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Claiming solidarity: A multilevel discursive reconstruction of solidarity 主张团结:团结的多层次话语重建
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211045794
Marianne Kneuer, Michael Corsten, Hannes Schammann, Patrick Kahle, Stefan Wallaschek, F. Ziegler
Solidarity is one of the central concepts in social theory and has gained much attention due to the multiple challenges that the EU has been facing the last decade and due to the most recent COVID-19 pandemic. Although the debate on the nature and conditions of solidarity has been revitalized, there remains a large variety in how to conceptualize solidarity. In contrast to other approaches, we do not conceive solidarity as normative concept, but as descriptive–analytical one. Therefore, we provide a theory-based definition that is prone to capture the empirical dimensions of solidarity. Accounting for the dynamic and interactive character of solidarity as subject to permanent societal and political renegotiation, we conceptualize solidarity from a discourse perspective and follow a multilevel design breaking down the understandings of solidarity on different levels. This approach contributes to the research of solidarity that is interested to capturing the ‘real world’ dimensions of solidarity.
团结是社会理论的核心概念之一,由于欧盟在过去十年中面临的多重挑战以及最近的新冠肺炎大流行,团结受到了广泛关注。尽管关于团结的性质和条件的辩论已经恢复活力,但如何将团结概念化仍然存在很大的差异。与其他方法相比,我们并不将团结视为规范性概念,而是将其视为描述性-分析性概念。因此,我们提供了一个基于理论的定义,该定义倾向于捕捉团结的经验维度。考虑到团结作为永久性社会和政治重新谈判的主体的动态和互动性,我们从话语的角度对团结进行概念化,并遵循多层次的设计,在不同层面上打破对团结的理解。这种方法有助于研究团结,有兴趣捕捉团结的“现实世界”层面。
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引用次数: 5
Habermas, democracy and the public sphere: Theory and practice 哈贝马斯:民主与公共领域:理论与实践
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-08-20 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211038753
G. De Angelis
A fil rouge goes through Habermas’s decade long research. It is the idea that Reason and rationality permeate human societies and may lead human action towards emancipation, if aptly elaborated through the filter of theoretical reflection. Theory must pick up on this rational core and turn the intrinsic rational potential inherent to modern societies into a self-consciously pursued ‘project of enlightenment’. This introduction to the special issue ‘Habermas, Democracy, and the Public Sphere: Theory and Practice’ shows how Habermas’s work in different scientific domains contributes to the construction of the ‘project of modernity’ from the many angles that such a complex project requires. The public sphere is, in Habermas’s theory, the societal domain in which communicative interactions have a chance to make Reason come to bear on human societies and lead them on the path to social and political emancipation. The contributions to this special issue focus therefore on the public sphere and illustrate the evolution of the concept in Habermas’s work and its relation to democracy at national and supranational level.
本片回顾了哈贝马斯长达十年的研究。它是这样一种观点:理性和理性渗透于人类社会,如果通过理论反思的过滤得到适当的阐述,它可能会引导人类的行动走向解放。理论必须抓住这一理性核心,将现代社会固有的内在理性潜能转化为自觉追求的“启蒙工程”。这篇特刊《哈贝马斯、民主与公共领域:理论与实践》的引言展示了哈贝马斯在不同科学领域的工作如何从这样一个复杂的项目所需要的多个角度为“现代性项目”的构建做出贡献。在哈贝马斯的理论中,公共领域是一个社会领域,在这个领域中,交际互动有机会使理性对人类社会产生影响,并引导他们走上社会和政治解放的道路。因此,对这期特刊的贡献集中在公共领域,并说明了哈贝马斯作品中概念的演变及其与国家和超国家层面的民主的关系。
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引用次数: 7
Book review: Populism in the Civil Sphere 书评:民间的民粹主义
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211037193
D. Inglis
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引用次数: 0
Are you a neoliberal subject? On the uses and abuses of a concept 你是新自由主义的主体吗?论一个概念的使用和滥用
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-08-06 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211037205
Gale A. Watts
A spate of social scientific literature gives the impression that societies in the twenty-first century are overrun with ‘neoliberal subjects’. But what does it actually mean to be a neoliberal subject? And in what ways does this concept relate to ‘neoliberalism’, more generally? In this article, I distinguish between four common ways of thinking about ‘neoliberalism’: (1) as a set of economic policies, (2) as a hegemonic ideological project, (3) as a political rationality and form of governmentality and (4) as a specific type of embodied subjectivity. I argue that while neoliberalisms (1), (2) and (3) potentially hold clear conceptual connections to one another – notwithstanding the quite real tensions between them – their relationship to neoliberalism (4) is often (although not always) tenuous at best. That is, the evidence routinely offered to demonstrate the existence of neoliberalism (4) bears almost no necessary relationship to neoliberalisms (1), (2) or (3). I conclude that, for both academic and political reasons, scholars should be more careful when invoking the monolithic notion of a ‘neoliberal subject’.
大量的社会科学文献给人的印象是,21世纪的社会充斥着“新自由主义主体”。但成为新自由主义主体到底意味着什么呢?这个概念在哪些方面与“新自由主义”有更广泛的联系?在本文中,我区分了四种对“新自由主义”的常见思考方式:(1)作为一套经济政策,(2)作为一种霸权意识形态工程,(3)作为一种政治理性和治理形式,以及(4)作为一种特定类型的具体化主体性。我认为,尽管新自由主义(1)、(2)和(3)之间存在着潜在的清晰的概念联系——尽管它们之间存在着相当真实的紧张关系——但它们与新自由主义(4)的关系往往(尽管并非总是)充其量是脆弱的。也就是说,通常用来证明新自由主义存在的证据(4)与新自由主义(1)、(2)或(3)几乎没有必然的关系。我的结论是,出于学术和政治原因,学者们在援引“新自由主义主体”的单一概念时应该更加小心。
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引用次数: 9
Does emancipation devour its children? Beyond a stalled dialectic of emancipation 解放吞噬了它的孩子吗?超越停滞不前的解放辩证法
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-07-07 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211028382
Margaret Haderer
Emancipation serves not only as a midwife for progressive agendas such as greater equality and sustainability but also as their gravedigger. This diagnosis underpins Ingolfur Blühdorn’s ‘dialectic of emancipation’, which depicts a dilemma but offers no perspective on how to deal with it. By drawing on Foucault, this article suggests conceiving of emancipation as a task moderns are confronted with even if a given emancipatory project has come to devour its children. Claiming autonomy from given social constellations is key to this task; key also is judging between legitimate and illegitimate claims to autonomy. In late modernity, the criteria for such judgement are no longer universally given. Instead of regarding the latter as entry into mere subjectivism (Blühdorn), this article presents judgement as a key political, ‘world building’-activity (Arendt), a critical social theory may join in, by not only observing the world but by also taking sides in it.
解放不仅是促进更大平等和可持续性等进步议程的助产士,也是他们的掘墓人。这一诊断支持了Ingolfur Blühdorn的“解放辩证法”,该辩证法描绘了一种困境,但没有提供如何应对的视角。通过借鉴福柯,本文建议将解放视为现代人面临的一项任务,即使一个特定的解放项目已经吞噬了它的孩子。要求从特定的社会星座中获得自主权是这项任务的关键;关键还在于判断合法和不合法的自治要求。在现代性晚期,这种判断的标准不再是普遍的。本文没有将后者视为进入纯粹的主观主义(Blühdorn),而是将判断视为一种关键的政治“世界建设”活动(阿伦特),一种批判的社会理论可以加入其中,不仅观察世界,而且在世界中偏袒一方。
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引用次数: 1
Emancipation in the Anthropocene: Taking the dialectic seriously 人类世的解放:认真对待辩证法
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211028148
A. Dobson
The purpose of this article is to articulate a conception of emancipation for the Anthropocene. First, the Kantian roots of emancipation understood as the capacity of rational beings to act according to self-chosen ends are explained. It is shown that this conception of emancipation sets the realm of autonomous beings humans over the realm of heteronomous beings. Accounts of the ‘humanisation of nature’ are analysed as incomplete attempts to overcome this dualism. It is argued that the root of this incompleteness lies in the application of analytical rather than dialectical reason to the human–nature interaction. The Anthropocene is presented as the geological–historical moment when at the same time as nature is being humanised, humans are being made aware of themselves as animal. This gives way to a conception of Anthropocene emancipation which will be described in a fourth section. The article concludes with reflections on COVID-19 as a ‘disease of the Anthropocene’ and as an opportunity reflexively, and at unprecedented scale, to internalise our heteronomy and to live an emancipation fit for a terraforming species.
这篇文章的目的是阐明人类世解放的概念。首先,康德解放的根源被理解为理性存在根据自我选择的目标行动的能力。这表明,这种解放的概念将自主存在的领域人类置于他治存在的领域之上。对“自然的人性化”的描述被分析为克服这种二元论的不完整尝试。认为这种不完备的根源在于对人与自然互动的分析理性而非辩证理性的应用。人类世被认为是一个地质历史时刻,在大自然被人性化的同时,人类也意识到自己是动物。这让位于人类世解放的概念,这将在第四节中描述。文章最后反思了COVID-19是一种“人类世的疾病”,也是一个条件反射性的机会,以前所未有的规模将我们的他律内化,并过上适合地球化物种的解放。
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引用次数: 4
A different kind of emancipation? From lifestyle to form-of-life 一种不同的解放?从生活方式到生命形式
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211027331
L. Pellizzoni
The modern outlook on emancipation has made its quest inseparable from a quest for endless enhancement, based on an ever-more intensive exploitation of the biophysical world. This accounts for how unsustainable ways of living are reiterated worldwide, in spite of evidence of their deleterious effects. The underpinnings of unsustainability, and a major impediment to conceiving alternatives, come from an account of the human as ontologically indeterminate, crushed on doing, both vulnerable and powerful towards the world. The impasse of such ambivalence hampers social theory critique, from post-humanist ontologies to the case for degrowth and lifestyle politics. The article outlines a different take on emancipation. An account is provided of form-of-life as a doing tailored to being – not as a self-enclosed monad but as a result of the encounter between own ‘inclination’ and the world. This theoretical perspective discloses a research program on emergent mobilisations.
现代的解放观把它的追求与无止境的提高的追求分不开,这种追求是建立在对生物物理世界日益密集的开发的基础上的。这就解释了为什么不可持续的生活方式在世界范围内反复出现,尽管有证据表明它们的有害影响。不可持续性的基础,以及设想替代方案的主要障碍,来自于人类在本体论上不确定的描述,在行动中被压垮,对世界既脆弱又强大。这种矛盾心理的僵局阻碍了社会理论的批判,从后人文主义本体论到去增长和生活方式政治。这篇文章概述了对解放的不同看法。生命的形式被描述为一种为存在量身定做的行为——不是一种自我封闭的单子,而是自己的“倾向”与世界相遇的结果。这一理论视角揭示了一个关于紧急动员的研究计划。
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引用次数: 3
Illiberalism and the democratic paradox: The infernal dialectic of neoliberal emancipation 非自由主义与民主悖论:新自由主义解放的内在辩证法
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211027079
E. Swyngedouw
The main trust of this article unfolds around the impasse of democratic politics today, marked by the fading belief in the presumably superior architecture of liberal democratic institutions to nurture emancipation on the one hand, and the seemingly inexorable rise of a variety of populist political movements on the other. The first part of the article focuses on the lure of autocratic populism. The second part considers how transforming neoliberal governance arrangements pioneered post-truth autocratic politics/policies in articulation with the imposition of market rule and, in doing so, cleared the way for contemporary illiberal populisms. The third part considers the institutional configuration through which the democratic has been fundamentally transformed over the past few decades in the direction of a post-democratic constellation. The article concludes by arguing for the need to re-script emancipation as a process of political subjectivation unfolding trough a political act.
这篇文章的主要信任围绕着当今民主政治的僵局展开,一方面,人们对自由民主制度的优越架构的信念正在消退,以促进解放,另一方面,各种民粹主义政治运动似乎势不可挡。文章的第一部分主要论述了专制民粹主义的诱惑。第二部分考虑了转型的新自由主义治理安排如何开创了后真相专制政治/政策与市场规则的结合,并在这样做的过程中为当代非自由民粹主义扫清了道路。第三部分考虑了民主在过去几十年中朝着后民主星座的方向发生根本性转变的制度结构。文章最后认为,有必要将解放重新描述为一个通过政治行为展开的政治主观主义过程。
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引用次数: 10
Emancipatory struggles and their political organisation: How political parties and social movements respond to changing notions of emancipation 解放斗争及其政治组织:政党和社会运动如何回应不断变化的解放观念
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211027111
Felix Butzlaff
In this article, I address the ways in which debates in liberal, (post)Marxist and postmodernist social theory have remoulded readings of emancipation – and how these reformulations have affected the organisation of emancipatory struggles by and in political parties and social movements. I focus on three conceptual ambiguities that have spurred theoretical disputes and restructured organisational imaginations of emancipation: who might struggle for liberation, to what end and in which ways. In all three respects, understandings of emancipation have become increasingly individualised, contingent and process-oriented – both in theory and in its political-organisational correspondents. As a consequence, effective collective struggles for autonomy may become ever more difficult to organise. While occurring in the name of further liberation, the ongoing reinterpretation of emancipation and its impact on the political organisation of emancipatory struggles might in the end hamper or even undermine the very liberation and autonomy they had aimed to promote.
在这篇文章中,我讨论了自由主义、(后)马克思主义和后现代主义社会理论的辩论如何重塑了对解放的解读,以及这些重新表述如何影响了政党和社会运动中解放斗争的组织。我关注的是三个概念上的歧义,它们引发了理论争论,重构了解放的组织想象:谁可能为解放而斗争,为了什么目的,以什么方式。在所有这三个方面,对解放的理解都变得越来越个性化、偶然和以过程为导向——无论是在理论上还是在其政治组织通信中。因此,有效的争取自治的集体斗争可能会变得越来越难以组织起来。虽然以进一步解放的名义发生,但正在进行的对解放的重新解释及其对解放斗争的政治组织的影响最终可能阻碍甚至破坏他们旨在促进的解放和自治。
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引用次数: 2
Reformulating emancipation in the Anthropocene: From didactic apocalypse to planetary subjectivities 人类世的改革解放:从说教性启示到行星主观
IF 2.1 1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-29 DOI: 10.1177/13684310211027095
Manuel Arias-Maldonado
The ideal of emancipation has been traditionally grounded on the premise that human activity is not restrained by external boundaries. Thus the realisation of values such as autonomy or recognition has been facilitated by economic growth and material expansion. Yet there is mounting evidence that the human impact on natural systems at the planetary level, a novelty captured by the concept of the Anthropocene, endangers the Earth’s habitability. If human development is to be limited for the sake of global sustainability, can emancipation be kept as a mobilising ideal? As opposed to alternative views such as that of degrowth, this article argues that it can. The key lies in the ability of the Anthropocene to produce planetary subjectivities. By recognising the bounded quality of human embeddedness, the possibility of a different emancipation is opened up. The latter does not give up material well-being, yet it makes sure that the latter does not endanger planetary habitability.
解放的理想传统上建立在人类活动不受外部边界约束的前提下。因此,经济增长和物质扩张促进了自治或承认等价值观的实现。然而,越来越多的证据表明,人类世概念所捕捉到的人类在行星层面对自然系统的影响危及地球的宜居性。如果为了全球可持续性而限制人类发展,解放是否可以作为一种动员的理想?与诸如退化之类的替代观点相反,本文认为它可以。关键在于人类世产生行星主观性的能力。通过认识到人类嵌入的有限性,开启了不同解放的可能性。后者并没有放弃物质福利,但它确保了后者不会危及行星的宜居性。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
European Journal of Social Theory
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