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Critical Social Policy最新文献

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Teaching social policy as if students matter: Decolonizing the curriculum and perpetuating epistemic injustice 把社会政策当作学生的事来教:课程的非殖民化和认识上的不公正
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221103745
Hakan Seckinelgin
Calls for the decolonization of education at all levels of education in the UK have gained new momentum since the murder of George Floyd on 25 May 2020 in Minneapolis and the subsequent Black Lives Matter demonstrations throughout the US and the UK. In this article I focus on the reactions to demands for the decolonization of the curriculum in my own department, Social Policy, at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). I argue that understanding the reactions of academic staff to student demands is informative about the nature of the problem. The article provides a contribution to discussions on decolonization on two fronts: (a) it highlights the internal dynamics of engagement with student demands in the context of a Higher Education Institution (HEI) and (b) the academic responses to students’ demands reveal an underlying mechanism that reproduces the status quo in the teaching of Social Policy.
自2020年5月25日乔治·弗洛伊德在明尼阿波利斯被谋杀以及随后美国和英国各地的“黑人的命也是命”示威活动以来,要求英国各级教育非殖民化的呼声获得了新的动力,伦敦政治经济学院。我认为,了解教职员工对学生需求的反应可以了解问题的性质。这篇文章从两个方面对非殖民化的讨论做出了贡献:(a)它强调了在高等教育机构(HEI)的背景下参与学生需求的内部动态;(b)学术界对学生需求的回应揭示了一种再现社会政策教学现状的潜在机制。
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引用次数: 3
‘I’m not going anywhere near that': Expert stakeholder challenges in working with boys and young men regarding sex and sexual consent “我不会这么做的”:专家利益相关者在与男孩和年轻男性合作时遇到的关于性和性同意的挑战
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221103817
Andrea Waling, Alexandra James, John F. Fairchild
This article explores findings from 23 expert stakeholder interviews on working with cisgender heterosexual men and boys in the fields of gendered violence prevention, relationships and sexuality education (RSE), sexual health, sport, and emotional and mental well-being. It focuses on how organisations and individual consultants navigate political and social tensions when working with boys and young men. Findings from these interviews note several significant challenges and barriers stakeholders face in implementing programs designed to support cisgender, heterosexual boys and young men, particularly in areas of sex, sexual health and wellbeing. These include 1) broader questions as to who is responsible for teaching about sex, relationships, and sexuality; 2) the lack of public support in running programs about sex and sexuality, 3) uncertainty as to the best settings to engage boys and young men, and 4) hostility or lack of engagement with program content. We highlight the implications of these challenges for policy and practice, as well as recommendations for how to address some of these issues.
本文探讨了23位专家利益相关者访谈的结果,这些访谈涉及在性别暴力预防、人际关系和性教育(RSE)、性健康、体育以及情感和心理健康领域与顺性别异性恋男性和男孩合作。它关注的是组织和个人顾问在与男孩和年轻男性合作时如何应对政治和社会紧张局势。这些采访的结果表明,利益相关者在实施旨在支持顺性别、异性恋男孩和年轻男性的计划时,特别是在性、性健康和幸福领域,面临着一些重大挑战和障碍。这些问题包括:1)关于谁负责教授性、关系和性的更广泛的问题;2) 在运行有关性和性的节目时缺乏公众支持,3)不确定让男孩和年轻男性参与的最佳环境,以及4)对节目内容的敌意或缺乏参与。我们强调了这些挑战对政策和实践的影响,以及如何解决其中一些问题的建议。
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引用次数: 1
Adequate for whom? Reflections on the right to adequate housing from fieldwork on Roma inclusion in Italy 对谁足够?从意大利罗姆人融入的实地调查中对适足住房权的思考
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221103570
Silvia Cittadini
The definition of 'adequate housing', a term widely used in the protection of the related right and the development of housing policies, has never been fully questioned, despite the acknowledged importance of shelter for the well-being of the individual beyond its physical function. This article analyses the weaknesses of the current definition of this term through the findings of reflexive fieldwork conducted in Italy with Roma targeted by inclusion policies in the housing sector. Departing from the analysis of the impact of anti-gypsyism in the Italian policy context, the interviews highlight how policies constructed around ideas of adequacy focused solely on the physical structure of the dwelling contribute to the neglect of the variety of social, cultural, economic and emotional factors that affect housing choices, leading to the failure of initiatives aimed at providing adequate housing solutions.
“适足住房”是一个在保护相关权利和制定住房政策时广泛使用的术语,其定义从未受到充分质疑,尽管住房对个人身体机能之外的福祉具有公认的重要性。本文通过在意大利对罗姆人进行的反射性实地调查的结果,分析了该术语当前定义的弱点,罗姆人是住房部门包容性政策的目标。与对反吉普赛主义在意大利政策背景下的影响的分析不同,采访强调了围绕仅关注住宅物理结构的适当性理念构建的政策是如何忽视影响住房选择的各种社会、文化、经济和情感因素的,导致旨在提供适当住房解决方案的举措失败。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Agents of Reform. Child Labor and the Origins of the Welfare State by Elisabeth Anderson 书评:改革的推动者。《童工和福利国家的起源》作者:伊丽莎白·安德森
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-05-31 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221101161
J. Humphries
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引用次数: 0
The national and moral borders of the 2016 French law on sex work: An analysis of the ‘prostitution exit programme’ 2016年法国性工作法的国家和道德边界:对“卖淫退出计划”的分析
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-05-26 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221101167
Calogero Giametta, Hélène Le Bail
The 2016 law on prostitution in France introduced the so-called Swedish model approach to sex work, which, at the national level, criminalises those who purchase sex rather than the sex workers themselves. Alongside the repressive character of the law, lawmakers introduced a number of social policy measures through the implementation of a ‘prostitution exit programme’. Whilst some pioneering research has sought to evaluate the impact of penalising the clients of sex workers, no survey has yet focused on the outcomes of prostitution exit programmes. Based on qualitative data, including interviews with sex workers and grassroots organisations, this article aims to analyse how the programme was implemented and its overall outcomes. The interviews we conducted shed particular light on the fact that the implementation of the programme is impacted on by the application of restrictive migration policies.
法国2016年的卖淫法引入了所谓的瑞典式性工作模式,在国家层面上,将购买性服务的人定为犯罪,而不是性工作者本身。除了法律的压制性外,立法者还通过实施“卖淫退出计划”引入了一些社会政策措施。虽然一些开创性的研究试图评估惩罚性工作者客户的影响,但尚未有调查关注卖淫退出计划的结果。基于定性数据,包括对性工作者和基层组织的采访,本文旨在分析该项目是如何实施的及其总体结果。我们进行的访谈特别说明了这一事实,即该方案的执行受到实施限制性移徙政策的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Female dependents, individual customers and promiscuous digital personas: The multiple governing of women through the Australian social security couple rule 女性家属,个人客户和滥交的数字角色:通过澳大利亚社会保障夫妇规则对女性的多重治理
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-05-03 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221089265
Lyndal Sleep
This article argues that women social security recipients are governed by multiple political rationalities through the couple rule in Australia. It focuses on different periods of development of the couple rule – its inception within women's only payments of the 1970s, it's ‘de-gendering’ with the Social Security Act 1991 (Cth), and its current intersections with the digitisation of social security administration. It shows that different governing tools emerged across time to govern women through their relationships, but did not replace each other. Rather, the result is that women are now multiply governed by these seemingly contradictory rationalities. Women are governed as dependents by welfarist rationality through expectations of frugality and fidelity to a paternal state. They are governed as independent individuals through neo-liberal political rationalisations of ‘choice’. In addition, through algorithmic governmentality, women are constituted and reconstituted into a possibly promiscuous digital persona using information which is abstracted from women's daily lives. Through each of these modes of governing, the patriarchal assumptions of the couple rule endure.
本文认为,通过澳大利亚的夫妻规则,女性社会保障领取者受到多重政治理性的支配。它关注的是夫妻规则的不同发展时期——它始于20世纪70年代的女性专属支付,与1991年《社会保障法》(Cth)“去性别化”,以及目前与社会保障管理数字化的交叉点。研究表明,随着时间的推移,不同的治理工具出现了,通过女性关系来治理她们,但并没有相互取代。相反,结果是,女性现在被这些看似矛盾的理性所多重支配。妇女作为受抚养人受到福利主义理性的支配,这种理性是通过对节俭和忠于父亲国家的期望而实现的。他们作为独立的个体通过“选择”的新自由主义政治理性化来治理。此外,通过算法治理,利用从女性日常生活中提取的信息,将女性塑造成一个可能滥交的数字人物。通过每一种治理模式,夫妻统治的父权制假设都会持续下去。
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引用次数: 0
Eviscerating equality: Normative whiteness and Conservative equality policy 铲除平等:规范的白人和保守的平等政策
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-05-02 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221093788
Irene Gedalof
This article draws on the insights of narrative analysis to critically review recent changes to UK government equality policy through three examples: the announcement of a new equality strategy, changes to the governance of the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC), and the establishment and report of the Sewell Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities. I argue that these policy initiatives and the narratives justifying them signal moves to further weaken the UK government’s formal commitments to protections against discrimination. This involves not only the familiar argument in favour of a limited, liberal model of individual equality of opportunity, but is also about bolstering normative whiteness in the face of growing calls for a reckoning with the UK’s legacy of colonialism, slavery and deep-seated racial inequalities.
本文利用叙事分析的见解,通过三个例子来批判性地回顾英国政府最近对平等政策的变化:宣布新的平等战略,平等与人权委员会(EHRC)治理的变化,以及休厄尔种族和民族差异委员会的成立和报告。我认为,这些政策举措和为其辩护的说法表明,这些举措将进一步削弱英国政府对保护不受歧视的正式承诺。这不仅涉及支持一种有限的、自由的个人机会平等模式的常见论点,还涉及在要求清算英国殖民主义、奴隶制和根深蒂固的种族不平等遗产的呼声日益高涨之际,支持规范的白人化。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Left will find that it has bought a Trojan Horse’: The dialectics of universal basic income “左派会发现他们买了一个特洛伊木马”:全民基本收入的辩证法
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221092151
David James Hogg
Recent years have seen an explosion of interest in basic income proposals. While this is not an entirely new phenomenon, what is different about the current discourse is the Left’s wholehearted embrace of what has traditionally been seen as a conservative social policy in Britain. It is my contention that UBI is potentially a dangerous policy for the Left, in that it risks undermining the – admittedly imperfect – welfare protections already in existence. This paper draws on Marxist political economy in order to demonstrate how the emancipatory potential of UBI has been somewhat overstated by some of its Leftist supporters, while a discussion of the neutrality of the State is important in considering how this ‘shape-shifting social policy' is likely to be implemented in practice.
近年来,人们对基本收入提案的兴趣激增。虽然这并不是一个全新的现象,但当前言论的不同之处在于,左派全心全意地接受了英国传统上被视为保守的社会政策。我的观点是,对于左派来说,全民基本收入可能是一项危险的政策,因为它有可能破坏已经存在的——诚然是不完美的——福利保护。本文借鉴了马克思主义政治经济学,以证明UBI的解放潜力如何被一些左翼支持者夸大了,而讨论国家的中立性对于考虑这种“改变形态的社会政策”如何在实践中实施是很重要的。
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引用次数: 1
Contractual controls and pragmatic professionalism: A qualitative study on contracting social services in China 契约控制与实用专业主义:中国社会服务契约的定性研究
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221089009
Jie Lei, Tian Cai, C. Chan
This study used the contracting projects of a district branch of the Women's Federation in Guangzhou as case examples to demonstrate both the Chinese state's contractual controls over social work organisations (SWOs) and the pragmatic response strategies of SWOs and professionals. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with seventeen participants, including local officials of the Women's Federation and social workers from contracted SWOs. It was found that with the ultimate goal of consolidating the legitimacy of the Communist Party of China, the Women's Federation's dual role in politics and service provision had led to normative, managerial, technical and relational controls over SWOs. SWOs and professionals were generally submissive to these controls, but they employed diverse coping strategies, including compliance, bargaining, transformation and investment in personal relationships. The interactions within the contractual relationship created a pragmatic professionalism that embraced dominant political ideologies, employed de-politicising techniques, and personally depended on individual officials.
本研究以广州市妇联某地区分会承包项目为例,探讨了中国政府对社会工作机构的契约控制,以及社会工作机构和专业人员的务实应对策略。对17名参与者进行了半结构化访谈,其中包括妇联的地方官员和签约的社会服务机构的社会工作者。研究发现,为了最终巩固中国共产党的合法性,妇联在政治和服务方面的双重作用导致了对swo的规范、管理、技术和关系控制。swo和专业人士通常服从这些控制,但他们采用不同的应对策略,包括遵守、讨价还价、转变和投资于个人关系。契约关系中的相互作用创造了一种实用的专业主义,这种专业主义接受了占主导地位的政治意识形态,采用了去政治化的技术,并个人依赖于个别官员。
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引用次数: 3
Policy paradoxes and the Vulnerable Persons Resettlement Scheme: How welfare policies impact resettlement support 政策悖论与弱势群体安置计划:福利政策如何影响安置支持
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIAL ISSUES Pub Date : 2022-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/02610183221088532
Hannah Haycox
The Vulnerable Persons Resettlement Scheme (VPRS) comprised the UK government's primary response to persons forcibly displaced by the Syrian civil war. Recipients were granted immediate recourse to public funds and a locally-based 12-month integration support plan, designed at the discretion of practitioners. Drawing on forty in-depth interviews with refugees and practitioners in two areas with contrasting local approaches, this article explores the tensions that emerged when broader central government policies (distinct from the VPRS), intersected with resettlement support in recipients’ lives. Two current welfare reforms are identified and evaluated as having impacted resettled families’ housing experiences: firstly; the Two-Child Limit and secondly; the Benefit Cap. The article demonstrates how the financial precarity produced by both policies undermined local practitioners’ resettlement support. In doing so, the article challenges dominant policy narratives of exceptionality, locating those resettled within the routinised systems of precarity and conditionality embedded in the welfare system.
弱势群体重新安置计划(VPRS)是英国政府对因叙利亚内战而被迫流离失所的人的主要回应。受助人可立即求助于公共基金和一项由从业人员酌情制定的基于当地的12个月融合支助计划。本文通过对两个地区的难民和从业人员的40次深度访谈,探讨了当更广泛的中央政府政策(不同于VPRS)与接受者生活中的重新安置支持相交时出现的紧张局势。目前的两项福利改革被确定并评估为影响了安置家庭的住房体验:第一;二胎限制;这篇文章展示了这两项政策所产生的财政不稳定如何破坏了本地从业人员的安置支持。在这样做的过程中,本文挑战了例外性的主流政策叙事,将那些重新安置在福利制度中嵌入的不稳定和条件限制的常规系统中。
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引用次数: 2
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Critical Social Policy
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