This study examines the relationship between environmentalism and nationalism, including eco‐nationalism, from comparative empirical survey studies. This study uses the Integrated Value Survey dataset, comprising approximately 240,000 respondents from 100 countries since 2010, to explore nationalism and pro‐environmental attitudes among public opinion across various countries. From a global perspective, a positive correlation between national pride or national identity and environmentalism is observed among many countries, whereas in a few regions, namely, certain parts of Western Europe and North America, both sentiments exhibit a negative correlation. Further regression analysis indicates that eco‐nationalism and green nationalism tend to emerge in less economically developed countries but are not affected by the degree of democracy, resource rent and level of globalisation. This study demonstrates that the link between environmentalism and nationalism is not definitive but contextual, and it clarifies the context that defines it through empirical international comparisons.
{"title":"Nationalism and environmentalism from the global perspective: A comparative survey analysis of eco‐nationalism","authors":"Ryo Nakai","doi":"10.1111/nana.13018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13018","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the relationship between environmentalism and nationalism, including eco‐nationalism, from comparative empirical survey studies. This study uses the Integrated Value Survey dataset, comprising approximately 240,000 respondents from 100 countries since 2010, to explore nationalism and pro‐environmental attitudes among public opinion across various countries. From a global perspective, a positive correlation between national pride or national identity and environmentalism is observed among many countries, whereas in a few regions, namely, certain parts of Western Europe and North America, both sentiments exhibit a negative correlation. Further regression analysis indicates that eco‐nationalism and green nationalism tend to emerge in less economically developed countries but are not affected by the degree of democracy, resource rent and level of globalisation. This study demonstrates that the link between environmentalism and nationalism is not definitive but contextual, and it clarifies the context that defines it through empirical international comparisons.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140929198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Evelyne Brie, Catherine Ouellet, Marc André Bodet, Lydia Laflamme
In Canada, federal institutions must provide governmental services to all citizens in the country's two official languages: French and English. This paper uses a survey experiment to test exposure to written English as a determinant of support for official bilingualism in the French‐speaking province of Quebec. The data emanate from an exit poll conducted in two Quebec electoral districts during the 2019 Canadian federal elections (n = 430). Results suggest the existence of heterogeneous experimental effects depending on vote choice. Indeed, Bloc Québécois voters—the federal party most strongly supportive of linguistic rights—are disproportionately supportive of institutional bilingualism when randomly exposed to written English on the survey questionnaire. These results are robust to the inclusion of socio‐demographic and attitudinal control variables, including support for Quebec independence. Our paper bolsters causal claims about the contextual determinants of in‐group favouritism and cultural threat in divided societies.
{"title":"Linguistic threat: Vote choice, linguistic cues and support for official bilingualism in Quebec","authors":"Evelyne Brie, Catherine Ouellet, Marc André Bodet, Lydia Laflamme","doi":"10.1111/nana.13017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13017","url":null,"abstract":"In Canada, federal institutions must provide governmental services to all citizens in the country's two official languages: French and English. This paper uses a survey experiment to test exposure to written English as a determinant of support for official bilingualism in the French‐speaking province of Quebec. The data emanate from an exit poll conducted in two Quebec electoral districts during the 2019 Canadian federal elections (n = 430). Results suggest the existence of heterogeneous experimental effects depending on vote choice. Indeed, Bloc Québécois voters—the federal party most strongly supportive of linguistic rights—are disproportionately supportive of institutional bilingualism when randomly exposed to written English on the survey questionnaire. These results are robust to the inclusion of socio‐demographic and attitudinal control variables, including support for Quebec independence. Our paper bolsters causal claims about the contextual determinants of in‐group favouritism and cultural threat in divided societies.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140882914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars of nationalism generally acknowledge that what counts as ‘a language’ and what as ‘a dialect’ is determined by historical and political circumstance, that both notions are idealisations of linguistic practice rather than objective entities and that the reality of language is fuzzy and complex. However, they nevertheless continue to talk about (and analyse) ‘linguistic entities’ in the same way nationalists do: as homogenous, closed systems. Paralleling Brubaker's groupist language, this paper proposes the notion of totalising metalanguage to signify all ways of talking about linguistic phenomena that reify them into unproblematically existing objects. I analyse the historical development of dialectology in Croatia and Serbia from the 19th century until today to show how dubious linguistic taxonomies have been presented in the discourse as objectively existing linguistic entities. The paper invites scholars of nationalism to seek alternative approaches to the language‐dialect dichotomy than that offered by the outdated model of Joshua Fishman.
{"title":"Are languages and dialects inventions of nationalism? On the problem of totalising metalanguage","authors":"Vuk Vukotić","doi":"10.1111/nana.13012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13012","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars of nationalism generally acknowledge that what counts as ‘a language’ and what as ‘a dialect’ is determined by historical and political circumstance, that both notions are idealisations of linguistic practice rather than objective entities and that the reality of language is fuzzy and complex. However, they nevertheless continue to talk about (and analyse) ‘linguistic entities’ in the same way nationalists do: as homogenous, closed systems. Paralleling Brubaker's <jats:italic>groupist language</jats:italic>, this paper proposes the notion of <jats:italic>totalising metalanguage</jats:italic> to signify all ways of talking about linguistic phenomena that reify them into unproblematically existing objects. I analyse the historical development of dialectology in Croatia and Serbia from the 19th century until today to show how dubious linguistic taxonomies have been presented in the discourse as objectively existing linguistic entities. The paper invites scholars of nationalism to seek alternative approaches to the language‐dialect dichotomy than that offered by the outdated model of Joshua Fishman.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"71 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140575653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Rocío Salas-Lewin, Lisa Zanotti
Although the populist radical right (PRR) has become a global phenomenon, most studies of it focus on Europe. Moreover, extant research has centred on analysing those who support rather than reject the PRR. To address this twofold research gap, we rely on novel public opinion data to examine those who both ‘love’ and ‘hate’ the PRR in contemporary Chile. We demonstrate not only that those in favour of the Chilean PRR are a homogeneous constituency with similar characteristics to their European brethren (e.g., xenophobic attitudes) but also that those at odds with the Chilean PRR make up a relatively large and heterogeneous constituency. In summary, this contribution seeks to broaden comparative studies on the PRR and to show the relevance of studying support as well as rejection of the PRR, particularly in countries with runoff elections; since then, large segments of the electorate vote for the lesser evil.
{"title":"Supporting and rejecting the populist radical right: Evidence from contemporary Chile","authors":"Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, Rocío Salas-Lewin, Lisa Zanotti","doi":"10.1111/nana.13015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13015","url":null,"abstract":"Although the populist radical right (PRR) has become a global phenomenon, most studies of it focus on Europe. Moreover, extant research has centred on analysing those who support rather than reject the PRR. To address this twofold research gap, we rely on novel public opinion data to examine those who both ‘love’ and ‘hate’ the PRR in contemporary Chile. We demonstrate not only that those in favour of the Chilean PRR are a homogeneous constituency with similar characteristics to their European brethren (e.g., xenophobic attitudes) but also that those at odds with the Chilean PRR make up a relatively large and heterogeneous constituency. In summary, this contribution seeks to broaden comparative studies on the PRR and to show the relevance of studying support as well as rejection of the PRR, particularly in countries with runoff elections; since then, large segments of the electorate vote for the lesser evil.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140575652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Issue Information ‐ TOC","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/nana.12971","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12971","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract is available for this article.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140575655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
To get a better picture of the relation between nationalism and global environmental problems within the state‐dominated situation, I present the inherent logic of international environmental politics as a version of the famous Prisoner's Dilemma. I argue that the same contingent bonds that relate the members of nations to their respective nation‐states are part of the contemporary difficulty of actually working together for the common good on the international level by creating exclusive feelings of solidarity—the ‘Prisoners’ of the Dilemma. To reveal the experiential background of nation‐states in this situation, I rephrase and apply Edith Stein's theory of the state as a collective entity. Stein was an inter‐war political philosopher who is now mainly read within religious studies and philosophy of mind. As my argument implies, her work also has relevance for further affect nationalism studies.
{"title":"Nation‐states in a Prisoner's Dilemma with climate change: Applying Edith Stein's theory of the state","authors":"Minna‐Kerttu M Kekki","doi":"10.1111/nana.13016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13016","url":null,"abstract":"To get a better picture of the relation between nationalism and global environmental problems within the state‐dominated situation, I present the inherent logic of international environmental politics as a version of the famous Prisoner's Dilemma. I argue that the same contingent bonds that relate the members of nations to their respective nation‐states are part of the contemporary difficulty of actually working together for the common good on the international level by creating exclusive feelings of solidarity—the ‘Prisoners’ of the Dilemma. To reveal the experiential background of nation‐states in this situation, I rephrase and apply Edith Stein's theory of the state as a collective entity. Stein was an inter‐war political philosopher who is now mainly read within religious studies and philosophy of mind. As my argument implies, her work also has relevance for further affect nationalism studies.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"102 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140575628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article explores the specifics of Russian antisemitic discourse of recent years using the example of three nationalist communities on Vkontakte, the most popular Russian social networking site, by means of critical discourse analysis. The main strategies they employ to frame the Jews online are stereotyping Jews as ungrateful and greedy, labelling the liberal opposition as Jews and using conspiracy narratives of Jews controlling the elites. The war in Ukraine has added nuances: Jews are accused of helping Ukraine, undermining the Russian political system and orchestrating the conflict. A situation of socio-political turmoil transforms the perceived threat presented by Jews in ‘pro-regime’ nationalist discourse from symbolic (identitarian) to realistic (economic and political) by providing underpinnings for the traditional fears. For nationalist communities based on the ethnic and racial understanding of a nation, this transformation is less present because they originally perceived Jews as a realistic threat. Though sociologically, Russian antisemitism has been in stable decline offline in recent decades, it is more visible online because of social media's apparent anonymity and content generation affordances.
{"title":"‘The non-dormant beast’: Antisemitism in communities of Russian nationalists on Vkontakte","authors":"Petr Oskolkov, Sabina Lissitsa, Eyal Lewin","doi":"10.1111/nana.13013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13013","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the specifics of Russian antisemitic discourse of recent years using the example of three nationalist communities on Vkontakte, the most popular Russian social networking site, by means of critical discourse analysis. The main strategies they employ to frame the Jews online are stereotyping Jews as ungrateful and greedy, labelling the liberal opposition as Jews and using conspiracy narratives of Jews controlling the elites. The war in Ukraine has added nuances: Jews are accused of helping Ukraine, undermining the Russian political system and orchestrating the conflict. A situation of socio-political turmoil transforms the perceived threat presented by Jews in ‘pro-regime’ nationalist discourse from symbolic (identitarian) to realistic (economic and political) by providing underpinnings for the traditional fears. For nationalist communities based on the ethnic and racial understanding of a nation, this transformation is less present because they originally perceived Jews as a realistic threat. Though sociologically, Russian antisemitism has been in stable decline offline in recent decades, it is more visible online because of social media's apparent anonymity and content generation affordances.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"2016 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140201156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars have neglected at a theoretical level the structuring role of warfare in the rise of nations and states. I argue that war‐making has been a constitutive force in the emergence and persistence of many national identities in four ways. First, wars can act as ‘turning points’ for good or ill to become national mythomoteurs. Second, they can create enduring popular we–they stereotypes against significant others. Third, they can generate a gemeinschaft of national sacrifice that anchors the nation after a return to peace. Finally, the outcomes of wars can legitimate ruling establishments or mobilise peoples against them. However, warfare can also disable nation formation. I shall focus on the impact of imperial wars on Eurasian borderland populations. While generating nationalism in these regions, such wars create shatter zones, marked by ethnic diversity and conflict that frustrate the formation of stable national communities.
{"title":"Thor's hammer: How warfare enables and disables nation formation","authors":"John Hutchinson","doi":"10.1111/nana.13010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13010","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have neglected at a theoretical level the structuring role of warfare in the rise of nations and states. I argue that war‐making has been a constitutive force in the emergence and persistence of many national identities in four ways. First, wars can act as ‘turning points’ for good or ill to become national <jats:italic>mythomoteurs</jats:italic>. Second, they can create enduring popular we–they stereotypes against significant others. Third, they can generate a gemeinschaft of national sacrifice that anchors the nation after a return to peace. Finally, the outcomes of wars can legitimate ruling establishments or mobilise peoples against them. However, warfare can also disable nation formation. I shall focus on the impact of imperial wars on Eurasian borderland populations. While generating nationalism in these regions, such wars create shatter zones, marked by ethnic diversity and conflict that frustrate the formation of stable national communities.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140036032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, I explore the relationship between religion and nationhood among contemporary Lithuanian migrants in Norway. The central puzzle is the lack of an open national feeling in the religious setting. However, academic literature has well documented the tight connection between the Catholic Church and Lithuanian nationhood. Interpreting the empirical data from qualitative interviews and participant observations through the lens of everyday nationalism, I argue that seeming lacklustre national sensibilities among Lithuanian Catholics do not signal Catholicism's demise as the vehicle for reproducing Lithuanian nationhood. Instead, it is an expression of the resilience of banal forms of nationalism reproduced via the institutional framework of the Catholic Church and the practices of the clergy and laity. I suggest that the case of Lithuanian Catholics in Norway intimates the need for a more nuanced approach to the concept of individual agency as opposed to a strict agency vs. banality dichotomy in everyday nationhood scholarship. Scrutinising habitual, banal forms of nationhood, together with the conscious ones, is pivotal in comprehending the complex relationship between religion and nationalism in empirical cases where visible displays of national sensibilities may be subtle but nonetheless meaningful.
{"title":"Everyday nationhood and religion in the context of migration: The case of Lithuanian Catholics in Norway","authors":"Eglė Kesylytė‐Allix","doi":"10.1111/nana.13011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13011","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I explore the relationship between religion and nationhood among contemporary Lithuanian migrants in Norway. The central puzzle is the lack of an open national feeling in the religious setting. However, academic literature has well documented the tight connection between the Catholic Church and Lithuanian nationhood. Interpreting the empirical data from qualitative interviews and participant observations through the lens of everyday nationalism, I argue that seeming lacklustre national sensibilities among Lithuanian Catholics do not signal Catholicism's demise as the vehicle for reproducing Lithuanian nationhood. Instead, it is an expression of the resilience of banal forms of nationalism reproduced via the institutional framework of the Catholic Church and the practices of the clergy and laity. I suggest that the case of Lithuanian Catholics in Norway intimates the need for a more nuanced approach to the concept of individual agency as opposed to a strict agency vs. banality dichotomy in everyday nationhood scholarship. Scrutinising habitual, banal forms of nationhood, together with the conscious ones, is pivotal in comprehending the complex relationship between religion and nationalism in empirical cases where visible displays of national sensibilities may be subtle but nonetheless meaningful.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140035799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Studies on nationalism have recently transitioned from macro-level analyses of large structural factors to micro-level examinations, emphasizing nationalism as a set of cultural and political beliefs held by individuals. Such works that use opinion measures to explore heterogeneity in national self-understandings show that nationalist beliefs distribute among the public in particular and non-random ways, though the extent to which these heterogeneities induce variation in behavioural outcomes remains relatively unexplored. In this article, we argue that varying conceptions of nationhood inform ethnonational boundary-making strategies and social action. Using latent class analyses and a resource allocation task in original representative survey data (N = 1,460), we ask whether varying cultural positions on nationhood covaries with preferential behaviour. We found that nationalist cultural models provide heterogeneous cultural templates and lead to preferential treatment of ethnonational ingroups.
{"title":"Sentiments of solidarity: Varying conceptions of nationhood in Turkey","authors":"Turgut Keskintürk, Tuna Kuyucu","doi":"10.1111/nana.13008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13008","url":null,"abstract":"Studies on nationalism have recently transitioned from macro-level analyses of large structural factors to micro-level examinations, emphasizing nationalism as a set of cultural and political beliefs held by individuals. Such works that use opinion measures to explore heterogeneity in national self-understandings show that nationalist beliefs distribute among the public in particular and non-random ways, though the extent to which these heterogeneities induce variation in behavioural outcomes remains relatively unexplored. In this article, we argue that varying conceptions of nationhood inform ethnonational boundary-making strategies and social action. Using latent class analyses and a resource allocation task in original representative survey data (N = 1,460), we ask whether varying cultural positions on nationhood covaries with preferential behaviour. We found that nationalist cultural models provide heterogeneous cultural templates and lead to preferential treatment of ethnonational ingroups.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140004497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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