Daphne Halikiopoulou, John Hutchinson, Eric Kaufmann
{"title":"Editorial for issue 30.1","authors":"Daphne Halikiopoulou, John Hutchinson, Eric Kaufmann","doi":"10.1111/nana.13005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139528517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates how political challengers articulate new political divides in European political party systems and with what implications for representative democracy. Focusing on the case of France and the discourse and practices of Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, the paper identifies three strategies these actors have used to articulate a new political division beyond Left and Right: the discursive rejection of traditional Left/Right politics, the combination of elements from across the Left/Right divide and the identification of each other as opposite sides on a new cleavage. Our analysis also suggests that rather than addressing the democratic pathologies associated with the traditional Left/Right party system, this new divide has largely contributed to deepen them. Specifically, the new dichotomy carries risks in terms of representative deficits, electoral demobilisation and the further legitimation of illiberal politics.
本文探讨了政治挑战者如何在欧洲政党制度中阐明新的政治分歧，以及这对代议制民主有何影响。本文以法国为例，通过埃马纽埃尔-马克龙（Emmanuel Macron）和玛丽娜-勒庞（Marine Le Pen）的言论和实践，指出了这两位政治挑战者在表达超越左右的新政治分歧时所采用的三种策略：在言论上摒弃传统的左/右政治，将来自左/右分歧的各种因素结合起来，以及将对方认定为新裂痕的对立面。我们的分析还表明，这种新的分裂非但没有解决与传统左右政党制度相关的民主病症，反而在很大程度上加深了这些病症。具体而言，新的二分法在代表性缺陷、选举去动员化以及非自由主义政治的进一步合法化等方面都存在风险。
{"title":"Dancing with the devil? Emmanuel Macron, Marine Le Pen and the articulation of a new political divide in France","authors":"Lise Esther Herman, Marta Lorimer","doi":"10.1111/nana.13001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13001","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates how political challengers articulate new political divides in European political party systems and with what implications for representative democracy. Focusing on the case of France and the discourse and practices of Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, the paper identifies three strategies these actors have used to articulate a new political division beyond Left and Right: the discursive rejection of traditional Left/Right politics, the combination of elements from across the Left/Right divide and the identification of each other as opposite sides on a new cleavage. Our analysis also suggests that rather than addressing the democratic pathologies associated with the traditional Left/Right party system, this new divide has largely contributed to deepen them. Specifically, the new dichotomy carries risks in terms of representative deficits, electoral demobilisation and the further legitimation of illiberal politics.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139559152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Within the scholarship on the causes of civil wars, GDP per capita represents a strong and robust variable. Less attention, however, is paid to the role of economic decline. When it is included at all, scholars tend to consider it only in the period just prior to the onset of war. This paper argues that the impact of economic decline has been underestimated, for in addition to its short-term effects, evidence from case studies reveals that a particular pattern is often evident during periods of sharp economic decline, in which ethnonationalist actors ascend in political power while scapegoating minority populations. The resulting increase in interethnic tensions raises the risk of large-scale civil violence even many years after a major recession. The cases of Yugoslavia, Ivory Coast and India show the long-term effects of a common exogenous shock- the global recession of the late 1970s- in the form of rising ethnonationalist political actors, setting the stage for large-scale interethnic civil violence long after the initial economic shock.
{"title":"Economic decline, ethnonationalism and civil war onset","authors":"Marc Scarcelli","doi":"10.1111/nana.13002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13002","url":null,"abstract":"Within the scholarship on the causes of civil wars, GDP per capita represents a strong and robust variable. Less attention, however, is paid to the role of economic decline. When it is included at all, scholars tend to consider it only in the period just prior to the onset of war. This paper argues that the impact of economic decline has been underestimated, for in addition to its short-term effects, evidence from case studies reveals that a particular pattern is often evident during periods of sharp economic decline, in which ethnonationalist actors ascend in political power while scapegoating minority populations. The resulting increase in interethnic tensions raises the risk of large-scale civil violence even many years after a major recession. The cases of Yugoslavia, Ivory Coast and India show the long-term effects of a common exogenous shock- the global recession of the late 1970s- in the form of rising ethnonationalist political actors, setting the stage for large-scale interethnic civil violence long after the initial economic shock.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139423812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper delves into the experiences of ethnic Hungarian millennials in Vojvodina, Serbia, who came of age during the tumultuous Yugoslav Wars in the 1990s. Despite their non-involvement in the conflict, they grappled with substantial challenges arising from surging nationalism that impacted both society and their personal lives. The study illuminates the unexplored suffering of members of this demographic and the enduring aftermath of their war-time encounters. Utilising qualitative interviews and a literature review on nationalism and the Yugoslav Wars, this research reconstructs the perceptions of ethnic minority millennials regarding the nationalistic atmosphere in which they grew up. It delves into their unexpected entanglement with the conflict and its profound consequences on their wellbeing, families and social dynamics. Despite their community's non-participatory stance, this study unveils the concealed wounds of war-induced trauma and their broader implications. The main value of the paper is that it shows how ethnic minority millennials were drawn into the conflict and how they have been impacted by it despite not being the war's main protagonists.
{"title":"The Yugoslav War that was not theirs: The case of national minority millennials","authors":"Karolina Lendák-Kabók","doi":"10.1111/nana.13003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13003","url":null,"abstract":"This paper delves into the experiences of ethnic Hungarian millennials in Vojvodina, Serbia, who came of age during the tumultuous Yugoslav Wars in the 1990s. Despite their non-involvement in the conflict, they grappled with substantial challenges arising from surging nationalism that impacted both society and their personal lives. The study illuminates the unexplored suffering of members of this demographic and the enduring aftermath of their war-time encounters. Utilising qualitative interviews and a literature review on nationalism and the Yugoslav Wars, this research reconstructs the perceptions of ethnic minority millennials regarding the nationalistic atmosphere in which they grew up. It delves into their unexpected entanglement with the conflict and its profound consequences on their wellbeing, families and social dynamics. Despite their community's non-participatory stance, this study unveils the concealed wounds of war-induced trauma and their broader implications. The main value of the paper is that it shows how ethnic minority millennials were drawn into the conflict and how they have been impacted by it despite not being the war's main protagonists.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139374934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the many dimensions of the global tussle surrounding the Covid-19 pandemic has been the rise of right-wing radicalization. In this article, we investigate whether the pandemic offered an opportunity for the Greek Cypriot far-right party, ELAM, to increase its visibility as an opposition force and in what ways. We also explore the transformations in populist rhetoric and practices in the Republic of Cyprus, seeking to identify patterns of persistence and evolution, particularly in how they handle scientific matters in their political stances. Similarly, we delve into the impact of far-right populist politics on the political dynamics in Cyprus. Our findings indicate that pandemic politics were not the exclusive or primary factor in the normalization of the far right but rather served as an accelerator of preexisting trends. The party's handling of the pandemic and scientific principles signifies the diversity within the far-right phenomenon rather than pointing to a universal pattern.
{"title":"Radicalization to the right, secular (ish) pandemic politics and the normalization of the Greek Cypriot far right","authors":"Yiannos Katsourides, Leandros Savvides","doi":"10.1111/nana.12999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12999","url":null,"abstract":"One of the many dimensions of the global tussle surrounding the Covid-19 pandemic has been the rise of right-wing radicalization. In this article, we investigate whether the pandemic offered an opportunity for the Greek Cypriot far-right party, ELAM, to increase its visibility as an opposition force and in what ways. We also explore the transformations in populist rhetoric and practices in the Republic of Cyprus, seeking to identify patterns of persistence and evolution, particularly in how they handle scientific matters in their political stances. Similarly, we delve into the impact of far-right populist politics on the political dynamics in Cyprus. Our findings indicate that pandemic politics were not the exclusive or primary factor in the normalization of the far right but rather served as an accelerator of preexisting trends. The party's handling of the pandemic and scientific principles signifies the diversity within the far-right phenomenon rather than pointing to a universal pattern.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139374648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While fossil fuels are a well-researched element of nationalist discourse, the relationship between nationalism and renewable energy has not yet been adequately explored. We address this gap by investigating the impact of the energy transition on the Scottish National Party's (SNP) discourse between 1983 and 2021. Through an analysis of SNP manifestos and speeches, we discursively trace the evolution of three pertinent amalgams of nationalism—green nationalism, resource nationalism and techno-nationalism—revealing renewable energy to have been co-opted and deployed in all three. Rather than the energy transition intuitively resulting in the decline of fossil fuel-based nationalisms in favour of those rooted in an emergent renewable energy paradigm, we find that adaptations in the SNP's discursive strategies allowed the former to co-exist with the latter, enhancing complementarity and mitigating goal conflicts.
{"title":"Nationalism and the energy transition: The case of the SNP","authors":"Owen Tutt, Harald Heubaum","doi":"10.1111/nana.12993","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12993","url":null,"abstract":"While fossil fuels are a well-researched element of nationalist discourse, the relationship between nationalism and renewable energy has not yet been adequately explored. We address this gap by investigating the impact of the energy transition on the Scottish National Party's (SNP) discourse between 1983 and 2021. Through an analysis of SNP manifestos and speeches, we discursively trace the evolution of three pertinent amalgams of nationalism—green nationalism, resource nationalism and techno-nationalism—revealing renewable energy to have been co-opted and deployed in all three. Rather than the energy transition intuitively resulting in the decline of fossil fuel-based nationalisms in favour of those rooted in an emergent renewable energy paradigm, we find that adaptations in the SNP's discursive strategies allowed the former to co-exist with the latter, enhancing complementarity and mitigating goal conflicts.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138518490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The emergence of Esperantism in 1887 coincided with a nationalist movement in Catalonia that was gaining momentum. During the first decades of the 20th century, both phenomena became deeply intertwined, as Catalan nationalists embraced the constructed language and used the transnational network that developed around it to revindicate their cultural particularities. This article explores how the relationship between the constructed language and Catalanists evolved between 1887 and 1928, when a political regime unfavourable to regional nationalisms forced the Catalan Esperanto movement to reframe their activities and adopt a more apolitical and neutral position.
{"title":"Cultural and linguistic nationalism in the Esperanto movement: The Catalan case (1887–1928)","authors":"Pilar Requejo De Lamo","doi":"10.1111/nana.12996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12996","url":null,"abstract":"The emergence of Esperantism in 1887 coincided with a nationalist movement in Catalonia that was gaining momentum. During the first decades of the 20th century, both phenomena became deeply intertwined, as Catalan nationalists embraced the constructed language and used the transnational network that developed around it to revindicate their cultural particularities. This article explores how the relationship between the constructed language and Catalanists evolved between 1887 and 1928, when a political regime unfavourable to regional nationalisms forced the Catalan Esperanto movement to reframe their activities and adopt a more apolitical and neutral position.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138518489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sebastian Angzoorokuu Paalo, Samuel Adu‐Gyamfi, Dominic Degraft Arthur
Abstract Scholars generally argue that nationalism and secessionism pose important dilemmas for national, regional and global order. Yet, there is inadequate discussion on the varied contexts of nationalist secessionist movements and how they influence or are influenced by domestic and global forces. Addressing this concern, this article undertakes a three‐case comparison of the Western Togoland separatist movement in Ghana, Southwest and Northwest (Anglophone) Cameroon's secessionist movement and the movement for independent Catalonia in Spain. These dissimilar cases—both from Global South and North—enable a broader examination of how themes such as political history, state capacity and regional/continental organisations affect nationalist‐induced secessionist movements and the measures to address them. Using a thematic comparative approach, this article examines the relevant literature on secessionism, nationalism, regionalism and cognate fields to demonstrate that the dynamics and consequence of secessionist movements depend largely on four interwoven factors: (a) the internal organisation and support for the nationalists' course, (b) state capacity to handle uprisings, (c) political conditions and conflict context of neighbouring countries and (d) interest and (re)actions of regional bodies and international allies. The comparative approach thus offers nuance, illustrating the critical angles of variations and intersections in secessionist movements and the effect on global order.
{"title":"Nationalist secessionism and global order: A comparison of the dynamics and impact of secession movements in Africa and Europe","authors":"Sebastian Angzoorokuu Paalo, Samuel Adu‐Gyamfi, Dominic Degraft Arthur","doi":"10.1111/nana.12995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12995","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Scholars generally argue that nationalism and secessionism pose important dilemmas for national, regional and global order. Yet, there is inadequate discussion on the varied contexts of nationalist secessionist movements and how they influence or are influenced by domestic and global forces. Addressing this concern, this article undertakes a three‐case comparison of the Western Togoland separatist movement in Ghana, Southwest and Northwest (Anglophone) Cameroon's secessionist movement and the movement for independent Catalonia in Spain. These dissimilar cases—both from Global South and North—enable a broader examination of how themes such as political history, state capacity and regional/continental organisations affect nationalist‐induced secessionist movements and the measures to address them. Using a thematic comparative approach, this article examines the relevant literature on secessionism, nationalism, regionalism and cognate fields to demonstrate that the dynamics and consequence of secessionist movements depend largely on four interwoven factors: (a) the internal organisation and support for the nationalists' course, (b) state capacity to handle uprisings, (c) political conditions and conflict context of neighbouring countries and (d) interest and (re)actions of regional bodies and international allies. The comparative approach thus offers nuance, illustrating the critical angles of variations and intersections in secessionist movements and the effect on global order.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135679183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marja Lönnroth‐Olin, Satu Venäläinen, Rusten Menard, Teemu Pauha, Inga Jasinskaja‐Lahti
Abstract In this article, we demonstrate how international social‐media discussions offer a platform for taking a stance on the war in Ukraine, redrawing national boundaries and legitimising their defence. We do so by analysing data that consist of comments triggered by a viral YouTube video depicting an encounter between an ageing civilian woman, labelled ‘Babushka Z’, and a Ukrainian soldier. Using a critical discursive psychological framework, we identify five interpretative repertoires: vulnerability , incapacity , national continuity , masculinised warriorship and righteousness . Our analysis illuminates how these repertoires draw on and reproduce intersecting categorisations based on gender, age and ethnic heritage. With the help of these categorisations, the repertoires build competing images of the actions of the figures in the video, which come to symbolise in various ways both patriotism and treason, heroism and cowardice. By aligning with competing historical‐national narratives, the commentors use these images to (de)legitimise the war and its actors.
{"title":"The war in Ukraine and the ambivalent figure of ‘Babushka’: Intersectional nation‐building and the delegitimisation/legitimisation of war on YouTube","authors":"Marja Lönnroth‐Olin, Satu Venäläinen, Rusten Menard, Teemu Pauha, Inga Jasinskaja‐Lahti","doi":"10.1111/nana.12994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12994","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article, we demonstrate how international social‐media discussions offer a platform for taking a stance on the war in Ukraine, redrawing national boundaries and legitimising their defence. We do so by analysing data that consist of comments triggered by a viral YouTube video depicting an encounter between an ageing civilian woman, labelled ‘Babushka Z’, and a Ukrainian soldier. Using a critical discursive psychological framework, we identify five interpretative repertoires: vulnerability , incapacity , national continuity , masculinised warriorship and righteousness . Our analysis illuminates how these repertoires draw on and reproduce intersecting categorisations based on gender, age and ethnic heritage. With the help of these categorisations, the repertoires build competing images of the actions of the figures in the video, which come to symbolise in various ways both patriotism and treason, heroism and cowardice. By aligning with competing historical‐national narratives, the commentors use these images to (de)legitimise the war and its actors.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135679009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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