaleb Demerew","doi":"10.1111/nana.13004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper begins by reviewing rational choice institutionalism's explanation of how political institutions incentivise patronage networks emphasising ethnic cleavage. Acknowledging the limits of rationalist institutionalism in explaining societal norm constructions and mass behaviour, the paper then adopts discursive institutionalism to analyse the social affects of institutional design. The case study of violence against Amharas deemed ‘settlers’ in Ethiopia's contemporary ethnic federation highlights how new cleavages create new norms and new historical narratives, influencing group dynamics. These dynamics result in group-based mass violence when rents-based orders and patronage networks collapse during times of institutional instability or change. Thus, precipitated by the discursive effects of hyper-ethnicised institutional design, mass violence against Amhara in different ethnic regions in Ethiopia emerges as an unexpected outcome of regime change and democratic transition in the country. These incidents of targeted violence are not simply explained by institutions, but rather by the socio-political climate effected by the interaction between institutions and discourse under ethnic federalism. In short, this study demonstrates how institutions go beyond incentivising or constraining elite behaviour, producing discursive markers that normalise violence during periods of institutional ‘lapse’, when formal provisions of social order temporarily collapse.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139582857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2018, 70 years after it was founded, the State of Israel accepted a new nationality law, one which reshaped the identity of the state. Supporters of this constitutional law argue that it is necessary since the Jewish-national character of the state is under threat, and since liberal-democratic principles and policies have acquired undesired dominance in public life. The nationality law, however, does much more than restore a lost or imagined collective identity: it is a significant setback to both the liberal and republican understandings of a democratic state, as well as to Jewish-Arab relations. More broadly still, the law displays the growing distance between the ethical and political spheres in Israel; this distance is expressed in the law's remarkable modifications of the three Zionist revolutions pertaining to the material (land), the linguistic and the political-communal dimensions of Jewish, national life.
{"title":"Ethics and the state: Israel's nationality law and the revision of a revolution","authors":"Eyal Chowers","doi":"10.1111/nana.13000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13000","url":null,"abstract":"In 2018, 70 years after it was founded, the State of Israel accepted a new nationality law, one which reshaped the identity of the state. Supporters of this constitutional law argue that it is necessary since the Jewish-national character of the state is under threat, and since liberal-democratic principles and policies have acquired undesired dominance in public life. The nationality law, however, does much more than restore a lost or imagined collective identity: it is a significant setback to both the liberal and republican understandings of a democratic state, as well as to Jewish-Arab relations. More broadly still, the law displays the growing distance between the ethical and political spheres in Israel; this distance is expressed in the law's remarkable modifications of the three Zionist revolutions pertaining to the material (land), the linguistic and the political-communal dimensions of Jewish, national life.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139582984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：