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Politicization after the ‘end of nature’: The prospect of ecomodernism “自然终结”后的政治化:生态现代主义的前景
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221103759
Kristin Hällmark
A growing body of literature has argued that environmental discourses in general, and climate change in particular, have a tendency to become depoliticized. In this article, I discuss how the mechanisms of depoliticization can be traced back to the commonly deployed nature–society dualism. By analysing ecomodernism, one of the most prominent articulations of politics in the Anthropocene, I assess the recent suggestion that the ‘end of nature’-thesis could provide a way out of this dualism and the related problem of depoliticization. I argue that while early ecomodernism showed great prospect in overcoming the depoliticization of environmental discourses by effectively challenging the externalization of nature from society, and critically questioning technocratic solutions, later ecomodernism displays a more depoliticized vision of environmental politics, one which once again separates nature from society, and places it in the realm of necessity, rather than contingency.
越来越多的文献认为,一般的环境话语,特别是气候变化,有非政治化的趋势。在这篇文章中,我讨论了非政治化的机制如何可以追溯到普遍使用的自然-社会二元论。通过分析生态现代主义,人类世最突出的政治表述之一,我评估了最近的一种说法,即“自然的终结”论文可以提供一条摆脱这种二元论和相关的非政治化问题的途径。我认为,虽然早期的电子现代主义通过有效地挑战自然从社会的外部化,并批判性地质疑技术官僚的解决方案,在克服环境话语的非政治化方面表现出了巨大的前景,但后来的电子现代论表现出了一种更非政治化的环境政治愿景,这种愿景再次将自然与社会分离,并将其置于必要而非偶然的领域。
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引用次数: 2
Castells versus Bell: A comparison of two grand theorists of the information age 卡斯特与贝尔:信息时代两位伟大理论家的比较
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221099695
A. Duff
Daniel Bell (1919–2011) and Manuel Castells (1942–) are the grand theorists of the information age. The article provides a detailed, up-to-date, comparative analysis of their writings. It begins with their methodologies, identifying numerous commonalities in their post-Marxian frameworks. The substance of their theories is then examined, where it is shown that both plausibly explain contemporary social reality in terms of the interplay of three forces: the information technology revolution, the restructuring of capitalism and the innovational role of culture. There are found to be major similarities in their accounts (the Kantian interpretation, social stratification) but also significant divergences (role of science, the fourth world, the normative content of culture). Suitably combined, Bell’s and Castells’s thought goes a long way towards delivering a persuasive sociological theory of the global information society. However, the article concludes by suggesting that extensive further work is needed to clarify the precise relationships between the three factors and their relative weightings in the equations required to explain recent social change.
丹尼尔·贝尔(1919–2011)和曼努埃尔·卡斯特尔斯(1942–)是信息时代的伟大理论家。这篇文章对他们的著作进行了详细、最新的比较分析。它从他们的方法论开始,确定了他们后马克思主义框架中的许多共性。然后对他们理论的实质进行了研究,结果表明,他们都从信息技术革命、资本主义结构调整和文化创新作用这三种力量的相互作用的角度合理地解释了当代社会现实。他们的叙述有很大的相似之处(康德的解释、社会分层),但也有显著的差异(科学的作用、第四世界、文化的规范内容)。适当地结合起来,贝尔和卡斯特尔斯的思想在很大程度上有助于提供一个有说服力的全球信息社会社会社会学理论。然而,文章的结论是,需要做大量的进一步工作,以澄清这三个因素之间的确切关系及其在解释最近社会变化所需的方程中的相对权重。
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引用次数: 1
Why (not) suicide: Habitus in hysteresis and the space of possibles 为什么(不)自杀:滞后的习惯和可能性的空间
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221101468
Sigita Doblytė
Sociological theory on the phenomenon of suicide continues to rely heavily upon the Durkheimian perspective. While such accounts are valuable additions to the field, engagement with alternative theoretical traditions may likewise be stimulating and provide distinct concepts to delve into the issue. This article contributes to expanding sociological understanding of suicide by drawing upon Pierre Bourdieu’s theory, a relatively untapped resource in the study of suicide. I suggest that the concept of hysteresis – a mismatch between embodied and objectified structures – enables an understanding of under what circumstances agents may become vulnerable to suicide. I then theorise how socioeconomic, political, and cultural dynamics may deepen the hysteresis effect and increase the chances that individuals in specific social positions experience it. Finally, I argue that individuals’ responses to such distress depend on their space of possibles: the culturally laden idea of suicide and alternatives to it.
关于自杀现象的社会学理论仍然在很大程度上依赖于涂尔干的观点。虽然这些叙述是对该领域的宝贵补充,但与其他理论传统的接触可能同样具有刺激性,并为深入研究这一问题提供了不同的概念。本文借鉴了皮埃尔·布迪厄的自杀理论,这是自杀研究中一个相对未开发的资源,有助于扩大对自杀的社会学理解。我认为,滞后的概念——具体化结构和客体化结构之间的不匹配——能够理解在什么情况下,代理人可能会变得容易自杀。然后,我提出了社会经济、政治和文化动态如何加深滞后效应,并增加处于特定社会地位的个人经历滞后效应的机会的理论。最后,我认为,个人对这种痛苦的反应取决于他们的可能性空间:充满文化色彩的自杀想法及其替代方案。
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引用次数: 1
Wolfgang Streeck on consumption, depoliticisation and neoliberal capitalism 沃尔夫冈·施特雷克谈消费、去政治化和新自由主义资本主义
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-05-09 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221097016
Samuel Sadian
Tucked into Wolfgang Streeck’s influential crisis theory of contemporary capitalism are various attempts at causally linking processes of neoliberalisation to generalised depoliticisation, while depoliticisation is in its turn attributed to the emergence of a diffuse ‘consumerist’ ethos in the 1970s. Streeck argues that rising consumerism led to a generalised demotic embrace of marketised forms of need satisfaction and in so doing evacuated the political will to resist neoliberal reforms. If, however, we take neoliberalisation to entail both the depoliticisation of the demos and the marketisation of the polity, then Streeck’s attempt to connect these processes to consumption is weakened by significant historical oversights on both ends. Streeck’s attribution of depoliticisation to a new consumerist ethos is beset by a reductive economism. At the same time, Streeck overlooks just how pivotal legitimatory ideals of consumer-side social order developed by specific networked elites have been for the marketisation of the polity.
在Wolfgang Streeck颇具影响力的当代资本主义危机理论中,有各种尝试将新自由主义进程与普遍的非政治化因果联系起来,而非政治化则归因于20世纪70年代弥漫的“消费主义”思潮的出现。Streeck认为,日益增长的消费主义导致了对市场化形式的需求满足的普遍的民主接受,从而打消了抵制新自由主义改革的政治意愿。然而,如果我们认为新自由主义既意味着民众的非政治化,也意味着政治的市场化,那么斯特里克将这些过程与消费联系起来的尝试就会因为双方的重大历史疏忽而被削弱。Streeck将非政治化归因于一种新的消费主义精神,这种精神受到了还原经济主义的困扰。与此同时,Streeck忽视了特定网络精英发展的消费者侧社会秩序的合法化理想对政治市场化的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: The Summer of Theory: History of a Rebellion, 1960–1990 书评:《理论之夏:叛乱史》,1960-1990
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-05-09 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221099208
Gerard Delanty
The Summer of Theory is an evocative and brilliant account of the 1968 generation of Marxist/post-Marxist intellectuals in West Germany. The book was published in German in 2015 to largely positive reviews. Tony Crawford’s translation is a compelling read of the rise and decline of a German genre, subversive ‘theory’. Philipp Felsch, Professor of Cultural History at the Humboldt University, Berlin, has vividly captured the milieu of a generation of German writers and their publishers, from c. 1960 to the end of the Cold War, a period that roughly can be characterized as the ‘summer of theory’. The 1960s, especially in the Federal Republic, saw the birth of a genre of what can be simply called radical ‘theory’ in the humanities. In many ways, this was a product of the meeting of German Marxism with French post-structuralist philosophy and other currents in radical thought, including Italian Marxism such as Operaism (or Workerism). But it was initially a reorientation of German Marxist thought, shorn of some of its historical baggage, and a product of a booming left-wing book market that came with the student movement. Felsch’s book seeks to show how theory was produced and how it was read by a generation of left-wing intellectuals who sought to understand the times in which they lived by new ideas that fundamentally challenged the conservative post-war orthodoxies and the cultural sterility of the 1950s. The self-understanding of the new turn to ‘theory’ was that of a ‘counter-discourse’, which was neither pure philosophy nor theory in the scientific sense of the term as hypotheses to be tested in social research. Theory was also an expression of a dissatisfaction with literature and artistic writing in the 1960s. It was inspired by the Frankfurt School’s conception of critical theory as self-reflection and ideology critique, but had a more radical and political edge to it. The Summer of Theory is a documentary-based historical reconstruction of the Berlin publishing house, Merve. Through its founder and publisher Peter Gente, along with his partner Heidi Paris, it shaped the New Left in West Germany over several decades. The research that was the basis of the book was a treasure trove of Gente’s papers, which had been purchased by an archive in Karlsruhe, and several interviews with key figures of the 1968 milieu. Merve Verlag – named after Peter Gente’s first wife, Merve Lowien – was the radical alternative to the more mainstream Suhrkamp Verlag in Frankfurt. For more than two decades, since the first publication in 1970, Merve was a part of the intellectual scene in Berlin and more generally the student movement in West Germany. Gente’s European Journal of Social Theory 2023, Vol. 26(2) 301–307 a The Author(s) 2022
《理论之夏》是对1968年西德一代马克思主义/后马克思主义知识分子的精彩回顾。这本书于2015年以德语出版,获得了大部分正面评价。托尼·克劳福德的翻译是对德国一种颠覆性“理论”兴起和衰落的有力解读。柏林洪堡大学文化史教授Philipp Felsch生动地描绘了从1960年左右到冷战结束的一代德国作家及其出版商的生活环境,这一时期大致可以被描述为“理论之夏”。20世纪60年代,特别是在联邦共和国,诞生了一种可以简单地称为激进的人文“理论”流派。在许多方面,这是德国马克思主义与法国后结构主义哲学和其他激进思潮相遇的产物,包括意大利马克思主义,如操作主义(或工人主义)。但它最初是对德国马克思主义思想的重新定位,摆脱了一些历史包袱,是学生运动带来的左翼图书市场繁荣的产物。Felsch的书试图展示理论是如何产生的,以及一代左翼知识分子是如何阅读理论的,他们试图通过新思想来理解他们所生活的时代,这些新思想从根本上挑战了战后保守的正统观念和20世纪50年代的文化贫瘠。对“理论”新转向的自我理解是一种“反话语”,它既不是纯粹的哲学,也不是科学意义上的理论,作为社会研究中要检验的假设。理论也是对20世纪60年代文学和艺术写作不满的一种表达。它的灵感来自法兰克福学派将批判理论视为自我反思和意识形态批判的概念,但具有更激进和政治的边缘。《理论之夏》是对柏林出版社Merve的一部基于纪录片的历史重建作品。通过其创始人兼出版商彼得·根特和他的合作伙伴海蒂·帕里斯,几十年来,它塑造了西德的新左派。作为这本书基础的研究是根特论文的宝库,这些论文被卡尔斯鲁厄的一家档案馆购买,以及对1968年环境中关键人物的几次采访。Merve Verlag以Peter Gente的第一任妻子Merve Lowien的名字命名,是法兰克福更主流的Suhrkamp Verlag的激进替代品。自1970年首次出版以来的20多年里,《默夫》一直是柏林知识界的一部分,更广泛地说是西德学生运动的一部分。Gente的《2023年欧洲社会理论杂志》,第26卷(2)301–307 a,作者2022
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引用次数: 1
Is populism a social pathology? The myth of immediacy and its effects 民粹主义是一种社会病态吗?即时性的神话及其影响
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221094762
Justo Serrano Zamora
This article argues that populism, both in its left-wing and right-wing versions, is a social pathology in the sense contemporary critical theorists give to it. As such, it suffers from a disconnect between first order political practices and the reflexive grasp of the meaning of those practices. This disconnect is due to populists’ ideal of freedom, which they understand as authentic self-expression of ‘the People’, rejecting the need for mediating instances such as parties, parliaments or epistemic actors. When enacted in political practices and institutions, this ideal creates the conditions for undermining different forms of political freedom, including populist’s own ideal of collective self-expression, which they erode by fostering expressive domination. This all makes populism a self-defeating political ideology and bad candidate for advancing democracy in times of crisis. The article ends with a consideration of the advantages of this view compared to existing approaches to populism.
本文认为,民粹主义,无论是左翼还是右翼版本,都是当代批判理论家赋予它的一种社会病理学。因此,它遭受着一阶政治实践与对这些实践意义的反射性理解之间的脱节。这种脱节是由于民粹主义者的自由理想,他们将其理解为“人民”的真实自我表达,拒绝需要调解政党、议会或认识论行为者等情况。当在政治实践和制度中实施时,这一理想为破坏不同形式的政治自由创造了条件,包括民粹主义者自己的集体自我表达理想,他们通过培养表达性统治来削弱这种理想。这一切都使民粹主义成为一种弄巧成拙的政治意识形态,是在危机时期推进民主的糟糕候选人。文章最后考虑了这种观点与现有民粹主义方法相比的优势。
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引用次数: 1
Methodological reflections on Foucauldian analyses: Adopting the pointers of curiosity, nominalism, conceptual grounding and exemplarity 对福柯式分析的方法论反思:采用好奇心、唯名论、概念基础和例证的指针
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221078926
M. Hansen, P. Triantafillou
This article seeks to provide a set of pointers for methodological reflections on Foucauldian-inspired analyses of the exercise of power. Michel Foucault deliberately eschewed methodological schemata, which may be why so little has been written on the methodological implications of his analyses. While this article shares the premise that we should refrain from a standardized methodology, it argues that providing broad pointers for analyses informed by the critical ambition and conceptual framework offered by Foucault is both desirable and possible. The article then offers some reflections and general guidelines on how to strengthen the methodological quality of Foucauldian analyses. We argue that the quality of Foucauldian-inspired analysis of modern power may gain from methodological reflections around four pointers: curiosity, nominalism, conceptual grounding and exemplarity.
本文试图为傅对权力行使的启发性分析提供一套方法论反思的指针。米歇尔·福柯有意避开方法论图式,这可能就是为什么很少有人写他的分析的方法论含义。虽然这篇文章有一个共同的前提,即我们应该避免使用标准化的方法论,但它认为,根据福柯提供的批判野心和概念框架,为分析提供广泛的指针是可取的,也是可能的。然后,本文就如何提高傅分析的方法论质量提出了一些思考和一般指导方针。我们认为,受傅启发的现代权力分析的质量可以从围绕四个指针的方法论反思中获得:好奇心、唯名论、概念基础和例证性。
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引用次数: 2
Book review: The Imposter as Social Theory: Thinking with Gatecrashers, Cheats and Charlatans 书评:《作为社会理论的冒名顶替者:与不速之客、骗子和骗子一起思考》
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-03-10 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221084922
Susie Scott
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引用次数: 2
Book review: In AI We Trust: Power, Illusion and Control of Predictive Algorithms 书评:《我们信任的人工智能:预测算法的力量、幻觉和控制》
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-02-03 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221076309
Sonja Avlijaš
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引用次数: 5
When did biopolitics begin? Actuality and potentiality in historical events 生命政治是什么时候开始的?历史事件的现实性与潜在性
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-02-03 DOI: 10.1177/13684310221077198
S. Prozorov
The article addresses the ongoing debate about the origins of biopolitics. While Foucault’s analysis of biopolitics approached it as a modern rationality of government, Agamben’s Homo Sacer series presented biopolitics as having a longer provenance, dating back to the antiquity. These polar positions are not mutually exclusive but coexist in these and other theories of biopolitics, which approach its object as both modern and ancient, having its chronological origin in the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries yet also possessing a prehistory of precursors. The article interprets this dual origin in terms of Paolo Virno’s theory of historical temporality, which distinguishes between the chronological past of historical events and their potential past, which accompanies and is negated in them. Coexisting with its own unrealized potential, every historical event remains incomplete and extends itself both backwards and forwards, positing its precursors and prefiguring its future outcomes. While modern in the chronological sense, biopolitics is retrospectively inscribed in a longer historical lineage, its antecedents easily identifiable in the history of political thought. Finally, we apply this approach to Virno’s own account of the history of biopolitics, questioning his identification of past potential with labour-power.
这篇文章讨论了关于生物政治学起源的持续争论。福柯对生命政治的分析将其视为一种现代的政府理性,而阿甘本的《神圣的人》系列则将生命政治视为一种更久远的起源,可以追溯到古代。这些极端的立场不是相互排斥的,而是共存于这些和其他的生命政治理论中,这些理论将其对象视为现代和古代,其时间起源在十八到十九世纪,但也拥有先驱者的史前。本文用保罗·维尔诺的历史时间性理论来解释这种双重起源,该理论区分了历史事件的时间顺序过去和它们的潜在过去,后者伴随着它们并在其中被否定。每一个历史事件都与自身未实现的潜力共存,都是不完整的,并向后和向前延伸,设定其前身并预示其未来的结果。虽然从时间意义上讲,生命政治是现代的,但它被追溯地铭刻在一个更长的历史谱系中,它的前身很容易在政治思想史上被识别出来。最后,我们将这种方法应用到维尔诺自己对生命政治历史的描述中,质疑他对过去潜力与劳动力的认同。
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引用次数: 1
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European Journal of Social Theory
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