Sovereignism is said to be on the rise: defending a nation's political autonomy, international borders, and cultural identity and protecting the domestic economy from the perils of globalisation are core demands. What about Latin America? To what extent are sovereignist claims a key component of Latin American parties' platforms and rhetoric? How do these vary according to national contexts and ideological foundations? Is sovereignism truly novel in the region? This article, relying on qualitative analyses of party manifestos from six different countries, as well as on data from the Manifesto Project, aims to map Latin American sovereignism in its different dimensions (political, economic, cultural, international) according to country and party families. As our data show, claims for defending or achieving ‘sovereignty’ are a key component of the (mostly left‐wing) populist idiolect in the region. The Latin American extreme right tends to adopt a sovereignist rhetoric to justify a traditional pro‐market agenda. The article overall calls for a problematisation of the concept of ‘sovereignism’ by proposing a stronger cross‐regional perspective. There are different ‘varieties of sovereignism’ depending on whether state sovereignty is primarily viewed as something to be restored or, alternatively, to be achieved (as is the case in South America).
{"title":"Mapping sovereignism(s) in South America","authors":"Enrico Padoan","doi":"10.1111/nana.13045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13045","url":null,"abstract":"Sovereignism is said to be on the rise: defending a nation's political autonomy, international borders, and cultural identity and protecting the domestic economy from the perils of globalisation are core demands. What about Latin America? To what extent are sovereignist claims a key component of Latin American parties' platforms and rhetoric? How do these vary according to national contexts and ideological foundations? Is sovereignism truly novel in the region? This article, relying on qualitative analyses of party manifestos from six different countries, as well as on data from the Manifesto Project, aims to map Latin American sovereignism in its different dimensions (political, economic, cultural, international) according to country and party families. As our data show, claims for defending or achieving ‘sovereignty’ are a key component of the (mostly left‐wing) populist idiolect in the region. The Latin American extreme right tends to adopt a sovereignist rhetoric to justify a traditional pro‐market agenda. The article overall calls for a problematisation of the concept of ‘sovereignism’ by proposing a stronger cross‐regional perspective. There are different ‘varieties of sovereignism’ depending on whether state sovereignty is primarily viewed as something to be restored or, alternatively, to be achieved (as is the case in South America).","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142247531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research on territorial preferences in self‐determination disputes has traditionally focused on economic and identity‐related factors. However, the impact of social costs—encompassing overall societal comfort and conviviality—on specific preferences for territorial strategies remains understudied. This paper presents a novel perspective by investigating how social costs affect such policy preferences in Catalonia, a region in Spain where secession has become a politically salient and defining feature of the political debate in recent decades. Through embedded experiments conducted within regionally representative online surveys over two time periods, we examine the relationship between social costs and preferences for territorial strategies. Our theoretical framework and empirical findings underscore the importance of considering social costs as a determinant of policy preferences, warranting further cross‐national exploration—beyond territorial debates.
{"title":"Social costs and policy preferences: Evidence from territorial strategies in Catalonia","authors":"Laia Balcells, Alexander Kuo","doi":"10.1111/nana.13043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13043","url":null,"abstract":"Research on territorial preferences in self‐determination disputes has traditionally focused on economic and identity‐related factors. However, the impact of social costs—encompassing overall societal comfort and conviviality—on specific preferences for territorial strategies remains understudied. This paper presents a novel perspective by investigating how social costs affect such policy preferences in Catalonia, a region in Spain where secession has become a politically salient and defining feature of the political debate in recent decades. Through embedded experiments conducted within regionally representative online surveys over two time periods, we examine the relationship between social costs and preferences for territorial strategies. Our theoretical framework and empirical findings underscore the importance of considering social costs as a determinant of policy preferences, warranting further cross‐national exploration—beyond territorial debates.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142224069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we investigate the evolving impact of linguistic voting and its relationship with values and preferences in Catalonia. Our central argument posits that both bottom‐up and top‐down dynamics serve as complementary and interactive explanations for ethnolinguistic voting. On the one hand, it could be expected that, over time, the influence of language on party choice would diminish as Catalan became more widespread among the population. On the other, we expect polarisation to push in the opposite direction, increasing the significance of language in party voting through national identity, strategically activated by political elites. We empirically demonstrate that language has remained a strong predictor of the nationalist vote using data on regional elections in Catalonia from the Center for Sociological Research (Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, CIS). We show that a key mechanism accounting for this relates to parties' strategies to shape the linkage between language and identity, thereby polarising the political competition.
在本文中，我们研究了加泰罗尼亚地区语言投票的演变影响及其与价值观和偏好的关系。我们的中心论点是，自下而上和自上而下的动态变化是对民族语言投票的互补和互动解释。一方面，随着加泰罗尼亚语在人口中的普及，语言对政党选择的影响会逐渐减弱。另一方面，我们预计两极分化会向相反的方向发展，在政治精英的战略推动下，通过民族认同增加语言在政党投票中的重要性。我们利用社会学研究中心（Centro de Investigaciones Sociológas，CIS）提供的加泰罗尼亚地区选举数据，通过实证研究证明，语言仍然是民族主义投票的有力预测因素。我们表明，造成这种情况的一个关键机制与政党塑造语言和身份之间联系的策略有关，从而使政治竞争两极化。
{"title":"Explaining change in linguistic voting: The case of Catalonia","authors":"Lluis Orriols, Pablo Simón","doi":"10.1111/nana.13041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13041","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we investigate the evolving impact of linguistic voting and its relationship with values and preferences in Catalonia. Our central argument posits that both bottom‐up and top‐down dynamics serve as complementary and interactive explanations for ethnolinguistic voting. On the one hand, it could be expected that, over time, the influence of language on party choice would diminish as Catalan became more widespread among the population. On the other, we expect polarisation to push in the opposite direction, increasing the significance of language in party voting through national identity, strategically activated by political elites. We empirically demonstrate that language has remained a strong predictor of the nationalist vote using data on regional elections in Catalonia from the Center for Sociological Research (<jats:italic>Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas</jats:italic>, CIS). We show that a key mechanism accounting for this relates to parties' strategies to shape the linkage between language and identity, thereby polarising the political competition.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142224048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study scrutinises the core assumptions of Donald Horowitz's outbidding model, which defines ethnic party competition as a rivalry between extremist groups focussed solely on ethnic politics, deeming other socio‐economic issues insufficient for voter mobilisation and electoral success (Horowitz, 1985). Through a comprehensive analysis of ethnic parties in Iraqi Kurdistan, this study demonstrates how these parties extend their focus beyond ethnic concerns to include broader administrative matters, such as social and economic issues within the local governance framework. Utilising content analysis of Kurdish newspapers and a comparative perspective, this study challenges the prevailing notion of ethnic outbidding, revealing the multifaceted strategies employed by Kurdish parties.
{"title":"Examining the objectives of ethnic parties: A comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of ethnic party competition beyond the constraints of the outbidding model","authors":"Soran Tarkhani","doi":"10.1111/nana.13040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13040","url":null,"abstract":"This study scrutinises the core assumptions of Donald Horowitz's outbidding model, which defines ethnic party competition as a rivalry between extremist groups focussed solely on ethnic politics, deeming other socio‐economic issues insufficient for voter mobilisation and electoral success (Horowitz, 1985). Through a comprehensive analysis of ethnic parties in Iraqi Kurdistan, this study demonstrates how these parties extend their focus beyond ethnic concerns to include broader administrative matters, such as social and economic issues within the local governance framework. Utilising content analysis of Kurdish newspapers and a comparative perspective, this study challenges the prevailing notion of ethnic outbidding, revealing the multifaceted strategies employed by Kurdish parties.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"46 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141868075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The settler nature of Québécois society makes it a distinct case of minority nationalism. Québec's claim of self‐determination is necessarily more complex and intricately woven with parallel claims from the Indigenous peoples of the territory. This paper argues, first, that Québécois society holds significant obligations toward Indigenous peoples reflected in the commitments made in the historical French treaties and second, that the normative principles embedded in those treaties should be used to transform the relationships it holds with Indigenous peoples and Québec's nationalist project itself. Overall, the paper suggests that Québécois nationalism needs to move away from settler colonialism by considering more seriously the shared nature of the territory it purports to have sovereignty over and by upholding the principles that allowed settlers to stay on the land.
{"title":"Transforming settler nationalism in Québec: Recovering the principles of the historical treaties","authors":"Etienne Cardin‐Trudeau","doi":"10.1111/nana.13038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13038","url":null,"abstract":"The settler nature of Québécois society makes it a distinct case of minority nationalism. Québec's claim of self‐determination is necessarily more complex and intricately woven with parallel claims from the Indigenous peoples of the territory. This paper argues, first, that Québécois society holds significant obligations toward Indigenous peoples reflected in the commitments made in the historical French treaties and second, that the normative principles embedded in those treaties should be used to transform the relationships it holds with Indigenous peoples and Québec's nationalist project itself. Overall, the paper suggests that Québécois nationalism needs to move away from settler colonialism by considering more seriously the shared nature of the territory it purports to have sovereignty over and by upholding the principles that allowed settlers to stay on the land.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141868077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Md Moniruzzaman, AbdelRahman Ahmed Abdel Rahman, Kazi Fahmida Farzana, Atiqur Rahman Mujahid
Nationalism in Asia and Africa is generally understood as a modern secular movement for independence. However, this idea is contestable. Analysing nationalism in India and the Sudan, this paper argues that nationalist movements there actually had their origins in Islamic religious resistance against the British colonial rule preceding the development of secular nationalism. Depending on political development following the colonial advancement, the secular elite‐led nationalism also largely fostered religious communal nationalism in India and the Sudan. This substantiates the argument that religion never ceased to play the most central role in the nationalist movements in India and the Sudan. Following an inter‐continental approach to study nationalism, this article explores exclusively the connection between religion and the first ever generic nationalist movements in the context of colonialism in India and the Sudan.
{"title":"Religious origins of nationalist movements: The experience of India and the Sudan","authors":"Md Moniruzzaman, AbdelRahman Ahmed Abdel Rahman, Kazi Fahmida Farzana, Atiqur Rahman Mujahid","doi":"10.1111/nana.13039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13039","url":null,"abstract":"Nationalism in Asia and Africa is generally understood as a modern secular movement for independence. However, this idea is contestable. Analysing nationalism in India and the Sudan, this paper argues that nationalist movements there actually had their origins in Islamic religious resistance against the British colonial rule preceding the development of secular nationalism. Depending on political development following the colonial advancement, the secular elite‐led nationalism also largely fostered religious communal nationalism in India and the Sudan. This substantiates the argument that religion never ceased to play the most central role in the nationalist movements in India and the Sudan. Following an inter‐continental approach to study nationalism, this article explores exclusively the connection between religion and the first ever generic nationalist movements in the context of colonialism in India and the Sudan.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"67 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141772984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines whether German respondents in an interactive vignette experiment prefer immigrants who are ethno‐racially more proximate to the majority population versus whether immigrants find acceptance in German society as long as they follow the law and respect the rules and customs of society. The approach is both descriptive and experimental. The descriptive results indicate that despite liberalisation of immigration policies since 2000 there is a sizable reservoir of the German population who holds ethno‐racial attitudes. The interactive experimental approach distinguishes two treatments: race and reason for dismissal from a job of two fictitious immigrants who are applying for permanent residency in Germany. Results indicate that while German respondents react more harshly when the reason for dismissal is drug possession than race, the Black immigrant is treated with more hostility for the same infraction than the White immigrant, independently of whether the reason for dismissal from a job is being downsized or drug possession.
{"title":"Ethnic hierarchies versus civic values in a community of descent: Evidence from an interactive survey experiment in Germany","authors":"Markus M. L. Crepaz","doi":"10.1111/nana.13037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13037","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines whether German respondents in an interactive vignette experiment prefer immigrants who are ethno‐racially more proximate to the majority population versus whether immigrants find acceptance in German society as long as they follow the law and respect the rules and customs of society. The approach is both descriptive and experimental. The descriptive results indicate that despite liberalisation of immigration policies since 2000 there is a sizable reservoir of the German population who holds ethno‐racial attitudes. The interactive experimental approach distinguishes two treatments: race and reason for dismissal from a job of two fictitious immigrants who are applying for permanent residency in Germany. Results indicate that while German respondents react more harshly when the reason for dismissal is drug possession than race, the Black immigrant is treated with more hostility for the same infraction than the White immigrant, independently of whether the reason for dismissal from a job is being downsized or drug possession.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141547286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Issue Information ‐ TOC","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/nana.12972","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12972","url":null,"abstract":"No abstract is available for this article.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141506108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper analyses how Citizenship in an Independent Scotland (CIS)—published by the Scottish Government as part of a ‘prospectus for an independent Scotland’—discursively represents the Scottish nation in the context of establishing who should be eligible to be a member of that nation. I relate CIS to the historical and contemporary determination of British citizenship and to evidence concerning popular conceptions of citizenship and national belonging in Scotland. I argue that while CIS reflects nation‐building through an attempt to rhetorically differentiate Scotland from Britain, it also reflects the influence that the evolution of British citizenship has on proposed post‐independence Scottish citizenship. I also evaluate CIS's stress on ‘inclusion’, consistent with its representation of Scotland as an ‘inclusive’ nation. I conclude that the proposals may be described as compromised inclusion and that the reasons for this are likely to be common to similar aspirational secessionist proposals in sub‐state nations.
{"title":"Representing the nation in Citizenship in an Independent Scotland: Compromised inclusion?","authors":"Ross Bond","doi":"10.1111/nana.13029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13029","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses how <jats:italic>Citizenship in an Independent Scotland</jats:italic> (CIS)—published by the Scottish Government as part of a ‘prospectus for an independent Scotland’—discursively represents the Scottish nation in the context of establishing who should be eligible to be a member of that nation. I relate CIS to the historical and contemporary determination of British citizenship and to evidence concerning popular conceptions of citizenship and national belonging in Scotland. I argue that while CIS reflects nation‐building through an attempt to rhetorically differentiate Scotland from Britain, it also reflects the influence that the evolution of British citizenship has on proposed post‐independence Scottish citizenship. I also evaluate CIS's stress on ‘inclusion’, consistent with its representation of Scotland as an ‘inclusive’ nation. I conclude that the proposals may be described as compromised inclusion and that the reasons for this are likely to be common to similar aspirational secessionist proposals in sub‐state nations.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141191222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We recognise nationalist and centre‐seeking ethnic civil wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes of each. First, we argue that the character of states shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist warfare but integrative states contributing to centre‐seeking civil war. Second, we propose that the relative power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war, arguing that centre‐seeking civil war is most common in situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to measure configurations of communal power and the state antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood, create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings support our hypotheses.
{"title":"Fighting over nation or state: States, communal demography, and the type of ethnic civil war","authors":"Matthew Lange, Tay Jeong","doi":"10.1111/nana.13030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13030","url":null,"abstract":"We recognise nationalist and centre‐seeking ethnic civil wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes of each. First, we argue that the character of states shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist warfare but integrative states contributing to centre‐seeking civil war. Second, we propose that the relative power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war, arguing that centre‐seeking civil war is most common in situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to measure configurations of communal power and the state antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood, create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings support our hypotheses.","PeriodicalId":47659,"journal":{"name":"Nations and Nationalism","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141191327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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