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Theorizing urban social spaces and their interrelations: New perspectives on urban sociology, politics, and planning 城市社会空间理论化及其相互关系:城市社会学、政治学和规划学的新视角
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-12-03 DOI: 10.1177/1473095220976942
Yosef Jabareen, E. Eizenberg
This paper proposes a new theoretical perspective for understanding urban social spaces and their interrelations. In an effort to understand these multifaceted, complex relations, an inquiry committed to a flat ontology was deployed. Accordingly, we draw our theorization on the Lacanian ontological lack, Harman’s object-oriented ontology, and Laclau and Mouffe’s discursivity of social reality. Thus, we propose that urban social spaces are discursive and real entities with real and sensual qualities and constituted through specific relations. They are located within discursive social relations, where each urban social space has a “differential position” in an urban system of relations. Each urban social space has an “identity,” defined by its specific mixture of social groups and its specific real and sensual qualities. These qualities construct a sensual object with a specific sensual identity within the web of different urban social spaces. Therefore, urban social spaces are being made through multiple interrelations and are constituted through their location in a nexus of positions. The proposed framework that captures the interrelations among urban social spaces is based on three interrelated logics: the logic of difference, the logic of equivalence, and the fantasmatic logic. Understanding the relations of urban social spaces through these logics offers multifaceted social, political, psychological, and spatial illumination, details, and a more nuanced and flexible investigation of the formation and change of these spaces. Hereby, the city is conceived as comprised of spatiotemporal configurations where social spaces have social and political relations ranging from harshly antagonistic to inclusive and equivalent. This proposed framework informs both sociological and political realms of planning theory. It provides planning theory with new perspectives for understanding the city as a web of interrelated social spaces. Furthermore, it allows a more critical understanding of urban reality by illuminating inequality, injustice, antagonism, and the formulation of “otherness.”
本文为理解城市社会空间及其相互关系提供了一个新的理论视角。为了理解这些多方面的、复杂的关系,一个致力于平面本体的调查被部署。因此,我们将拉康的本体论缺失、哈曼的面向对象本体论以及拉克劳和墨菲的社会现实话语性作为我们的理论基础。因此,我们提出城市社会空间是话语的、真实的实体,具有真实和感性的特质,并通过特定的关系构成。它们位于话语社会关系中,每个城市社会空间在城市关系系统中都有一个“不同的位置”。每个城市社会空间都有一个“身份”,由其特定的社会群体混合以及特定的真实和感性品质来定义。这些特质在不同的城市社会空间网络中构建了一个具有特定感官身份的感官对象。因此,城市社会空间是通过多种相互关系形成的,并通过其在位置联系中的位置构成的。所提出的框架捕捉了城市社会空间之间的相互关系,它基于三个相互关联的逻辑:差异逻辑、等价逻辑和幻想逻辑。通过这些逻辑来理解城市社会空间的关系,可以提供多方面的社会、政治、心理和空间照明、细节,并对这些空间的形成和变化进行更细致和灵活的调查。因此,城市被认为是由时空结构组成的,其中社会空间具有从激烈对抗到包容平等的社会和政治关系。这个提议的框架为规划理论的社会学和政治领域提供了信息。它为理解城市作为一个相互关联的社会空间网络的规划理论提供了新的视角。此外,通过阐明不平等、不公正、对抗和“他者性”的表述,它允许对城市现实进行更批判性的理解。
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引用次数: 16
The essential state: Pandemic, norms and values, and the new authoritarianism 基本状态:流行病、规范和价值观、新威权主义
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-11-04 DOI: 10.1177/1473095220969626
I. Wray
America’s long post war boom was underpinned by the state, by Roosevelt’s New Deal, by its wartime economy, and by Roosevelt’s plans for investment in post war science and infrastructure. In the 1970s America abandoned its developmental model, as critics from left and right attacked plans and planners: yet in the fast rising states of Asia it was embraced. Is it too late for a wakeup call in America and Britain, the champions of anti-planning and the small state? This paper looks for explanations, examines consequences and suggests that the Covid pandemic may trigger a sea change in norms, values and attitudes towards planning and governance.
美国战后的长期繁荣是由政府、罗斯福新政、战时经济以及罗斯福对战后科学和基础设施的投资计划所支撑的。上世纪70年代,由于左翼和右翼的批评人士抨击计划和规划者,美国放弃了自己的发展模式;然而,在快速崛起的亚洲国家,这种模式却得到了接受。美国和英国是反计划经济和小国家的拥护者,现在给他们敲响警钟是否太晚了?本文寻找解释,研究后果,并提出Covid大流行可能引发对规划和治理的规范、价值观和态度的巨大变化。
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引用次数: 2
Charles Hoch: A pesky pragmatist 查尔斯·霍克:讨厌的实用主义者
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/1473095219881858
S. Vidyarthi
The Department of Urban Planning and Policy (UPP) at the University of Illinois, Chicago (UIC) organized a retirement farewell on 31 March 2017 celebrating the almost 37 years-long dedicated service of Professor Charlie Hoch to the planning field. More than 100 members of planning fraternity, program alumni, and university leadership attended the event featuring invited speakers and testimonials from Professor Hoch’s longtime colleagues: Bishwapriya Sanyal, John Forester, and Niraj Verma. Subsequently, Professor Sanyal suggested—and the editors of this journal readily agreed—that the contributors compose a colloquium, drawing from the presentations made at the retirement event, reflecting upon Hoch’s contribution to the pragmatist planning tradition and influence upon their own scholarly work that the journal’s readership should find useful. Charlie Hoch stumbled onto pragmatism as a student of John Friedmann at UCLA in the mid-1970s. Friedmann in his 1973 book Retracking America had critiqued the idea of using rational planning for societal guidance and, instead, offered a Mannheiminspired transactive social learning approach. But Charlie had serious doubts about societal planning and chose to focus on how and what kinds of learning might use planning to cope with complex social problems. Studying the emergence of professional city planning in the early 20th-century United States, he discovered the pragmatist ideas of John Dewey offering inspiration and justification for a variety of urban spatial plans seeking to improve schools, playgrounds, and public housing. This encounter inspired a lifelong scholarship exploring, elaborating, critiquing, and interpreting pragmatist conceptions of planning and what these mean for the practice of spatial planning. During the 1970s, planning theory had not become an identifiable and credible subject for scholarship and research in the United States. The practitioners and students of spatial planning cobbled together justifications for their work selecting ideas from social science and design disciplines. The rational model that proved so fruitful projecting and guiding the instrumental growth trajectories of individual households, firms, and governments during the postwar boom often proved inept and even perverse when used to plan public housing and urban renewal. Charlie along with John Forester, Patsy Healey, Judith Allen, Howell Baum, Linda Dalton, Judith Innes (de Neufville), James Throgmorton, Hilda Blanco, Stan Stein, Tom Harper, Niraj Verma, and others recognized this phenomenon and turned to the study of planning practice trying to understand how people and the institutions they create anticipate, prepare, and cope with future uncertainty, 881858 PLT0010.1177/1473095219881858Planning TheoryVidyarthi et al. research-article2019
2017年3月31日,芝加哥伊利诺伊大学(UIC)城市规划与政策系(UPP)组织了一次退休告别活动,庆祝Charlie Hoch教授在规划领域奉献了近37年。规划兄弟会、项目校友和大学领导层的100多名成员出席了此次活动,邀请了Hoch教授的长期同事Bishwapriya Sanyal、John Forester和Niraj Verma发表演讲和感言。随后,Sanyal教授建议——这本杂志的编辑们欣然同意——撰稿人根据退休活动上的演讲组成一个座谈会,反思Hoch对实用主义规划传统的贡献,以及对他们自己的学术工作的影响,杂志的读者应该会觉得这很有用。20世纪70年代中期,查理·霍奇在加州大学洛杉矶分校当约翰·弗里德曼的学生时,偶然发现了实用主义。弗里德曼在1973年出版的《回溯美国》一书中批评了使用理性规划进行社会指导的想法,相反,他提出了一种曼海姆式的互动式社会学习方法。但查理对社会规划有着严重的怀疑,并选择专注于如何以及什么样的学习可以利用规划来应对复杂的社会问题。通过研究20世纪初美国专业城市规划的出现,他发现约翰·杜威的实用主义思想为各种旨在改善学校、游乐场和公共住房的城市空间规划提供了灵感和理由。这场邂逅激发了一位终身学者的灵感,他们探索、阐述、批评和解释实用主义的规划概念,以及这些概念对空间规划实践的意义。在20世纪70年代,规划理论还没有成为美国学术和研究的一个可识别和可信的主题。空间规划的从业者和学生们从社会科学和设计学科中挑选思想,为他们的工作拼凑出理由。事实证明,在战后繁荣时期,理性模型对个人家庭、企业和政府的工具性增长轨迹进行了富有成效的预测和指导,但在用于规划公共住房和城市更新时,往往被证明是无能的,甚至是反常的。Charlie与John Forester、Patsy Healey、Judith Allen、Howell Baum、Linda Dalton、Judith Innes(de Neufville)、James Throgmorton、Hilda Blanco、Stan Stein、Tom Harper、Niraj Verma等人认识到了这一现象,并转向规划实践研究,试图了解人们及其创建的机构如何预测、准备和应对未来的不确定性,881858 PLT001.1177/1473095219881858规划理论Vidyarthi等人研究文章2019
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Why Plan? Theory for Practitioners 书评:为什么要计划?实践者理论
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-10-24 DOI: 10.1177/1473095220966683
B. Sanyal
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引用次数: 0
Natural or artificial? A reflection on a complex ontology 天然的还是人造的?对复杂本体的反思
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-10-16 DOI: 10.1177/1473095220963355
Simone Amato Cameli
State-of-the-art planning theory considers cities as cyborg entities composed by a “natural” part (human beings and their social structures) and an “artificial” part (buildings, infrastructure and other urban artifacts). We contend that this hybrid conception is indissolubly coupled with the ability to discriminate perfectly between the “natural” and the “artificial”. But is this actually the case? We will provide a critical reflection on this ontological issue pointing out that current urban planning theory as well as the general philosophical reflection is not able to produce a rigorous, consistent epistemic criterion to draw this distinction. Long-standing difficulties in this respect are exponentially amplified by recent developments in artificial intelligence, nanotechnology and biotechnology, and their growing relevance in urban environments of the near future risk making the cyborg conception informing the complexity theory of cities obsolete. We will conclude our reflection identifying a possible path for overcoming this dualism toward a more socio-natural conception internalizing the proteiform character of the concept of “nature” itself as well as its inherent cognitive/political element.
最先进的规划理论认为城市是由“自然”部分(人类及其社会结构)和“人工”部分(建筑、基础设施和其他城市文物)组成的电子实体。我们认为,这种混合概念与完全区分“自然”和“人工”的能力密不可分。但事实真的是这样吗?我们将对这一本体论问题进行批判性反思,指出当前的城市规划理论以及一般的哲学反思都无法产生一个严格的、一致的认知标准来区分这一区别。由于人工智能、纳米技术和生物技术的最新发展,这方面长期存在的困难呈指数级放大,它们在不久的将来的城市环境中日益重要,有可能使电子人概念成为城市复杂性理论的过时概念。我们将总结我们的反思,确定一条可能的道路,以克服这种二元论,走向一个更加社会自然的概念,内化“自然”概念本身的多样性特征及其固有的认知/政治因素。
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引用次数: 3
‘Neoliberalism:’ Throw it around or throw it away? 新自由主义:“扔掉还是扔掉?”
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/1473095220956707
J. Zanotto
Juliana M Zanotto In his comment to my paper (Zanotto, 2019b), Edwin Buitelaar raises a valid concern regarding the overuse of the term ‘neoliberalism,’ suggesting that it has been thrown around without much explanation. Because it has been employed abstractly, it has lost its analytical value (so, maybe we should throw it away!). His comment also indicates a concern with the term being generally given a negative connotation. He and I seem to agree that the second concern is not a problem per se. As for the first concern, like Buitelaar, I am – and I hope all scholars are – concerned with the use of abstract terms to mean anything. Thus, like him, I would also like to see more ‘explaining’ done. This is exactly why I conduct research they way I do and why I wrote the paper he commented on. So, while I fully agree with a call for more ‘explaining’ rather than abstraction, I must disagree that my paper is an example of the latter. In this short reply to Buitelaar’s comment, I raise three important points to clarify how the term neoliberalism was treated in the paper. Rather than using neoliberalism abstractly to mean a lot of things, the paper provides a deeper understand of how a set of principles often related to the notion of neoliberalism operate in practice in a specific context. To do that, the paper provides an account of neoliberalism in action and details its meaning in the context of Brazilian planning in general, and the production of suburban gated communities, in particular. First, it is important to point out that the purpose of the research from which this paper resulted sought to understand how a particular kind of space (i.e. suburban gated communities), which in planning literature is associated with regressive outcomes, has proliferated in Brazil. As the larger research and the papers published from it (Zanotto, 2019a, 2019b) make clear, the answer does not lie solely on market forces, consumer preference, and the work of private developers. Instead, the proliferation of suburban gated communities in Brazil results from a combination of local and global forces, including specific policies and practices. Planners in both private and public sectors have supported these policies. In justifying and legitimizing potentially controversial policies that advance segregation and the privatization of public spaces, planners and other actors reproduce a dominant discourse. The deconstruction of this discourse, which is the focus of the paper, reveals an ideological basis I identified as neoliberal. Buitelaar suggests that for something to be associated with neoliberalism it must involve the absence of government. This is, in my view, a narrow understanding
在对我的论文(Zanotto, 2019b)的评论中,Edwin Buitelaar对“新自由主义”一词的过度使用提出了一个合理的担忧,他认为这个词在没有太多解释的情况下就被抛出了。因为它被抽象地使用,它已经失去了它的分析价值(所以,也许我们应该把它扔掉!)他的评论也表明了对这个词通常被赋予负面含义的担忧。他和我似乎都同意,第二个担忧本身并不是一个问题。至于第一个问题,像Buitelaar一样,我——我希望所有的学者都是——关心使用抽象术语来表示任何东西。因此,像他一样,我也希望看到更多的“解释”完成。这就是为什么我用他们的方式进行研究,为什么我写了他评论的论文。因此,虽然我完全同意更多的“解释”而不是抽象的呼吁,但我必须不同意我的论文是后者的一个例子。在对Buitelaar的评论的简短回复中,我提出了三个要点来澄清论文中如何处理“新自由主义”一词。本文并没有抽象地使用新自由主义来表示很多东西,而是更深入地了解了一套通常与新自由主义概念相关的原则是如何在特定背景下在实践中运作的。为了做到这一点,本文提供了一个行动中的新自由主义的描述,并详细说明了它在巴西总体规划背景下的意义,特别是郊区封闭式社区的生产。首先,重要的是要指出,本文的研究目的是试图了解在规划文献中与回归结果相关的特定类型的空间(即郊区封闭式社区)如何在巴西激增。正如更大的研究和发表的论文(Zanotto, 2019a, 2019b)所表明的那样,答案并不仅仅取决于市场力量、消费者偏好和私人开发商的工作。相反,巴西郊区封闭式社区的激增是当地和全球力量共同作用的结果,包括具体的政策和实践。私营和公共部门的规划者都支持这些政策。在为推动隔离和公共空间私有化的潜在争议政策辩护和合法化的过程中,规划者和其他行动者再现了一种主导话语。这一论述的解构是本文的重点,它揭示了一种我认为是新自由主义的意识形态基础。Buitelaar认为,与新自由主义相关的事物必须涉及政府的缺席。在我看来,这是一种狭隘的理解
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引用次数: 1
If neoliberalism is everything, maybe it is nothing 如果新自由主义就是一切,也许它什么都不是
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/1473095220956706
E. Buitelaar
The starting point of this comment is Juliana M. Zanotto’s (2020) recent paper in Planning Theory: ‘The role of discourses in enacting neoliberal urbanism. Understanding the relationship between ideology and discourse in planning’. It is one of many in a line of papers in the field of planning theory, and related fields such as political geography and political economy (e.g. Peck, 2004), that take neoliberalism as their focus of study or attack. This comment is not so much, or not only, directed at Zanotto’s paper (which contains a very relevant and interesting conceptual discussion of discourse and ideology), as it is at the general treatment of the concept of neoliberalism in planning theory and practice. According to Zanotto, neoliberalism is a dominating force. In recent decades, it has been ‘shaping planning practice and the production of space’ (p. 105). In a review article in Progress in Planning, Tore Sager (2011) identifies as many as fourteen different planning-related policies with a neoliberal rationale: city marketing, urban development by attracting the ‘creative class’, economic development incentives, competitive bidding, public-private partnerships (PPPs), private involvement in financing and operating transport infrastructure, private sector involvement in procuring water, business-friendly zones and flexible zoning, property-led urban regeneration, privatisation of public space and sales-boosting exclusion, liberalisation of housing markets, gentrification, privately owned and secured neighbourhoods, and quangos organising market-oriented urban development. Zanotto goes further by saying that neoliberalism is not only a set of policies but an ideology, a belief system, that shapes ways of thinking and acting. No-one I know calls himor herself (a) neoliberal, nor claims to be following a philosophy or ideology of neoliberalism. However, people and things (e.g. policies) may be, and are, qualified as being or doing such by others. And those who receive this
这一评论的出发点是Juliana M.Zanotto(2020)最近在《规划理论》上发表的论文:“话语在实施新自由主义城市主义中的作用”。理解规划中意识形态与话语的关系。它是规划理论领域以及政治地理学和政治经济学等相关领域(如Peck,2004)中许多将新自由主义作为研究或攻击重点的论文之一。这篇评论与其说是,或者说不仅仅是针对扎诺托的论文(其中包含了一篇关于话语和意识形态的非常相关和有趣的概念讨论),不如说是针对规划理论和实践中对新自由主义概念的普遍处理。扎诺托认为,新自由主义是一股主导力量。近几十年来,它一直在“塑造规划实践和空间生产”(第105页)。在《规划进展》的一篇评论文章中,Tore Sager(2011)以新自由主义的理论基础确定了多达14种不同的规划相关政策:城市营销、吸引“创意阶层”的城市发展、经济发展激励、竞争性招标、公私伙伴关系、私人参与融资和运营交通基础设施,私营部门参与采购水源、商业友好区和灵活分区、房地产主导的城市重建、公共空间私有化和促进销售的排斥、住房市场自由化、绅士化、私人拥有和有保障的社区,以及半官方组织以市场为导向的城市发展。扎诺托更进一步地说,新自由主义不仅是一套政策,而且是一种意识形态,一种信仰体系,它塑造了思维和行动方式。我认识的人都不称自己为新自由主义者,也不声称自己遵循新自由主义的哲学或意识形态。然而,人和事(如政策)可能是,也现在是,有资格成为或被他人这样做。那些收到这个的人
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引用次数: 4
The relevance of Charles Hoch’s pragmatism for international development planning 查尔斯·霍克实用主义与国际发展规划的相关性
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/1473095219881858b
B. Sanyal
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引用次数: 0
Knowing, acting, doing 知道,行动,行动
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/1473095219881858d
C. Hoch
Hoch C (1984) Doing good and being right: The pragmatic connection in planning theory. Journal of the American Planning Association 50: 335–345. Hoch C (2000) Review of similarities, connections and systems: The search for a new rationality for planning and management. Journal of Planning Literature 14: 519–521. Hoch C (2001) What Planners Do: Power, Politics and Persuasion. New York: Routledge. Hoch C (2006) What can Rorty teach an old pragmatist doing public administration or planning? Administration and Society 38: 389–398. Hoch C (2017) Pragmatism and plan making. In: Haselsberger B (ed.) Encounters in Planning Thought: 16 Autobiographical Essays from Key Thinkers in Spatial Planning. New York: Routledge, 297–314. Hoch C, Dalton L and So FS (eds) (2000) The Practice of Local Government Planning. Washington, DC: American Planning Association. Kruks S (2012) Simone de Beauvoir and the Politics of Ambiguity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Peirce CS ([1878] 1996) How to make our ideas clear. Popular Science Monthly, 12 January, 286–302 (Reprinted in Fusch M (ed.) (1951) Classic American Philosophers (Original published 1951). 2nd edn. New York: Fordham University Press). Sen A (1999) Commodities and Capabilities. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Singer EA (1959) Experience and Reflection (ed. West Churchman C). Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Verma N (1993) Metaphor and analogy as elements of a theory of similarity for planning. Journal of Planning Education and Research 13: 13–25. Verma N (1996) Pragmatic rationality and planning theory. Journal of Planning Education and Research 16: 5–14. Verma N (1998) Similarity, Connections and Systems: The Search for a New Rationality for Planning and Management. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Waxman CI (1982) The Stigma of Poverty: A Critique of Poverty Theories and Policies. New York: Pergamon Press.
Hoch C(1984)做好事和做对事:规划理论中的语用联系。《美国规划协会杂志》50:335–345。Hoch C(2000)相似性、联系和系统综述:寻找规划和管理的新合理性。规划文献杂志14:519-521。Hoch C(2001)规划者的所作所为:权力、政治和说服。纽约:劳特利奇。Hoch C(2006)Rorty能教一个做公共管理或规划的老实用主义者什么?行政与社会38:389-398。Hoch C(2017)实用主义与计划制定。在:Haselsberger B(编辑)《规划思想的邂逅:空间规划中关键思想家的16篇自传》。纽约:劳特利奇,297–314。Hoch C,Dalton L和So FS(eds)(2000)地方政府规划的实践。华盛顿特区:美国规划协会。Kruks S(2012)西蒙娜·德·波伏娃与歧义政治。牛津:牛津大学出版社。皮尔斯CS([1878]1996)如何使我们的想法清晰。《科普月刊》,286-302年1月12日(转载于Fusch M(ed.)(1951年)《美国哲学家经典》(1951年出版)。第2版。纽约:福特汉姆大学出版社)。Sen A(1999)《商品与能力》。牛津:牛津大学出版社。歌手EA(1959)《经验与反思》(西丘奇曼C版)。宾夕法尼亚州费城:宾夕法尼亚大学出版社。Verma N(1993)隐喻和类比作为计划相似性理论的组成部分。规划教育与研究杂志13:13-25。Verma N(1996)语用理性与规划理论。规划教育与研究杂志16:5-14。Verma N(1998)《相似性、联系和系统:为规划和管理寻找新的合理性》。Lanham,医学博士:Lexington Books。Waxman CI(1982)《贫困的耻辱:贫困理论与政策批判》。纽约:佩加蒙出版社。
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引用次数: 1
The pragmatic correction: An essay in honor of Charles Hoch 实用主义更正:一篇纪念查尔斯·霍克的文章
IF 3.4 2区 经济学 Q1 REGIONAL & URBAN PLANNING Pub Date : 2020-10-04 DOI: 10.1177/1473095219881858c
N. Verma
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Planning Theory
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