By the thirteenth century, confederations of communes in western Europe were claiming important legal, political and military prerogatives for themselves in written charters of inter-urban alliance. Scholars have seen these alliances as a tool of the emerging economic elite or as forces of resistance to the sovereign territorial state taking shape in the late Middle Ages. To understand alternatives to princely polity formation in the wealthy, urbanized regions of Brabant, Flanders and Liège, however, this article studies urban alliances as a power in their own right by examining how new documentary practices contributed to older traditions of inter-urban collaboration. Towns and their coalitions created and distributed bilateral, multilateral and hybrid or concentric charters of alliance and kept them in their own archives, which they saw as repositories of legal security and authority. Meanwhile, archivists, chancellors and other technicians of legitimacy helped princes to consolidate legal superiority over their supposedly subject towns by spearheading the confiscation and destruction of communal archives, in particular their charters of alliance. They thus obscured the scale of inter-urban solidarity: this article reports fifty-eight unique alliances preserved in over 200 charters between 1219 and 1444 across these three regions.
{"title":"Inter-Urban Alliances and the Archives of Legitimacy in the Southern Low Countries, 1250–1450","authors":"Ron Mordechai Makleff","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae035","url":null,"abstract":"By the thirteenth century, confederations of communes in western Europe were claiming important legal, political and military prerogatives for themselves in written charters of inter-urban alliance. Scholars have seen these alliances as a tool of the emerging economic elite or as forces of resistance to the sovereign territorial state taking shape in the late Middle Ages. To understand alternatives to princely polity formation in the wealthy, urbanized regions of Brabant, Flanders and Liège, however, this article studies urban alliances as a power in their own right by examining how new documentary practices contributed to older traditions of inter-urban collaboration. Towns and their coalitions created and distributed bilateral, multilateral and hybrid or concentric charters of alliance and kept them in their own archives, which they saw as repositories of legal security and authority. Meanwhile, archivists, chancellors and other technicians of legitimacy helped princes to consolidate legal superiority over their supposedly subject towns by spearheading the confiscation and destruction of communal archives, in particular their charters of alliance. They thus obscured the scale of inter-urban solidarity: this article reports fifty-eight unique alliances preserved in over 200 charters between 1219 and 1444 across these three regions.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142231199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Late medieval Coventry attracted so many in-migrating singlewomen that it might have seemed a city of women — for every ten women, only seven men. Some of these peasants-turned-townswomen supported themselves as labourers, domestic servants or prostitutes, but it was the demand for their industrial labour as spinners of cloth-yarn and cap-yarn that drew most women to the city. Coventry’s merchants and masters, who needed spinners’ work but deplored women’s autonomy, tried with considerable success to push these spinners into supervised living within the city’s established households. The experiences of Coventry’s singlewoman-spinners show that ‘maidservants’ were sometimes industrial workers; that singlewomen were corralled into ‘little commonwealths’ well before Protestantism; and that ‘girl power’ was more about economic growth than the empowerment of women.
{"title":"Needed but Deplored: Spinners and Singlewomen in Industrial Coventry, c.1490–1525","authors":"Judith M Bennett","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae023","url":null,"abstract":"Late medieval Coventry attracted so many in-migrating singlewomen that it might have seemed a city of women — for every ten women, only seven men. Some of these peasants-turned-townswomen supported themselves as labourers, domestic servants or prostitutes, but it was the demand for their industrial labour as spinners of cloth-yarn and cap-yarn that drew most women to the city. Coventry’s merchants and masters, who needed spinners’ work but deplored women’s autonomy, tried with considerable success to push these spinners into supervised living within the city’s established households. The experiences of Coventry’s singlewoman-spinners show that ‘maidservants’ were sometimes industrial workers; that singlewomen were corralled into ‘little commonwealths’ well before Protestantism; and that ‘girl power’ was more about economic growth than the empowerment of women.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142158877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Luke Blaxill, Gidon Cohen, Gary Hutchison, Patrick M Kuhn, Nick Vivyan
This article analyses over 19,000 articles from newspapers and parliamentary commission reports to reveal endemic electoral violence in England and Wales between 1832 and 1914. It offers a new understanding of the phenomenon in three main ways. First, the extent of election violence, which regularly featured major riots requiring police and military intervention, disturbances of the peace, and deaths, questions conventional understandings of Britain's comparatively peaceful political development through a century of gradual suffrage expansion, rising literacy and economic development. Second, the trajectory of the electoral violence, which peaked in the period after the Second Reform Act of 1867 rather than after the Great Reform Act of 1832, challenges the linearity of these accounts. Third, despite the recent historiographical emphasis on explaining electoral violence as a ritual expression of discontent, much violence resulted from elites strategizing to win elections. Electoral violence occurred disproportionately when and where it was most useful to candidates and parties, and often involved the previously overlooked figure of the ‘hired rough’: men employed to disrupt elections by force. We thus advance a political, rather than cultural, explanation for electoral violence.
{"title":"Electoral Violence in England and Wales, 1832–1914","authors":"Luke Blaxill, Gidon Cohen, Gary Hutchison, Patrick M Kuhn, Nick Vivyan","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae017","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses over 19,000 articles from newspapers and parliamentary commission reports to reveal endemic electoral violence in England and Wales between 1832 and 1914. It offers a new understanding of the phenomenon in three main ways. First, the extent of election violence, which regularly featured major riots requiring police and military intervention, disturbances of the peace, and deaths, questions conventional understandings of Britain's comparatively peaceful political development through a century of gradual suffrage expansion, rising literacy and economic development. Second, the trajectory of the electoral violence, which peaked in the period after the Second Reform Act of 1867 rather than after the Great Reform Act of 1832, challenges the linearity of these accounts. Third, despite the recent historiographical emphasis on explaining electoral violence as a ritual expression of discontent, much violence resulted from elites strategizing to win elections. Electoral violence occurred disproportionately when and where it was most useful to candidates and parties, and often involved the previously overlooked figure of the ‘hired rough’: men employed to disrupt elections by force. We thus advance a political, rather than cultural, explanation for electoral violence.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"368 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141904265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article places the origins of Italian settler colonialism and its defeat in the battle of Adwa (1896) in the global perspective of the environmental history of European imperialism. It argues that the Italian project to turn the highlands of the Horn of Africa into a settler colony was an “imperial mirage”: the perception that the momentarily depopulated landscape of Ethiopia, produced by “natural” disasters that were in fact the social products of colonial warfare, would be available to Italian settlers in the future. This mirage was based on a domino effect of environmental catastrophes connecting climate history, animal disease, and the politics of European imperialism. Italians’ introduction of rinderpest in Eritrea in the wake of an El Niño-related drought triggered “the Great African Rinderpest Panzootic” and the “Great Ethiopian Famine”. The mixture of willful ignorance and wishful self-deception that fueled Italian projects explains Italy’s defeat in the battle of Adwa. Building on the methodology of environmental historians and scholars in Science and Technology Studies, this article shifts focus from the power of the state to the techno-politics of colonialism in its impact on natural environments and African communities through the lens of the cultural production of ignorance.
{"title":"‘Natural’ disasters, ignorance, and the mirage of Italian settler colonialism in late nineteenth-century Africa","authors":"Angelo Matteo Caglioti","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae004","url":null,"abstract":"This article places the origins of Italian settler colonialism and its defeat in the battle of Adwa (1896) in the global perspective of the environmental history of European imperialism. It argues that the Italian project to turn the highlands of the Horn of Africa into a settler colony was an “imperial mirage”: the perception that the momentarily depopulated landscape of Ethiopia, produced by “natural” disasters that were in fact the social products of colonial warfare, would be available to Italian settlers in the future. This mirage was based on a domino effect of environmental catastrophes connecting climate history, animal disease, and the politics of European imperialism. Italians’ introduction of rinderpest in Eritrea in the wake of an El Niño-related drought triggered “the Great African Rinderpest Panzootic” and the “Great Ethiopian Famine”. The mixture of willful ignorance and wishful self-deception that fueled Italian projects explains Italy’s defeat in the battle of Adwa. Building on the methodology of environmental historians and scholars in Science and Technology Studies, this article shifts focus from the power of the state to the techno-politics of colonialism in its impact on natural environments and African communities through the lens of the cultural production of ignorance.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141891655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The nature of the relationships among the Mexican state, organized crime and violence is much debated. Many accounts of state formation suggest that states increase their extractive and coercive capabilities in tandem: they monopolize the provision of ‘protection’ in Charles Tilly’s famous analogy. However, when unconsolidated states confront lucrative, illicit markets, state-building takes an unexpected turn. We argue that these states, like post-revolutionary Mexico, develop not as one protection racket, but as two. While the orthodox or licit protection racket collects tax from businesses and individuals in return for the protection of property and persons, the illicit protection racket (like that of a traditional mafia organization) collects extortion money from criminal groups in return for protection from prosecution. Though we use the case study of Mexico to tease out these conclusions, we argue that they can just as easily be applied to other states with weak tax bases, limited geographical reach, and profitable illicit markets.
{"title":"State, crime and violence in Mexico, 1920–2000: Arbiters of impunity, agents of coercion","authors":"Tom Long, Benjamin T Smith","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtad032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtad032","url":null,"abstract":"The nature of the relationships among the Mexican state, organized crime and violence is much debated. Many accounts of state formation suggest that states increase their extractive and coercive capabilities in tandem: they monopolize the provision of ‘protection’ in Charles Tilly’s famous analogy. However, when unconsolidated states confront lucrative, illicit markets, state-building takes an unexpected turn. We argue that these states, like post-revolutionary Mexico, develop not as one protection racket, but as two. While the orthodox or licit protection racket collects tax from businesses and individuals in return for the protection of property and persons, the illicit protection racket (like that of a traditional mafia organization) collects extortion money from criminal groups in return for protection from prosecution. Though we use the case study of Mexico to tease out these conclusions, we argue that they can just as easily be applied to other states with weak tax bases, limited geographical reach, and profitable illicit markets.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"54 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141769146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article challenges the ‘from-lordship-to-government’ model of the grand narrative of European state formation through a reconceptualization of the late medieval German feud and lordship (1300–1500). It demonstrates how the predatory lordship of the feudal revolution persisted in late medieval imperial lands by centring on how modalities of extractive violence linked the lordly feud and lordship together in a system of seigneurial violence. It thus returns to Gadi Algazi’s controversial thesis that seigneurial lordship was a protection racket enabled by the omnipresent potential of the feud’s lordly violence. The author proposes that an overlooked body of evidence, damage registers (Schadensverzeichnisse), provides the evidence necessary for confirming and broadening Algazi’s insights. Through an archival collection of these documents, the author elucidates how this late medieval system of seigneurial violence was typified by a continuum of extractive violence from plundering to the levying of tribute and protection. In doing so, the author highlights how this system of seigneurial violence, lordship, and late medieval advances in governance held the potential to work together in far more complex ways than the ‘from-lordship-to-government’ narrative acknowledges.
{"title":"Seigneurial predation in the late medieval feud","authors":"Tristan W Sharp","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae014","url":null,"abstract":"This article challenges the ‘from-lordship-to-government’ model of the grand narrative of European state formation through a reconceptualization of the late medieval German feud and lordship (1300–1500). It demonstrates how the predatory lordship of the feudal revolution persisted in late medieval imperial lands by centring on how modalities of extractive violence linked the lordly feud and lordship together in a system of seigneurial violence. It thus returns to Gadi Algazi’s controversial thesis that seigneurial lordship was a protection racket enabled by the omnipresent potential of the feud’s lordly violence. The author proposes that an overlooked body of evidence, damage registers (Schadensverzeichnisse), provides the evidence necessary for confirming and broadening Algazi’s insights. Through an archival collection of these documents, the author elucidates how this late medieval system of seigneurial violence was typified by a continuum of extractive violence from plundering to the levying of tribute and protection. In doing so, the author highlights how this system of seigneurial violence, lordship, and late medieval advances in governance held the potential to work together in far more complex ways than the ‘from-lordship-to-government’ narrative acknowledges.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141769148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rukmini Barua, Stephanie Lämmert, Esra Sarıoğlu, Julia Wambach
This Viewpoint contribution considers the recent turn to emotion and affect in the humanities and the social sciences. We present here a conversation between four scholars of gender, Ute Frevert, Chitra Joshi, Lynn M. Thomas and Valerie Walkerdine, reflecting on their personal intellectual trajectories. In their discussion, they examine how, when and why they began to explore the analytical potential of feelings and emotions in their scholarly work. The turn to emotions was motivated by a search for more nuanced perspectives on social hierarchies, and subjectivity and agency. Through their respective expertise on western Europe, India, East and Southern Africa and Britain, the four scholars address the global connections between studies of gender and the increasing import of emotions as an analytical lens.
这篇 "观点 "文章探讨了最近人文和社会科学领域对情绪和情感的关注。我们在此介绍四位性别问题学者 Ute Frevert、Chitra Joshi、Lynn M. Thomas 和 Valerie Walkerdine 之间的对话，他们在对话中回顾了自己的个人思想轨迹。在讨论中，她们探讨了如何、何时以及为何开始在学术工作中探索感觉和情绪的分析潜力。转向情感的动机是寻求对社会等级、主观性和能动性的更细致入微的透视。通过各自在西欧、印度、东非和南部非洲以及英国的专业知识，四位学者探讨了性别研究与情感作为一种分析视角的日益重要之间的全球联系。
{"title":"Intellectual Journeys towards Emotions: A Conversation among Feminist Scholars","authors":"Rukmini Barua, Stephanie Lämmert, Esra Sarıoğlu, Julia Wambach","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae005","url":null,"abstract":"This Viewpoint contribution considers the recent turn to emotion and affect in the humanities and the social sciences. We present here a conversation between four scholars of gender, Ute Frevert, Chitra Joshi, Lynn M. Thomas and Valerie Walkerdine, reflecting on their personal intellectual trajectories. In their discussion, they examine how, when and why they began to explore the analytical potential of feelings and emotions in their scholarly work. The turn to emotions was motivated by a search for more nuanced perspectives on social hierarchies, and subjectivity and agency. Through their respective expertise on western Europe, India, East and Southern Africa and Britain, the four scholars address the global connections between studies of gender and the increasing import of emotions as an analytical lens.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141764033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A striking yet underexamined system of labour management circulated between land and sea in the nineteenth-century Atlantic world: the use of liquor rations to stimulate worker productivity. Turning to the British naval warship and the American slave plantation, this article depicts how labour supervisors in both settings relied on carefully regulated quantities of alcohol to extract more labour from their workforces. Even as Anglo-American temperance activists called for sobering up the working classes, many naval commanders and slaveholders held firm to the belief that managed intemperance was an essential tool for mobilizing workers. The study of liquor rations and the arguments endorsing their distribution helps to reveal how a spectrum of coercive labour practices swept through the Atlantic world amid the emergence of an industrial capitalist order. Zooming in on the history of these rations enables us to discern labour extraction strategies that operated between the poles of violent coercion and market-based exploitation, and that animated vital sectors of the Atlantic economy during the nineteenth century.
{"title":"Liquor Rations and Labour Management in the Nineteenth-Century Atlantic World","authors":"Christopher M Florio","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae011","url":null,"abstract":"A striking yet underexamined system of labour management circulated between land and sea in the nineteenth-century Atlantic world: the use of liquor rations to stimulate worker productivity. Turning to the British naval warship and the American slave plantation, this article depicts how labour supervisors in both settings relied on carefully regulated quantities of alcohol to extract more labour from their workforces. Even as Anglo-American temperance activists called for sobering up the working classes, many naval commanders and slaveholders held firm to the belief that managed intemperance was an essential tool for mobilizing workers. The study of liquor rations and the arguments endorsing their distribution helps to reveal how a spectrum of coercive labour practices swept through the Atlantic world amid the emergence of an industrial capitalist order. Zooming in on the history of these rations enables us to discern labour extraction strategies that operated between the poles of violent coercion and market-based exploitation, and that animated vital sectors of the Atlantic economy during the nineteenth century.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141755154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the nineteenth century Straits of Malacca, one of the globe’s most significant trading crossroads, merchants were integral to imperial stability and growth. Indeed, historians of the British empire have long sought to understand how colonial governments turned to merchants, both British and Asian, to extend commercial networks, establish local hierarchies and extend processes of state-building. Yet, merchants’ conceptions of their relationship to, and place within, colonial governance are less well understood. This article examines the emergence of colonial merchant politics in the British controlled Straits Settlements in the early nineteenth century. It concentrates on petitions produced by Asian merchants who demanded greater intervention by East India Company authorities in matters of maritime security and diplomacy. Petitions enabled the merchants of Singapore and Penang to inject their political and commercial visions into processes of colonial state-building. Moreover, these cases demonstrate that imperial margins — geographic, bureaucratic, linguistic and political — were productive spaces in which colonial power dynamics between state and society were contested and took on new meanings.
{"title":"‘Pirates’, Potentates, and Merchant Petitioning in the Early Nineteenth Century Straits Settlements","authors":"Scott Connors","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtae010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtae010","url":null,"abstract":"In the nineteenth century Straits of Malacca, one of the globe’s most significant trading crossroads, merchants were integral to imperial stability and growth. Indeed, historians of the British empire have long sought to understand how colonial governments turned to merchants, both British and Asian, to extend commercial networks, establish local hierarchies and extend processes of state-building. Yet, merchants’ conceptions of their relationship to, and place within, colonial governance are less well understood. This article examines the emergence of colonial merchant politics in the British controlled Straits Settlements in the early nineteenth century. It concentrates on petitions produced by Asian merchants who demanded greater intervention by East India Company authorities in matters of maritime security and diplomacy. Petitions enabled the merchants of Singapore and Penang to inject their political and commercial visions into processes of colonial state-building. Moreover, these cases demonstrate that imperial margins — geographic, bureaucratic, linguistic and political — were productive spaces in which colonial power dynamics between state and society were contested and took on new meanings.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141755162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the late nineteenth century, the Chosŏn state, which ruled the Korean peninsula from 1392 to 1910, moved settlers, animals and crops to the isolated oceanic island (do) of Ullŭng, displacing or killing the indigenous people, animals and possibly plant species living there. Having first sent observers to investigate Japanese settler colonialism in Hokkaido, the Chosŏn court accurately replicated its institutions and their impact during its settlement of Ullŭngdo. Documents from the settlement also mention non-Korean islanders uprooted by the state. Their presence shaped these events and the Chosŏn court’s policies, but the nature of their lives is now beyond reconstruction. Although the settlement of Ullŭngdo employed institutions and policies characteristic of settler colonialism, the lack of a self-identifying indigenous people, either at the time or surviving today, complicates the application to this case of the term ‘settler colonialism’. This offers an opportunity to discuss nationalizing settler colonialisms because, unlike the iconic settler colonies of North America and Oceania, settler colonialism in late Chosŏn Korea violently integrated outsiders into the emerging nation.
{"title":"Ecology and Colonialism in Late Chosŏn Korea: Ullŭngdo, 1882–1905","authors":"Will Sack","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtad029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtad029","url":null,"abstract":"In the late nineteenth century, the Chosŏn state, which ruled the Korean peninsula from 1392 to 1910, moved settlers, animals and crops to the isolated oceanic island (do) of Ullŭng, displacing or killing the indigenous people, animals and possibly plant species living there. Having first sent observers to investigate Japanese settler colonialism in Hokkaido, the Chosŏn court accurately replicated its institutions and their impact during its settlement of Ullŭngdo. Documents from the settlement also mention non-Korean islanders uprooted by the state. Their presence shaped these events and the Chosŏn court’s policies, but the nature of their lives is now beyond reconstruction. Although the settlement of Ullŭngdo employed institutions and policies characteristic of settler colonialism, the lack of a self-identifying indigenous people, either at the time or surviving today, complicates the application to this case of the term ‘settler colonialism’. This offers an opportunity to discuss nationalizing settler colonialisms because, unlike the iconic settler colonies of North America and Oceania, settler colonialism in late Chosŏn Korea violently integrated outsiders into the emerging nation.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140317197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：