The four generations of Hohenzollern rulers who transformed the electorate of Brandenburg into the kingdom of Prussia — a regional player into a great power — all employed Black men at their courts and in their armies. Through court performance, including processions and tournaments, as well as through artistic commissions, the Brandenburgian rulers adapted existing traditions of representing and displaying human difference and hierarchy for their own ends. As the only member of the Holy Roman Empire to join the Atlantic slave trade, Brandenburg had a particular commitment to staging its global aspirations, both during its slave-trading venture and after it failed. Brandenburg-Prussia’s belated rise exhibits with particular clarity the importance to early modern statecraft not just of foreign enterprise but of its courtly representations. Through the display and representation of Black people in performance and art, the rulers of Brandenburg participated in forms of ‘race-making’ that altered the perception not only of sub-Saharan Africans but of the princely lineage as well.
{"title":"Race-Making Festivities in Brandenburg-Prussia, 1652–1750","authors":"Alexander Bevilacqua","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae012","url":null,"abstract":"The four generations of Hohenzollern rulers who transformed the electorate of Brandenburg into the kingdom of Prussia — a regional player into a great power — all employed Black men at their courts and in their armies. Through court performance, including processions and tournaments, as well as through artistic commissions, the Brandenburgian rulers adapted existing traditions of representing and displaying human difference and hierarchy for their own ends. As the only member of the Holy Roman Empire to join the Atlantic slave trade, Brandenburg had a particular commitment to staging its global aspirations, both during its slave-trading venture and after it failed. Brandenburg-Prussia’s belated rise exhibits with particular clarity the importance to early modern statecraft not just of foreign enterprise but of its courtly representations. Through the display and representation of Black people in performance and art, the rulers of Brandenburg participated in forms of ‘race-making’ that altered the perception not only of sub-Saharan Africans but of the princely lineage as well.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142329183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thousands of Jews moved from Qajar Iran and Ottoman Iraq to the Persian Gulf ports during the long nineteenth century. Attracted by colonial trade and British patronage, they formed communities on the Gulf littorals and expanded their social and economic networks across the sea. At the same time, modern transportation connected the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, enabling collective long-distance migration. This allowed Gulf Jews to imagine Jerusalem as a worldly and reachable city, making it home to a budding Persian Jewish community from the 1880s. This article traces these migrations between 1820 and 1914 through a reading of the Hebrew travelogues of migrating Persian rabbis alongside imperial records written by British, Ottoman and Qajar officials. By moving through four different cities, Shiraz and Bushehr in Iran, Bahrain off the Gulf’s Arab shore, and Jerusalem in Ottoman Palestine, it shows how Jews settled the Gulf coasts while incorporating Jerusalem into an oceanic Jewish network. Visualized in this way, the migration of Gulf Jews contributes to redefining Middle Eastern Jewish geographies while establishing a dialogue between Jewish history and transregional histories of the Persian Gulf.
{"title":"Jewish Networks Between The Persian Gulf and Palestine, 1820–1914","authors":"Eirik Kvindesland","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae002","url":null,"abstract":"Thousands of Jews moved from Qajar Iran and Ottoman Iraq to the Persian Gulf ports during the long nineteenth century. Attracted by colonial trade and British patronage, they formed communities on the Gulf littorals and expanded their social and economic networks across the sea. At the same time, modern transportation connected the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, enabling collective long-distance migration. This allowed Gulf Jews to imagine Jerusalem as a worldly and reachable city, making it home to a budding Persian Jewish community from the 1880s. This article traces these migrations between 1820 and 1914 through a reading of the Hebrew travelogues of migrating Persian rabbis alongside imperial records written by British, Ottoman and Qajar officials. By moving through four different cities, Shiraz and Bushehr in Iran, Bahrain off the Gulf’s Arab shore, and Jerusalem in Ottoman Palestine, it shows how Jews settled the Gulf coasts while incorporating Jerusalem into an oceanic Jewish network. Visualized in this way, the migration of Gulf Jews contributes to redefining Middle Eastern Jewish geographies while establishing a dialogue between Jewish history and transregional histories of the Persian Gulf.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142306421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article uses case studies from Byzantium to demonstrate a new trans framework for gendered historical analysis that recognizes identity as both fluid and painful. Instead of placing the emphasis on whether or not we can call an individual trans, it explores the forces that produced cisness, and the cis and trans lives people carved out amidst them. We find ableism and transmisogyny at the heart of three important pieces of trans history from the middle Byzantine period: a description by Michael Psellos of a child whose femininity is framed in terms of disability, Nikephoros Basilakes’ Confirmation and Refutation of the story of Atalanta, and Psellos’ own expressions of gendered identity in their epistolography. Focusing on the collusion of cisness and able-bodiedness produces a complex image of how some Byzantines could incorporate gender transgression into a cis life, while others negotiated life outside the boundaries of acceptability. More broadly, this framework reveals the entanglements of transness and cisness, which demand that historical analysis does not stop at the borders of inner states.
{"title":"Transmisogyny, Ableism and Compulsory Cisness: Case Studies from Byzantium","authors":"Ilya Maude, Maroula Perisanidi","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae034","url":null,"abstract":"This article uses case studies from Byzantium to demonstrate a new trans framework for gendered historical analysis that recognizes identity as both fluid and painful. Instead of placing the emphasis on whether or not we can call an individual trans, it explores the forces that produced cisness, and the cis and trans lives people carved out amidst them. We find ableism and transmisogyny at the heart of three important pieces of trans history from the middle Byzantine period: a description by Michael Psellos of a child whose femininity is framed in terms of disability, Nikephoros Basilakes’ Confirmation and Refutation of the story of Atalanta, and Psellos’ own expressions of gendered identity in their epistolography. Focusing on the collusion of cisness and able-bodiedness produces a complex image of how some Byzantines could incorporate gender transgression into a cis life, while others negotiated life outside the boundaries of acceptability. More broadly, this framework reveals the entanglements of transness and cisness, which demand that historical analysis does not stop at the borders of inner states.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142306422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By the thirteenth century, confederations of communes in western Europe were claiming important legal, political and military prerogatives for themselves in written charters of inter-urban alliance. Scholars have seen these alliances as a tool of the emerging economic elite or as forces of resistance to the sovereign territorial state taking shape in the late Middle Ages. To understand alternatives to princely polity formation in the wealthy, urbanized regions of Brabant, Flanders and Liège, however, this article studies urban alliances as a power in their own right by examining how new documentary practices contributed to older traditions of inter-urban collaboration. Towns and their coalitions created and distributed bilateral, multilateral and hybrid or concentric charters of alliance and kept them in their own archives, which they saw as repositories of legal security and authority. Meanwhile, archivists, chancellors and other technicians of legitimacy helped princes to consolidate legal superiority over their supposedly subject towns by spearheading the confiscation and destruction of communal archives, in particular their charters of alliance. They thus obscured the scale of inter-urban solidarity: this article reports fifty-eight unique alliances preserved in over 200 charters between 1219 and 1444 across these three regions.
{"title":"Inter-Urban Alliances and the Archives of Legitimacy in the Southern Low Countries, 1250–1450","authors":"Ron Mordechai Makleff","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae035","url":null,"abstract":"By the thirteenth century, confederations of communes in western Europe were claiming important legal, political and military prerogatives for themselves in written charters of inter-urban alliance. Scholars have seen these alliances as a tool of the emerging economic elite or as forces of resistance to the sovereign territorial state taking shape in the late Middle Ages. To understand alternatives to princely polity formation in the wealthy, urbanized regions of Brabant, Flanders and Liège, however, this article studies urban alliances as a power in their own right by examining how new documentary practices contributed to older traditions of inter-urban collaboration. Towns and their coalitions created and distributed bilateral, multilateral and hybrid or concentric charters of alliance and kept them in their own archives, which they saw as repositories of legal security and authority. Meanwhile, archivists, chancellors and other technicians of legitimacy helped princes to consolidate legal superiority over their supposedly subject towns by spearheading the confiscation and destruction of communal archives, in particular their charters of alliance. They thus obscured the scale of inter-urban solidarity: this article reports fifty-eight unique alliances preserved in over 200 charters between 1219 and 1444 across these three regions.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142231199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Late medieval Coventry attracted so many in-migrating singlewomen that it might have seemed a city of women — for every ten women, only seven men. Some of these peasants-turned-townswomen supported themselves as labourers, domestic servants or prostitutes, but it was the demand for their industrial labour as spinners of cloth-yarn and cap-yarn that drew most women to the city. Coventry’s merchants and masters, who needed spinners’ work but deplored women’s autonomy, tried with considerable success to push these spinners into supervised living within the city’s established households. The experiences of Coventry’s singlewoman-spinners show that ‘maidservants’ were sometimes industrial workers; that singlewomen were corralled into ‘little commonwealths’ well before Protestantism; and that ‘girl power’ was more about economic growth than the empowerment of women.
{"title":"Needed but Deplored: Spinners and Singlewomen in Industrial Coventry, c.1490–1525","authors":"Judith M Bennett","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae023","url":null,"abstract":"Late medieval Coventry attracted so many in-migrating singlewomen that it might have seemed a city of women — for every ten women, only seven men. Some of these peasants-turned-townswomen supported themselves as labourers, domestic servants or prostitutes, but it was the demand for their industrial labour as spinners of cloth-yarn and cap-yarn that drew most women to the city. Coventry’s merchants and masters, who needed spinners’ work but deplored women’s autonomy, tried with considerable success to push these spinners into supervised living within the city’s established households. The experiences of Coventry’s singlewoman-spinners show that ‘maidservants’ were sometimes industrial workers; that singlewomen were corralled into ‘little commonwealths’ well before Protestantism; and that ‘girl power’ was more about economic growth than the empowerment of women.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142158877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Luke Blaxill, Gidon Cohen, Gary Hutchison, Patrick M Kuhn, Nick Vivyan
This article analyses over 19,000 articles from newspapers and parliamentary commission reports to reveal endemic electoral violence in England and Wales between 1832 and 1914. It offers a new understanding of the phenomenon in three main ways. First, the extent of election violence, which regularly featured major riots requiring police and military intervention, disturbances of the peace, and deaths, questions conventional understandings of Britain's comparatively peaceful political development through a century of gradual suffrage expansion, rising literacy and economic development. Second, the trajectory of the electoral violence, which peaked in the period after the Second Reform Act of 1867 rather than after the Great Reform Act of 1832, challenges the linearity of these accounts. Third, despite the recent historiographical emphasis on explaining electoral violence as a ritual expression of discontent, much violence resulted from elites strategizing to win elections. Electoral violence occurred disproportionately when and where it was most useful to candidates and parties, and often involved the previously overlooked figure of the ‘hired rough’: men employed to disrupt elections by force. We thus advance a political, rather than cultural, explanation for electoral violence.
{"title":"Electoral Violence in England and Wales, 1832–1914","authors":"Luke Blaxill, Gidon Cohen, Gary Hutchison, Patrick M Kuhn, Nick Vivyan","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae017","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses over 19,000 articles from newspapers and parliamentary commission reports to reveal endemic electoral violence in England and Wales between 1832 and 1914. It offers a new understanding of the phenomenon in three main ways. First, the extent of election violence, which regularly featured major riots requiring police and military intervention, disturbances of the peace, and deaths, questions conventional understandings of Britain's comparatively peaceful political development through a century of gradual suffrage expansion, rising literacy and economic development. Second, the trajectory of the electoral violence, which peaked in the period after the Second Reform Act of 1867 rather than after the Great Reform Act of 1832, challenges the linearity of these accounts. Third, despite the recent historiographical emphasis on explaining electoral violence as a ritual expression of discontent, much violence resulted from elites strategizing to win elections. Electoral violence occurred disproportionately when and where it was most useful to candidates and parties, and often involved the previously overlooked figure of the ‘hired rough’: men employed to disrupt elections by force. We thus advance a political, rather than cultural, explanation for electoral violence.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"368 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141904265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article places the origins of Italian settler colonialism and its defeat in the battle of Adwa (1896) in the global perspective of the environmental history of European imperialism. It argues that the Italian project to turn the highlands of the Horn of Africa into a settler colony was an “imperial mirage”: the perception that the momentarily depopulated landscape of Ethiopia, produced by “natural” disasters that were in fact the social products of colonial warfare, would be available to Italian settlers in the future. This mirage was based on a domino effect of environmental catastrophes connecting climate history, animal disease, and the politics of European imperialism. Italians’ introduction of rinderpest in Eritrea in the wake of an El Niño-related drought triggered “the Great African Rinderpest Panzootic” and the “Great Ethiopian Famine”. The mixture of willful ignorance and wishful self-deception that fueled Italian projects explains Italy’s defeat in the battle of Adwa. Building on the methodology of environmental historians and scholars in Science and Technology Studies, this article shifts focus from the power of the state to the techno-politics of colonialism in its impact on natural environments and African communities through the lens of the cultural production of ignorance.
{"title":"‘Natural’ disasters, ignorance, and the mirage of Italian settler colonialism in late nineteenth-century Africa","authors":"Angelo Matteo Caglioti","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae004","url":null,"abstract":"This article places the origins of Italian settler colonialism and its defeat in the battle of Adwa (1896) in the global perspective of the environmental history of European imperialism. It argues that the Italian project to turn the highlands of the Horn of Africa into a settler colony was an “imperial mirage”: the perception that the momentarily depopulated landscape of Ethiopia, produced by “natural” disasters that were in fact the social products of colonial warfare, would be available to Italian settlers in the future. This mirage was based on a domino effect of environmental catastrophes connecting climate history, animal disease, and the politics of European imperialism. Italians’ introduction of rinderpest in Eritrea in the wake of an El Niño-related drought triggered “the Great African Rinderpest Panzootic” and the “Great Ethiopian Famine”. The mixture of willful ignorance and wishful self-deception that fueled Italian projects explains Italy’s defeat in the battle of Adwa. Building on the methodology of environmental historians and scholars in Science and Technology Studies, this article shifts focus from the power of the state to the techno-politics of colonialism in its impact on natural environments and African communities through the lens of the cultural production of ignorance.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141891655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The nature of the relationships among the Mexican state, organized crime and violence is much debated. Many accounts of state formation suggest that states increase their extractive and coercive capabilities in tandem: they monopolize the provision of ‘protection’ in Charles Tilly’s famous analogy. However, when unconsolidated states confront lucrative, illicit markets, state-building takes an unexpected turn. We argue that these states, like post-revolutionary Mexico, develop not as one protection racket, but as two. While the orthodox or licit protection racket collects tax from businesses and individuals in return for the protection of property and persons, the illicit protection racket (like that of a traditional mafia organization) collects extortion money from criminal groups in return for protection from prosecution. Though we use the case study of Mexico to tease out these conclusions, we argue that they can just as easily be applied to other states with weak tax bases, limited geographical reach, and profitable illicit markets.
{"title":"State, crime and violence in Mexico, 1920–2000: Arbiters of impunity, agents of coercion","authors":"Tom Long, Benjamin T Smith","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtad032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtad032","url":null,"abstract":"The nature of the relationships among the Mexican state, organized crime and violence is much debated. Many accounts of state formation suggest that states increase their extractive and coercive capabilities in tandem: they monopolize the provision of ‘protection’ in Charles Tilly’s famous analogy. However, when unconsolidated states confront lucrative, illicit markets, state-building takes an unexpected turn. We argue that these states, like post-revolutionary Mexico, develop not as one protection racket, but as two. While the orthodox or licit protection racket collects tax from businesses and individuals in return for the protection of property and persons, the illicit protection racket (like that of a traditional mafia organization) collects extortion money from criminal groups in return for protection from prosecution. Though we use the case study of Mexico to tease out these conclusions, we argue that they can just as easily be applied to other states with weak tax bases, limited geographical reach, and profitable illicit markets.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141769146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article challenges the ‘from-lordship-to-government’ model of the grand narrative of European state formation through a reconceptualization of the late medieval German feud and lordship (1300–1500). It demonstrates how the predatory lordship of the feudal revolution persisted in late medieval imperial lands by centring on how modalities of extractive violence linked the lordly feud and lordship together in a system of seigneurial violence. It thus returns to Gadi Algazi’s controversial thesis that seigneurial lordship was a protection racket enabled by the omnipresent potential of the feud’s lordly violence. The author proposes that an overlooked body of evidence, damage registers (Schadensverzeichnisse), provides the evidence necessary for confirming and broadening Algazi’s insights. Through an archival collection of these documents, the author elucidates how this late medieval system of seigneurial violence was typified by a continuum of extractive violence from plundering to the levying of tribute and protection. In doing so, the author highlights how this system of seigneurial violence, lordship, and late medieval advances in governance held the potential to work together in far more complex ways than the ‘from-lordship-to-government’ narrative acknowledges.
{"title":"Seigneurial predation in the late medieval feud","authors":"Tristan W Sharp","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae014","url":null,"abstract":"This article challenges the ‘from-lordship-to-government’ model of the grand narrative of European state formation through a reconceptualization of the late medieval German feud and lordship (1300–1500). It demonstrates how the predatory lordship of the feudal revolution persisted in late medieval imperial lands by centring on how modalities of extractive violence linked the lordly feud and lordship together in a system of seigneurial violence. It thus returns to Gadi Algazi’s controversial thesis that seigneurial lordship was a protection racket enabled by the omnipresent potential of the feud’s lordly violence. The author proposes that an overlooked body of evidence, damage registers (Schadensverzeichnisse), provides the evidence necessary for confirming and broadening Algazi’s insights. Through an archival collection of these documents, the author elucidates how this late medieval system of seigneurial violence was typified by a continuum of extractive violence from plundering to the levying of tribute and protection. In doing so, the author highlights how this system of seigneurial violence, lordship, and late medieval advances in governance held the potential to work together in far more complex ways than the ‘from-lordship-to-government’ narrative acknowledges.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141769148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rukmini Barua, Stephanie Lämmert, Esra Sarıoğlu, Julia Wambach
This Viewpoint contribution considers the recent turn to emotion and affect in the humanities and the social sciences. We present here a conversation between four scholars of gender, Ute Frevert, Chitra Joshi, Lynn M. Thomas and Valerie Walkerdine, reflecting on their personal intellectual trajectories. In their discussion, they examine how, when and why they began to explore the analytical potential of feelings and emotions in their scholarly work. The turn to emotions was motivated by a search for more nuanced perspectives on social hierarchies, and subjectivity and agency. Through their respective expertise on western Europe, India, East and Southern Africa and Britain, the four scholars address the global connections between studies of gender and the increasing import of emotions as an analytical lens.
这篇 "观点 "文章探讨了最近人文和社会科学领域对情绪和情感的关注。我们在此介绍四位性别问题学者 Ute Frevert、Chitra Joshi、Lynn M. Thomas 和 Valerie Walkerdine 之间的对话，他们在对话中回顾了自己的个人思想轨迹。在讨论中，她们探讨了如何、何时以及为何开始在学术工作中探索感觉和情绪的分析潜力。转向情感的动机是寻求对社会等级、主观性和能动性的更细致入微的透视。通过各自在西欧、印度、东非和南部非洲以及英国的专业知识，四位学者探讨了性别研究与情感作为一种分析视角的日益重要之间的全球联系。
{"title":"Intellectual Journeys towards Emotions: A Conversation among Feminist Scholars","authors":"Rukmini Barua, Stephanie Lämmert, Esra Sarıoğlu, Julia Wambach","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae005","url":null,"abstract":"This Viewpoint contribution considers the recent turn to emotion and affect in the humanities and the social sciences. We present here a conversation between four scholars of gender, Ute Frevert, Chitra Joshi, Lynn M. Thomas and Valerie Walkerdine, reflecting on their personal intellectual trajectories. In their discussion, they examine how, when and why they began to explore the analytical potential of feelings and emotions in their scholarly work. The turn to emotions was motivated by a search for more nuanced perspectives on social hierarchies, and subjectivity and agency. Through their respective expertise on western Europe, India, East and Southern Africa and Britain, the four scholars address the global connections between studies of gender and the increasing import of emotions as an analytical lens.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141764033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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