This paper analyses how Citizenship in an Independent Scotland (CIS)—published by the Scottish Government as part of a ‘prospectus for an independent Scotland’—discursively represents the Scottish nation in the context of establishing who should be eligible to be a member of that nation. I relate CIS to the historical and contemporary determination of British citizenship and to evidence concerning popular conceptions of citizenship and national belonging in Scotland. I argue that while CIS reflects nation‐building through an attempt to rhetorically differentiate Scotland from Britain, it also reflects the influence that the evolution of British citizenship has on proposed post‐independence Scottish citizenship. I also evaluate CIS's stress on ‘inclusion’, consistent with its representation of Scotland as an ‘inclusive’ nation. I conclude that the proposals may be described as compromised inclusion and that the reasons for this are likely to be common to similar aspirational secessionist proposals in sub‐state nations.
{"title":"Representing the nation in Citizenship in an Independent Scotland: Compromised inclusion?","authors":"Ross Bond","doi":"10.1111/nana.13029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13029","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses how <jats:italic>Citizenship in an Independent Scotland</jats:italic> (CIS)—published by the Scottish Government as part of a ‘prospectus for an independent Scotland’—discursively represents the Scottish nation in the context of establishing who should be eligible to be a member of that nation. I relate CIS to the historical and contemporary determination of British citizenship and to evidence concerning popular conceptions of citizenship and national belonging in Scotland. I argue that while CIS reflects nation‐building through an attempt to rhetorically differentiate Scotland from Britain, it also reflects the influence that the evolution of British citizenship has on proposed post‐independence Scottish citizenship. I also evaluate CIS's stress on ‘inclusion’, consistent with its representation of Scotland as an ‘inclusive’ nation. I conclude that the proposals may be described as compromised inclusion and that the reasons for this are likely to be common to similar aspirational secessionist proposals in sub‐state nations.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141191222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We recognise nationalist and centre‐seeking ethnic civil wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes of each. First, we argue that the character of states shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist warfare but integrative states contributing to centre‐seeking civil war. Second, we propose that the relative power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war, arguing that centre‐seeking civil war is most common in situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to measure configurations of communal power and the state antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood, create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings support our hypotheses.
{"title":"Fighting over nation or state: States, communal demography, and the type of ethnic civil war","authors":"Matthew Lange, Tay Jeong","doi":"10.1111/nana.13030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13030","url":null,"abstract":"We recognise nationalist and centre‐seeking ethnic civil wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes of each. First, we argue that the character of states shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist warfare but integrative states contributing to centre‐seeking civil war. Second, we propose that the relative power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war, arguing that centre‐seeking civil war is most common in situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to measure configurations of communal power and the state antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood, create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings support our hypotheses.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141191327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research has emphasised the importance of far‐right transnationalism, in terms of both ideology and practice. Yet, the literature lacks a comprehensive analysis of how far‐right actors themselves reflect their transnational practices (or lack thereof), such as party‐level exchange, joint protest events, or online communication. Drawing on original interview data from Germany and Norway, our research unveils that while far‐right ‘nationalists’ generally endorse transnational activities, only a minority actively participates. The interviewees perceive transnational practices as opportunities for strategic learning, showcasing of collective strength, and networking. Simultaneously, they express concerns about being associated with extremists and getting entangled in conflict‐ridden areas. Theoretically, we discuss the role of ideology and everyday life as well as the importance of only limited strategic incentives for understanding far‐right transnationalism. In doing so, we draw parallels to experiences made by left‐wing actors. Moreover, we underline the potential of Granovetter's ‘strength of weak ties’ for far‐right diffusion.
{"title":"Reaching out beyond the national border? How far‐right actors in Germany and Norway evaluate transnationalism","authors":"Katrine Fangen, Manès Weisskircher","doi":"10.1111/nana.13021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13021","url":null,"abstract":"Research has emphasised the importance of far‐right transnationalism, in terms of both ideology and practice. Yet, the literature lacks a comprehensive analysis of how far‐right actors themselves reflect their transnational practices (or lack thereof), such as party‐level exchange, joint protest events, or online communication. Drawing on original interview data from Germany and Norway, our research unveils that while far‐right ‘nationalists’ generally endorse transnational activities, only a minority actively participates. The interviewees perceive transnational practices as opportunities for strategic learning, showcasing of collective strength, and networking. Simultaneously, they express concerns about being associated with extremists and getting entangled in conflict‐ridden areas. Theoretically, we discuss the role of ideology and everyday life as well as the importance of only limited strategic incentives for understanding far‐right transnationalism. In doing so, we draw parallels to experiences made by left‐wing actors. Moreover, we underline the potential of Granovetter's ‘strength of weak ties’ for far‐right diffusion.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141114585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article sheds new light on the Aramean movement in northern Israel, drawing from studies on nationalism, racialisation, ethnic conflict and minority mobilisation. In 2014, Israel allowed members of several churches to identify as Aramean. The pivotal role in the Aramean minority's distancing of itself from the Arab identity was played by the Israeli Christian Aramaic Association (ICAA). Specifying and partially adapting Yusri Hazran's concept of ‘Druzification’, meaning the Israelis' conscious policy of minoritising indigenous populations and encouraging their conscription to the army, the term ‘Druzification from below’ is proposed to stress the bottom‐up character of the Aramean movement in the north of the country as well as the agency of Middle Eastern Christians. My general standpoint is that ‘Druzification from below’ can be perceived as an adaptive strategy—a survival response to structural political conditions and urbicidal practices of the ethnocratic state and adaptation to external threats.
{"title":"Druzification from below: The case of Arameans in the north Israel","authors":"Marta Woźniak-Bobińska","doi":"10.1111/nana.13019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13019","url":null,"abstract":"This article sheds new light on the Aramean movement in northern Israel, drawing from studies on nationalism, racialisation, ethnic conflict and minority mobilisation. In 2014, Israel allowed members of several churches to identify as Aramean. The pivotal role in the Aramean minority's distancing of itself from the Arab identity was played by the Israeli Christian Aramaic Association (ICAA). Specifying and partially adapting Yusri Hazran's concept of ‘Druzification’, meaning the Israelis' conscious policy of minoritising indigenous populations and encouraging their conscription to the army, the term ‘Druzification from below’ is proposed to stress the bottom‐up character of the Aramean movement in the north of the country as well as the agency of Middle Eastern Christians. My general standpoint is that ‘Druzification from below’ can be perceived as an adaptive strategy—a survival response to structural political conditions and urbicidal practices of the ethnocratic state and adaptation to external threats.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140996505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines the evolution of ethnic symbol consumption in the Basque Country following the end of ETA's violent activities in 2011. It delves into the shifting political and cultural context of the Basque provinces during this period, underscoring the impact that terrorism and its cessation have had on creating distinct patterns of cultural consumption. The focus then turns towards the case of the ‘Hand of Irulegi’, an Iron Age relic discovered in 2022 that allegedly contains the oldest inscription in an ancestor of Euskera—the Basque language. The paper argues that the rapid adoption of the Hand of Irulegi by Basque society as an ethnic symbol is directly related to transformations in the conception of Basque identity in the aftermath of ETA's dissolution. These transformations include, mainly, the intentional forgetting of recent historical events by a large segment of Basque citizens and the emergence of Euskera as the main fulcrum of contemporary Basque cultural identity. The Hand, due to its chronological remoteness and its exclusive association with the Basque language, seems to be custom‐made to serve as a symbol for this new type of identification.
{"title":"Hand in hand: Consuming symbols, language and identity in post‐ETA Basque society","authors":"Asier H. Aguirresarobe","doi":"10.1111/nana.13020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13020","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the evolution of ethnic symbol consumption in the Basque Country following the end of ETA's violent activities in 2011. It delves into the shifting political and cultural context of the Basque provinces during this period, underscoring the impact that terrorism and its cessation have had on creating distinct patterns of cultural consumption. The focus then turns towards the case of the ‘Hand of Irulegi’, an Iron Age relic discovered in 2022 that allegedly contains the oldest inscription in an ancestor of Euskera—the Basque language. The paper argues that the rapid adoption of the Hand of Irulegi by Basque society as an ethnic symbol is directly related to transformations in the conception of Basque identity in the aftermath of ETA's dissolution. These transformations include, mainly, the intentional forgetting of recent historical events by a large segment of Basque citizens and the emergence of Euskera as the main fulcrum of contemporary Basque cultural identity. The Hand, due to its chronological remoteness and its exclusive association with the Basque language, seems to be custom‐made to serve as a symbol for this new type of identification.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140998946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines the relationship between environmentalism and nationalism, including eco‐nationalism, from comparative empirical survey studies. This study uses the Integrated Value Survey dataset, comprising approximately 240,000 respondents from 100 countries since 2010, to explore nationalism and pro‐environmental attitudes among public opinion across various countries. From a global perspective, a positive correlation between national pride or national identity and environmentalism is observed among many countries, whereas in a few regions, namely, certain parts of Western Europe and North America, both sentiments exhibit a negative correlation. Further regression analysis indicates that eco‐nationalism and green nationalism tend to emerge in less economically developed countries but are not affected by the degree of democracy, resource rent and level of globalisation. This study demonstrates that the link between environmentalism and nationalism is not definitive but contextual, and it clarifies the context that defines it through empirical international comparisons.
{"title":"Nationalism and environmentalism from the global perspective: A comparative survey analysis of eco‐nationalism","authors":"Ryo Nakai","doi":"10.1111/nana.13018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13018","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the relationship between environmentalism and nationalism, including eco‐nationalism, from comparative empirical survey studies. This study uses the Integrated Value Survey dataset, comprising approximately 240,000 respondents from 100 countries since 2010, to explore nationalism and pro‐environmental attitudes among public opinion across various countries. From a global perspective, a positive correlation between national pride or national identity and environmentalism is observed among many countries, whereas in a few regions, namely, certain parts of Western Europe and North America, both sentiments exhibit a negative correlation. Further regression analysis indicates that eco‐nationalism and green nationalism tend to emerge in less economically developed countries but are not affected by the degree of democracy, resource rent and level of globalisation. This study demonstrates that the link between environmentalism and nationalism is not definitive but contextual, and it clarifies the context that defines it through empirical international comparisons.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140929198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Evelyne Brie, Catherine Ouellet, Marc André Bodet, Lydia Laflamme
In Canada, federal institutions must provide governmental services to all citizens in the country's two official languages: French and English. This paper uses a survey experiment to test exposure to written English as a determinant of support for official bilingualism in the French‐speaking province of Quebec. The data emanate from an exit poll conducted in two Quebec electoral districts during the 2019 Canadian federal elections (n = 430). Results suggest the existence of heterogeneous experimental effects depending on vote choice. Indeed, Bloc Québécois voters—the federal party most strongly supportive of linguistic rights—are disproportionately supportive of institutional bilingualism when randomly exposed to written English on the survey questionnaire. These results are robust to the inclusion of socio‐demographic and attitudinal control variables, including support for Quebec independence. Our paper bolsters causal claims about the contextual determinants of in‐group favouritism and cultural threat in divided societies.
{"title":"Linguistic threat: Vote choice, linguistic cues and support for official bilingualism in Quebec","authors":"Evelyne Brie, Catherine Ouellet, Marc André Bodet, Lydia Laflamme","doi":"10.1111/nana.13017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13017","url":null,"abstract":"In Canada, federal institutions must provide governmental services to all citizens in the country's two official languages: French and English. This paper uses a survey experiment to test exposure to written English as a determinant of support for official bilingualism in the French‐speaking province of Quebec. The data emanate from an exit poll conducted in two Quebec electoral districts during the 2019 Canadian federal elections (n = 430). Results suggest the existence of heterogeneous experimental effects depending on vote choice. Indeed, Bloc Québécois voters—the federal party most strongly supportive of linguistic rights—are disproportionately supportive of institutional bilingualism when randomly exposed to written English on the survey questionnaire. These results are robust to the inclusion of socio‐demographic and attitudinal control variables, including support for Quebec independence. Our paper bolsters causal claims about the contextual determinants of in‐group favouritism and cultural threat in divided societies.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140882914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars of nationalism generally acknowledge that what counts as ‘a language’ and what as ‘a dialect’ is determined by historical and political circumstance, that both notions are idealisations of linguistic practice rather than objective entities and that the reality of language is fuzzy and complex. However, they nevertheless continue to talk about (and analyse) ‘linguistic entities’ in the same way nationalists do: as homogenous, closed systems. Paralleling Brubaker's groupist language, this paper proposes the notion of totalising metalanguage to signify all ways of talking about linguistic phenomena that reify them into unproblematically existing objects. I analyse the historical development of dialectology in Croatia and Serbia from the 19th century until today to show how dubious linguistic taxonomies have been presented in the discourse as objectively existing linguistic entities. The paper invites scholars of nationalism to seek alternative approaches to the language‐dialect dichotomy than that offered by the outdated model of Joshua Fishman.
{"title":"Are languages and dialects inventions of nationalism? On the problem of totalising metalanguage","authors":"Vuk Vukotić","doi":"10.1111/nana.13012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13012","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars of nationalism generally acknowledge that what counts as ‘a language’ and what as ‘a dialect’ is determined by historical and political circumstance, that both notions are idealisations of linguistic practice rather than objective entities and that the reality of language is fuzzy and complex. However, they nevertheless continue to talk about (and analyse) ‘linguistic entities’ in the same way nationalists do: as homogenous, closed systems. Paralleling Brubaker's <jats:italic>groupist language</jats:italic>, this paper proposes the notion of <jats:italic>totalising metalanguage</jats:italic> to signify all ways of talking about linguistic phenomena that reify them into unproblematically existing objects. I analyse the historical development of dialectology in Croatia and Serbia from the 19th century until today to show how dubious linguistic taxonomies have been presented in the discourse as objectively existing linguistic entities. The paper invites scholars of nationalism to seek alternative approaches to the language‐dialect dichotomy than that offered by the outdated model of Joshua Fishman.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140575653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Issue Information ‐ TOC","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/nana.12971","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12971","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract is available for this article.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140575655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Rocío Salas-Lewin, Lisa Zanotti
Although the populist radical right (PRR) has become a global phenomenon, most studies of it focus on Europe. Moreover, extant research has centred on analysing those who support rather than reject the PRR. To address this twofold research gap, we rely on novel public opinion data to examine those who both ‘love’ and ‘hate’ the PRR in contemporary Chile. We demonstrate not only that those in favour of the Chilean PRR are a homogeneous constituency with similar characteristics to their European brethren (e.g., xenophobic attitudes) but also that those at odds with the Chilean PRR make up a relatively large and heterogeneous constituency. In summary, this contribution seeks to broaden comparative studies on the PRR and to show the relevance of studying support as well as rejection of the PRR, particularly in countries with runoff elections; since then, large segments of the electorate vote for the lesser evil.
{"title":"Supporting and rejecting the populist radical right: Evidence from contemporary Chile","authors":"Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Rocío Salas-Lewin, Lisa Zanotti","doi":"10.1111/nana.13015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13015","url":null,"abstract":"Although the populist radical right (PRR) has become a global phenomenon, most studies of it focus on Europe. Moreover, extant research has centred on analysing those who support rather than reject the PRR. To address this twofold research gap, we rely on novel public opinion data to examine those who both ‘love’ and ‘hate’ the PRR in contemporary Chile. We demonstrate not only that those in favour of the Chilean PRR are a homogeneous constituency with similar characteristics to their European brethren (e.g., xenophobic attitudes) but also that those at odds with the Chilean PRR make up a relatively large and heterogeneous constituency. In summary, this contribution seeks to broaden comparative studies on the PRR and to show the relevance of studying support as well as rejection of the PRR, particularly in countries with runoff elections; since then, large segments of the electorate vote for the lesser evil.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140575652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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