Critical Social Policy最新文献

英文中文

Distanciation as a technology of control in the UK hostile environment. 作为英国敌对环境中的一种控制技术的 Distanciation。

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2024-05-01 Epub Date: 2024-03-18 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231223952

Jessica L Potter, Isabel Meier

This article considers how distanciation, understood as the active production of different forms of distance as a method of control, is used to manage people racialised and criminalised as migrants within the UK's hostile environment. Analysing different policies introduced under the hostile environment agenda, as well as the more recent New Plan for Immigration, we argue distanciation is a key tactic that shapes these policies and their implementation as well as offers us insight into changing forms of governing migration. Drawing on the analysis of a wide range of policy documents, the paper attends to different forms of distanciation used as a method of control within the UK's wider hostile environment and then presents the results of a case-study of how distanciation is mobilised within the English National Health Service, under the Migrant and Visitor Cost Recovery Programme in particular, which was introduced in 2014 to ensure the NHS receives 'a fair contribution' from people racialised as migrants. Addressing different forms of distanciation such as - spatial, legal and emotional - we argue that the lens of distance can offer insights into how detachment - increasing distance between different agents in immigration law and border enforcement is an intentional design to control empathy, solidarity and resistance. Tracing ways these forms of distanciation are designed into legislative and administrative measures helps us better understand how hostile environment policies work as well as locating agencies and possibilities of resistance within different spaces, agents and subjects of bordering.

本文探讨了在英国的敌对环境中，如何利用 "疏远 "这种被理解为积极制造不同形式距离的控制方法，来管理被种族化和犯罪化的移民。通过分析在敌意环境议程下推出的不同政策以及最近的《移民新计划》，我们认为疏离是影响这些政策及其实施的关键策略，同时也为我们提供了对不断变化的移民管理形式的洞察力。通过对大量政策文件的分析，本文探讨了在英国更广泛的敌对环境中作为一种控制方法的不同形式的疏远，然后介绍了一项案例研究的结果，即在英国国民医疗服务体系中，疏远是如何被调动起来的，尤其是在移民和访客成本回收计划下，该计划于2014年推出，旨在确保国民医疗服务体系从被种族化为移民的人群中获得 "公平的贡献"。针对空间、法律和情感等不同形式的疏离，我们认为，从距离的角度可以深入了解疏离--移民法和边境执法中不同代理人之间不断拉大的距离--是如何有意设计来控制移情、团结和抵抗的。追踪这些形式的疏离如何被设计到立法和行政措施中，有助于我们更好地理解敌对环境政策是如何发挥作用的，以及在不同的空间、代理人和边境主体中定位抵抗的机构和可能性。

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引用次数: 0

Pregnant racialised migrants and the ubiquitous border: The hostile environment as a technology of stratified reproduction. 怀孕的种族移民和无处不在的边境：作为分层生殖技术的敌对环境。

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2024-05-01 Epub Date: 2024-03-18 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231223951

Gwyneth Lonergan

This article explores the impact of the 'hostile environment' on racialised migrant women's experiences of pregnancy and childbirth in England, arguing that the 'hostile environment' functions as a technology of 'stratified reproduction.' First coined by Shellee Colen, the concept of stratified reproduction describes the dynamic by which some individuals and groups may be supported in their reproductive activities, while others are disempowered and discouraged. This paper locates the stratified reproduction produced by the 'hostile environment' as intertwined with wider gendered and racialised discourses around British citizenship which have been 'designed to fail' racialised residents of the UK. Drawing on interviews with racialised migrant mothers in the north of England, this paper analyses how the proliferation and intensification of immigration controls interacts with gender, race, class, and other social regimes to differentially allocate the resources necessary for a safe and healthy pregnancy and childbirth, and how this is experienced materially by pregnant migrants.

本文探讨了 "敌对环境 "对英国种族化移民妇女怀孕和分娩经历的影响，认为 "敌对环境 "是一种 "分层生殖 "技术。分层再生产 "这一概念最早由谢莉-科伦（Shellee Colen）提出，它描述了这样一种动态：一些个人和群体在生育活动中可能会得到支持，而另一些个人和群体则被剥夺了权利并受到阻碍。本文将 "敌对环境 "产生的分层再生产与围绕英国公民身份的更广泛的性别和种族话语交织在一起，这些话语 "旨在使 "英国的种族居民 "失败"。本文通过对英格兰北部种族化移民母亲的访谈，分析了移民控制的扩散和加强如何与性别、种族、阶级和其他社会制度相互作用，从而对安全、健康的怀孕和分娩所需的资源进行不同的分配，以及怀孕移民如何从物质上体验到这一点。

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引用次数: 0

Bordering social reproduction: The welfare/immigration regimes of Quebec and Ontario in Canada 社会再生产的边界：加拿大魁北克省和安大略省的福利/移民制度

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2024-01-04 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231219187

Karine Côté-Boucher, Susan Braedley

This article makes three crucial, related arguments. First, most European analyses of immigration and social welfare fail to consider how these policies intersect to shape the social reproduction of populations, instead sticking to notions of welfare chauvinism, social citizenship, and deservingness. Second, welfare/immigration analyses are usually set at the national level, but subnational comparisons can challenge tidy welfare state regime categorizations, revealing both nuance and policy opportunities. Third, a focus on social reproduction regimes that includes welfare and immigration policies reveals how jurisdictions border the extraction of social reproductive labour, with impacts on who gets in and under which conditions, and on the distribution of paid and unpaid social reproductive work within immigrant and established families in Canada. Developing our feminist border analysis, we illustrate our approach through a comparative analysis of Quebec and Ontario to show how social reproductive borders extract care labour and from whom, under diverging policy regimes.

本文提出了三个重要的相关论点。首先，大多数欧洲关于移民和社会福利的分析都没有考虑到这些政策如何相互交织以形成人口的社会再生产，而是坚持福利沙文主义、社会公民权和应得性的概念。其次，福利/移民分析通常以国家层面为背景，但国家以下层面的比较可以挑战整齐划一的福利国家制度分类，揭示细微差别和政策机遇。第三，对包括福利和移民政策在内的社会再生产制度的关注，揭示了各辖区如何在边界上提取社会再生产劳动力，从而影响到谁能进入以及在何种条件下进入，并影响到有偿和无偿社会再生产工作在加拿大移民家庭和固定家庭中的分配。通过对魁北克省和安大略省的比较分析，我们发展了我们的女权主义边界分析方法，以说明在不同的政策制度下，社会生育边界是如何提取护理劳动力以及从谁那里提取。

引用次数: 0

Diminishing returns of growth? Economic performance, needs satisfaction and ecological impacts of OECD welfare states 增长收益递减？经合组织福利国家的经济表现、需求满足和生态影响

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231218971

Alexander Paulsson, Max Koch, Martin Fritz

The environmental crisis, increased inequality and an aging population are likely to increase the demand for welfare services in the OECD countries. Economic growth has long been seen as a solution to these problems. However, this is no longer the case. Very few countries have managed to decouple economic performance from ecological footprints and greenhouse gas emissions. Even where this has been achieved, the rates of emission-decline are too slow to match the Paris climate targets. Consequently, interdisciplinary research is key to probe how welfare systems may cope with these challenges, and how welfare provision and economic growth may be decoupled. By drawing on the basic human needs approach and a unique set of data, we explore the social and ecological performances of OECD countries relative to their economic performances. While high-income countries display diminishing welfare returns as economic performance is not improving the satisfaction of health-related needs, the lower-income countries might yield significant surplus if moving to the level of moderate-income countries. However, the satisfaction of autonomy-related needs is so far strongly coupled to economic performance and thus much harder to achieve in an ecologically sustainable way.

环境危机、不平等加剧和人口老龄化可能会增加经合组织国家对福利服务的需求。长期以来，经济增长一直被视为解决这些问题的办法。然而，现在情况已不再如此。只有极少数国家成功地将经济表现与生态足迹和温室气体排放脱钩。即使在已实现脱钩的国家，排放量下降的速度也过于缓慢，无法与巴黎气候目标相匹配。因此，跨学科研究是探究福利制度如何应对这些挑战以及如何使福利提供与经济增长脱钩的关键。通过利用人类基本需求方法和一组独特的数据，我们探讨了经合组织国家相对于其经济表现的社会和生态表现。高收入国家的福利回报递减，因为经济表现并没有改善对健康相关需求的满足，而较低收入国家如果达到中等收入国家的水平，则可能产生大量盈余。然而，迄今为止，自主相关需求的满足与经济表现密切相关，因此更难以生态可持续的方式实现。

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引用次数: 0

Governing resettlement: Interrogating tensions and contradictions around age, vulnerability, and integrate-ability in the Irish context 管理重新安置：探究爱尔兰在年龄、脆弱性和融入能力方面存在的紧张关系和矛盾

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231218968

Karen Smith

Deploying a lens informed by humanitarian reason and governmentality this article interrogates the normative assumptions underlying resettlement for international protection in the Irish context. Drawing on findings from a qualitative study on the needs of children and parents admitted under the Irish Refugee Protection Programme, it highlights tensions and contradictions underemphasised in the existing literature, including those deriving from assumptions which inversely associate age with integrate-ability. Such assumptions place a heavy burden on the young, perceived to be the most adaptable. The danger pointed to in this article is that those deemed least adaptable - adults with limited prior education - might not be prioritised for supports due to negative assumptions about their prospects. Somewhat paradoxically, the ‘most adaptable’ – children resettled at primary-school age or younger – might also miss out on supports as they are deemed likely to succeed in any case.

本文以人道主义理性和政府性为视角，对爱尔兰国际保护重新安置所依据的规范性假设进行了审视。文章利用对爱尔兰难民保护计划下接收的儿童和父母的需求进行定性研究的结果，强调了现有文献中未充分强调的紧张关系和矛盾，包括那些将年龄与融入能力成反比的假设所产生的紧张关系和矛盾。这种假设给被认为适应能力最强的年轻人带来了沉重的负担。本文指出的危险是，那些被认为最不适应的人--先前教育程度有限的成年人--可能会因为对其前景的负面假设而无法优先获得支持。有点自相矛盾的是，"适应能力最强 "的人--被重新安置的小学年龄或更小的儿童--也可能得不到支持，因为他们被认为无论如何都有可能成功。

引用次数: 0

A cure-all for energy poverty? Thinking critically about energy advice 能源贫困的万灵药？批判性地思考能源建议

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231219185

N. Simcock, Stefan Bouzarovski

Dramatic increases in global energy prices in 2022 have sharpened focus on the suffering experienced by people living in energy poverty – a situation where they are unable to afford the energy required to meet their basic needs. In many countries, providing energy advice to householders is part of a wider strategy to assist those who are experiencing such hardship. However, little research scrutinises whether and how energy advice can be useful in reducing vulnerability to energy poverty. It is this research gap we address here. Drawing on an extensive qualitative dataset, we find that efforts to provide tailored, in-person advice can help to partially ameliorate energy poverty, but its impacts are limited by structural factors that are beyond the immediate influence of advisors or individual citizens. Energy advice should be seen as a supplement to, not a replacement for, more ambitious and transformative political action that addresses the structural and institutional drivers of inequality.

2022 年全球能源价格大幅上涨，使人们更加关注生活在能源贫困中的人们所遭受的苦难--他们无力负担满足基本需求所需的能源。在许多国家，向住户提供能源建议是帮助这些困难人群的更广泛战略的一部分。然而，很少有研究仔细探讨能源建议是否以及如何有助于减少能源贫困。我们在此探讨的正是这一研究空白。利用广泛的定性数据集，我们发现，提供量身定制的面对面建议有助于部分缓解能源贫困，但其影响受到结构性因素的限制，而这些因素超出了顾问或公民个人的直接影响范围。能源建议应被视为一种补充，而不是取代更雄心勃勃、更具变革性的政治行动，以解决造成不平等的结构性和制度性因素。

引用次数: 0

The multiple and competing functions of local reviews of serious child abuse cases in England 英格兰地方审查严重虐待儿童案件的多重和相互竞争的职能

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2023-12-19 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231218965

Jonathan Dickens, Laura Cook, Jeanette Cossar, Cynthia Okpokiri, Julie Taylor, Joanna Garstang

When children are killed or seriously harmed from abuse or neglect, there is pressure to ‘learn the lessons’ to prevent similar events. England has a long-established system of locally-based multi-agency reviews for this, but the recurrence of tragedies and repetitive findings raise questions about its effectiveness. Reflecting and building on our research into reviews completed between 2017 and 2021, we analyse the complexity that routine criticisms of inter-agency working disguise, and argue that reviews are shaped by their multiple, competing functions. The stated purpose is to improve practice. Within this are other overt but ambiguous goals: establishing what happened, accountability, reassurance and commemoration. Then there are covert functions: to dissipate public outrage, deflect attention from underlying causes, and distort understandings of the work by making it seem straightforward. Reviews would benefit from paying more attention to the dynamics of frontline practice and the local actions to implement the lessons.

当儿童因遭受虐待或忽视而死亡或受到严重伤害时，就会产生 "吸取教训 "以防止类似事件发生的压力。为此，英格兰拥有一套历史悠久的基于地方的多机构审查系统，但悲剧的重演和重复性的审查结果使人们对其有效性产生了质疑。我们在对 2017 年至 2021 年期间完成的审查进行反思和研究的基础上，分析了对机构间工作的常规批评所掩盖的复杂性，并认为审查是由其多重、相互竞争的功能所决定的。公开的目的是改进实践。其中还有其他公开但模糊的目标：确定发生了什么、问责、保证和纪念。还有一些隐蔽的功能：消除公众的愤怒，转移对根本原因的关注，以及通过使工作看起来简单明了来扭曲对工作的理解。如果能更多地关注一线实践的动态和当地落实经验教训的行动，审查工作将会受益匪浅。

引用次数: 0

Barriers to safe and secure housing in the US section 8 voucher programme post-Dobbs 多布斯之后美国第 8 款住房券计划中安全和有保障住房的障碍

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2023-12-17 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231217672

Kaitlyn M Sims, Nicole Meyer, Kate Walsh

The US affordable housing crisis has exploded since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, spurring increased interest in low-income housing subsidies (Section 8). However, potential Section 8 beneficiaries can lose eligibility, or their spot in line, when family size changes, especially if they do not provide the appropriate paperwork to the public housing authority. We identify two external concerns for Section 8: the disparity between programme demand, available vouchers, and housing stock, and the challenges domestic violence victims face in securing housing assistance. These challenges compound for poor families fleeing violence, and more so since the Dobbs decision. In many states, abortion trigger bans severely limit household family planning, creating a triple-bind for poor families seeking housing and women fleeing violence. We identify several policy recommendations to address these concerns in both the short- and long-run.

自 COVID-19 疫情爆发以来，美国经济适用房危机急剧上升，促使人们对低收入住房补贴（第 8 款）越来越感兴趣。然而，当家庭人口发生变化时，特别是如果他们没有向公共住房管理机构提供适当的文件，潜在的第 8 款受益人可能会失去资格或排队的位置。我们确定了第 8 款的两个外部问题：计划需求、可用住房券和住房存量之间的差距，以及家庭暴力受害者在获得住房援助方面面临的挑战。对于逃离暴力的贫困家庭来说，这些挑战更加严峻，自多布斯案判决以来，情况更是如此。在许多州，堕胎触发禁令严重限制了家庭计划生育，为寻求住房的贫困家庭和逃离暴力的妇女带来了三重束缚。我们提出了几项政策建议，以在短期和长期内解决这些问题。

引用次数: 0

Risks and representations: Creating consensus narratives about risk with pregnant women involved with child protection systems in Aotearoa New Zealand and Scotland 风险与表述：与新西兰奥特亚罗瓦和苏格兰儿童保护系统中的孕妇建立关于风险的共识叙事

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2023-12-10 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231215231

Ariane Critchley, Emily Keddell

Social work aspires to empowerment ideals, including taking a ‘non-expert’ position of professional curiosity, and validating the perspectives of people in contact with services. Yet in child protection, social workers are involved in practice that refutes the views and opinions of people and are positioned by their role as an identifier of abuse and risk manager. Social workers and people who are subject to child protection services can be locked into meaning battles regarding the effect of parental behaviour and the representation of risks to children. These negotiations over meanings are especially difficult in the pre and perinatal period, where who controls the representation of the baby's voice or best interests is fundamental to decision outcomes. Using Fricker's concept of ‘testimonial injustice’ as an analytical lens, this article draws on studies in two different contexts: Aotearoa New Zealand and Scotland, to examine the implications of the intense mediation of meanings that affect child protection practice. We find that concepts relating to the importance of mothering, love for children, and extended family relationships were sources of mother's disagreements with professional views of risk, but that through qualified agreement or advocacy from community workers, a shared risk narrative could be constructed.

社会工作渴望实现赋权的理想，包括采取 "非专家 "的专业好奇立场，验证与服务接触者的观点。然而，在儿童保护工作中，社会工作者所参与的实践却驳斥了人们的观点和意见，并将自己的角色定位为虐待行为的识别者和风险管理者。社工和接受儿童保护服务的人可能会陷入关于父母行为的影响和儿童面临风险的表述的意义之争。在产前和围产期，这些关于意义的争论尤其困难，因为在产前和围产期，谁能代表婴儿的声音或最大利益是决定结果的关键。本文以弗里克的 "证词不公正 "概念为分析视角，借鉴了两种不同背景下的研究：本文以新西兰奥特亚罗瓦和苏格兰两个不同背景下的研究为基础，探讨了影响儿童保护实践的激烈意义调解所产生的影响。我们发现，与母亲的重要性、对孩子的爱和大家庭关系有关的概念是母亲与专业人员对风险看法产生分歧的根源，但通过有条件的同意或社区工作者的倡导，可以构建一个共同的风险叙事。

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Multiple barriers to the Dutch welfare state. Black Feminists’ intersectional claims to social citizenship in the 1980s 荷兰福利国家的多重障碍。20 世纪 80 年代黑人女权主义者对社会公民权的交叉主张

IF 2.3 2区社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES

Critical Social Policy

Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/02610183231215232

E. Westra

Already in the 1980s, Black feminists contributed to political debates on the Dutch welfare state. Their intersectional analyses of social citizenship were directly based on the lived experiences of Black women in the Netherlands. However, then and now, these contributions have been largely overlooked in both Dutch politics and welfare state research, leading to social policies that do not correspond with the lived experiences of all women. Through archive research, and using the analytical framework of political claims-making, this article sheds light on the social rights claims of the Surinamese-Dutch feminist organization Ashanti that was active between 1980 and 1987. Their Black feminist perspectives provide important insights into the underlying mechanisms of in- and exclusion of the Dutch welfare state, from the standpoints of Dutch citizens and families that did not necessarily fit the picture of the “imagined citizens” for whom the Dutch welfare state was built.

早在20世纪80年代，黑人女权主义者就参与了有关荷兰福利国家的政治辩论。他们对社会公民权的交叉分析直接基于荷兰黑人妇女的生活经历。然而，无论是过去还是现在，这些贡献在荷兰政治和福利国家研究中都被很大程度上忽视了，导致社会政策与所有女性的生活经历不相符。本文通过档案研究，运用政治诉求的分析框架，揭示了活跃于1980年至1987年间的苏里南-荷兰女权组织阿散蒂(Ashanti)的社会权利诉求。她们的黑人女权主义观点，从荷兰公民和家庭的角度出发，对荷兰福利国家的内在机制提供了重要的见解，这些公民和家庭不一定符合荷兰福利国家为之建立的“想象中的公民”的形象。

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