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OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtac003

引用次数: 0

OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtac005

引用次数: 0

OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtac006

引用次数: 1

Ottoman and Egyptian Quarantines and European Debates on Plague in the 1830s–1840s* 19世纪30 - 40年代奥斯曼帝国和埃及的隔离与欧洲对鼠疫的争论*

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2021-11-13 DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtaa017

Hamed-Troyansky V.

Abstract

In the 1830s, plague, which had been all but forgotten by most Europeans, was on everyone’s lips again. Shortly after the Ottoman and Egyptian governments instituted their first permanent quarantines, the disease broke out in the Levant and the Nile delta, and the global medical community watched anxiously to see whether these new western Mediterranean-style quarantines would be able to contain it within the eastern Mediterranean. By tracing two Russian medical expeditions from the Black Sea port of Odessa to the Ottoman empire and Egypt in the 1840s, this article examines the world of European medical practitioners who engaged in vigorous debates about plague and its prevention. Did the disease have a ‘birthplace’ somewhere in the Middle East? Did it spread through contact with its victims, or was it omnipresent in the bad air? Russian, French, British and other medics questioned old assumptions about plague and its contagiousness, while testing out their hypotheses in Ottoman and Egyptian domains. By the 1840s, the Middle East had become a global site for epidemiological research, driving the internationalization of prevention against epidemic. Meanwhile, Ottoman and Egyptian quarantines, and the elusive nature of plague, became entangled with European political ambitions and commercial interests in the Middle East.

19世纪30年代，几乎被大多数欧洲人所遗忘的瘟疫再次成为人们谈论的话题。在奥斯曼帝国和埃及政府首次实施永久性隔离后不久，这种疾病在黎凡特和尼罗河三角洲爆发，全球医学界焦急地关注着这些新的西地中海式隔离是否能够将其控制在东地中海。通过追溯19世纪40年代从黑海港口敖德萨到奥斯曼帝国和埃及的两次俄罗斯医疗远征，本文考察了欧洲医疗从业者的世界，他们参与了关于瘟疫及其预防的激烈辩论。这种疾病的“发源地”在中东的某个地方吗?它是通过与受害者接触传播的，还是在恶劣的空气中无处不在?俄罗斯、法国、英国和其他国家的医生质疑关于鼠疫及其传染性的旧假设，同时在奥斯曼和埃及的领土上验证了他们的假设。到19世纪40年代，中东已成为全球流行病学研究的基地，推动了流行病预防的国际化。与此同时，奥斯曼帝国和埃及的隔离，以及鼠疫难以捉摸的本质，与欧洲在中东的政治野心和商业利益纠缠在一起。

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引用次数: 0

City States in the Later Medieval Mediterranean World 中世纪晚期地中海世界的城邦

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2021-10-13 DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtab004

Patrick Lantschner

This article offers a comparative study of city states in the Christian and Islamic spheres of the later medieval Mediterranean world, with a particular focus on Italy, Syria and al-Andalus. Medieval city states are not usually associated with the Islamic world, but rather with a narrative that has foregrounded the exceptional nature of European cities in world history, especially the famous city republics in Northern and Central Italy, and the role that city states played in the formation of European states. Yet city states were a phenomenon that could be observed across urbanized regions of the Mediterranean world where cities turned into important political arenas in the context of sustained political fragmentation. City states are best approached as political systems that were characterized by brittle regimes and experienced high levels of political volatility: they often lacked a clear boundary between the ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ of city states and were characterized by the multiple political organizations that crystallized in, and fought hard to control, urban political space. The most commonly shared type of political organization in city states was the urban lordship, but city-based lords usually found themselves in intense competition with elite-based collective associations, families and factions, and popular political organizations.

本文对中世纪晚期地中海世界的基督教和伊斯兰领域的城邦进行了比较研究，特别关注意大利、叙利亚和安达卢斯。中世纪的城邦通常与伊斯兰世界无关，而是与世界历史上欧洲城市的特殊性质有关，尤其是意大利北部和中部著名的城市共和国，以及城邦在欧洲国家形成过程中所起的作用。然而，在地中海世界的城市化地区，城市国家是一种可以观察到的现象，在持续的政治分裂背景下，城市变成了重要的政治舞台。城邦最好被视为一种政治制度，其特点是政权脆弱，经历了高度的政治波动:它们往往缺乏城邦“内部”和“外部”之间的明确界限，其特点是在城市政治空间中形成多种政治组织，并努力控制这些组织。城邦中最常见的政治组织类型是城市领主，但以城市为基础的领主通常发现自己与以精英为基础的集体协会，家庭和派别以及大众政治组织进行激烈竞争。

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引用次数: 1

A Business Archive of the French Illegal Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century 19世纪法国非法贩卖奴隶的商业档案

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2021-08-04 DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtaa026

Joseph la Hausse de Lalouvière

Following the abolition of the transatlantic trade in African captives, slave traders from France, Spain and Cuba devised strategies of concealment to perpetuate and even expand their enterprise. A close reading of the unexpurgated logbooks and business correspondence of the Jeune Louis, a French ship that transported more than three hundred captives from the Bight of Biafra to Havana in 1825, identifies three decisive innovations in the Franco-Cuban branch of the illegal slave trade. Transnational business structure, risk management through honour-based marine insurance policies, and redacted record keeping transformed the wider Atlantic slave-trading sector into one capable of eluding attempts at international suppression. The clandestine techniques that this transnational slaving network developed to skirt the law also distorted the archival record of that traffic. Accounting for the resulting distortions and disappearances will enable future researchers to better navigate them.

在废除跨大西洋非洲俘虏贸易后，来自法国、西班牙和古巴的奴隶贩子制定了隐蔽策略，以延续甚至扩大他们的企业。仔细阅读1825年从比亚夫拉湾向哈瓦那运送了300多名俘虏的法国船只“路易号”（Jeune Louis）未经删节的航海日志和商业信件，可以发现非法奴隶贸易的法古分支有三个决定性的创新。跨国业务结构、通过基于荣誉的海上保险单进行的风险管理以及经过编辑的记录保存，使更广泛的大西洋奴隶贸易部门成为一个能够躲避国际镇压企图的部门。这个跨国奴隶网络为规避法律而开发的秘密技术也扭曲了贩运的档案记录。对由此产生的扭曲和失踪进行解释将使未来的研究人员能够更好地驾驭它们。

引用次数: 5

The Art of Mercato: Buying City-States in Renaissance Tuscany 墨卡托的艺术:托斯卡纳文艺复兴时期的城邦购买

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2021-08-04 DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtaa021

M. Martoccio

Italian communes from 1300–1600 bought and sold numerous towns and castles from Crete (enfeoffed to Venice in 1205) to Arezzo (offered to Florence in 1384) to Tabarka (given as mortgage to a Genoese family in 1540). Despite the popularity of this custom, however, existing scholarship claims Renaissance cities expanded territorially through violent conquests that centralized government finances and promoted militant imperialist discourses. Drawing on case studies of the Florentine purchase of two cities — Lucca (1342) and Pisa (1405) — this article reveals how the buyers of Renaissance cities instead drew upon a vast, little-studied network of private creditors to pay for new lands. The vendibility of space, moreover, helped foster a commercialized ideology of empire. Diarists heralded their city’s superior commerce. Civic leaders tied the good of their communes to keeping its honour and faith with city-sellers. And polemicists stained opponents with accusations of fraud while demoting cities such as Pisa and Lucca to mere merchandise. Buying cities thus allowed Renaissance merchant elites to demonstrate not only their city’s superior material wealth, but also mercantile prowess — their ability to bargain for a good deal (buon mercato).

从克里特岛（1205年分封给威尼斯）到阿雷佐（1384年提供给佛罗伦萨），再到塔巴尔卡（1540年作为抵押给热那亚家族），1300年至1600年的意大利公社买卖了许多城镇和城堡。然而，尽管这一习俗很受欢迎，但现有的学者声称，文艺复兴时期的城市通过暴力征服进行了领土扩张，集中了政府财政，并促进了激进的帝国主义话语。根据佛罗伦萨购买卢卡（1342年）和比萨（1405年）两座城市的案例研究，本文揭示了文艺复兴时期城市的买家是如何利用一个庞大的、鲜为人知的私人债权人网络来支付新土地的。此外，空间的可出售性有助于培养帝国的商业化意识形态。日记家们宣扬他们城市优越的商业。公民领袖将社区的利益与维护其对城市卖家的荣誉和信仰联系在一起。辩论家指责对手欺诈，同时将比萨和卢卡等城市降级为商品。因此，购买城市不仅让文艺复兴时期的商人精英展示了他们城市优越的物质财富，还展示了商业实力——他们讨价还价的能力（buon mercato）。

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引用次数: 2

The Political Day in London, c .1697–1834 伦敦的政治日(1697 - 1834年

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2021-06-07 DOI: 10.1093/PASTJ/GTAA016

Hannah Greig, A. Vickery

引用次数: 2

How did the Feudal Economy Work? the Economic Logic of Medieval Societies 封建经济是如何运作的？中世纪社会的经济逻辑

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2021-04-26 DOI: 10.1093/PASTJ/GTAA018

Chris Wickham

This article aims to create a model for the underlying economic logic of the feudal economy, which can then be contrasted with the much better-known models for the capitalist economy. It does so by developing a discussion of a very frequent pattern in pre-industrial, feudal, societies: active local economies with highly developed exchange, which never, even remotely, developed in the direction of capitalism. It is argued here that this is because they obeyed a different economic logic, rather than just a simpler version of the logic of the capitalist world, which was somehow ‘blocked’ from developing any further. The article then sets out the basic elements of what that logic could be.

本文旨在为封建经济的基本经济逻辑创建一个模型，然后将其与更著名的资本主义经济模型进行对比。它通过对前工业化、封建社会中一种非常常见的模式进行讨论来做到这一点：活跃的地方经济，具有高度发达的交流，这些经济从未朝着资本主义的方向发展，即使是遥远的方向。这里有人认为，这是因为他们遵循了一种不同的经济逻辑，而不仅仅是资本主义世界逻辑的简单版本，资本主义世界在某种程度上被“阻止”了进一步发展。然后，文章阐述了这种逻辑的基本要素。

引用次数: 8

The Politics of Musical Standardization in Nineteenth-Century France and Britain 19世纪法国和英国音乐标准化的政治

IF 1.8 1区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Past & Present

Pub Date : 2021-04-26 DOI: 10.1093/PASTJ/GTAA007

E. Gillin, Fanny Gribenski

This article examines mid-nineteenth-century Anglo-French relations through the prism of musical standardization. Bringing together perspectives from musicology, history of science, and political history, it demonstrates the holistic value of musical practices for the study of processes of political integration. In 1859, Napoléon III's government determined a national pitch to which musicians should tune their instruments. The following year, Britain's Society of Arts attempted to emulate this standard. Amid tense Anglo-French relations, British audiences interpreted the French pitch as a measure of the country's autocracy, and these political anxieties materialized through a redefinition of the standard. The challenges of introducing a musical pitch within a liberal political framework encountered in 1859 were subsequently echoed in debates over the reform of weights and measures following the 1860 free trade treaty between Britain and France. Both the economic and artistic integration of these countries involved the problem of how to regulate society within a laissez-faire state. Musical standardization has received little historiographical attention, but the regulation of this art offers insights into mid-nineteenth-century Anglo-French political culture. Entangled within complex network of industrial, institutional, and social structures, musical pitch demonstrates how problems of economic and social integration were inseparable from international and socio-political contexts.

本文从音乐标准化的角度考察了19世纪中期英法关系。它汇集了音乐学、科学史和政治史的观点，展示了音乐实践对政治整合过程研究的整体价值。1859年，拿破仑三世政府确定了一个全国性的音高，音乐家们应该根据这个音高来调音。第二年，英国艺术协会(british Society of Arts)试图效仿这一标准。在英法关系紧张的情况下，英国观众将法国的宣传解读为衡量该国专制的标准，而这些政治焦虑通过对标准的重新定义成为现实。在1859年的自由政治框架下引入音高的挑战，随后在1860年英法自由贸易条约之后关于度量衡改革的辩论中得到了回应。这些国家的经济和艺术一体化都涉及到如何在一个自由放任的国家内规范社会的问题。音乐的标准化很少受到史学的关注，但这种艺术的规范提供了对19世纪中期英法政治文化的见解。在工业、制度和社会结构的复杂网络中纠缠不清，音乐音高表明了经济和社会一体化问题是如何与国际和社会政治背景密不可分的。

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