{"title":"Correction: Petition and response as social process: Royal power, justice and the people in late medieval Castile (<i>c</i>.1474–1504)","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtad010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtad010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135613805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses the petition and response process in late medieval Castile, focusing on petitions of grievance submitted to the Royal Council during the reign of Isabel I and Fernando II (r.1474–1504). Studies published in recent decades have revised our understanding of petitionary practices and their significance to systems of governance in medieval and early modern Europe. One persistent gap in this scholarship, however, concerns the ‘aftermath’ of petitioning — that is, the occurrences that followed the grant of petitions and the issuance of royal decrees in response. Drawing on the rich documentation that has survived from late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Castile, this article highlights the importance of studying the local spaces of interactions where beneficiaries of royal decrees tried to bring them into effect through acts of claims-making. The evidence from Castile is mobilized to illuminate the forms of negotiation and contestation that informed the presentations of ‘letters of justice’ issued by the Royal Council, the mechanisms used by the royal authority to enforce its commands, and the ways that factors such as speed, publicity and violence shaped the meanings petitioning assumed in different contexts of dispute. The analysis of petitioning bears implications for understanding royal power in the Castilian monarchy, drawing attention to a pattern of intensifying communications between the central royal government and non-elites. As they petitioned the Royal Council, thousands of Castilians sought empowerment in local disputes. At the same time, mass participation in the petitioning process played a major role in legitimizing royal power and furthering its embeddedness in the localities.
{"title":"Petition and response as social process: Royal power, justice and the people in late medieval Castile ( c.1474–1504)","authors":"Yanay Israeli","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtad003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtad003","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the petition and response process in late medieval Castile, focusing on petitions of grievance submitted to the Royal Council during the reign of Isabel I and Fernando II (r.1474–1504). Studies published in recent decades have revised our understanding of petitionary practices and their significance to systems of governance in medieval and early modern Europe. One persistent gap in this scholarship, however, concerns the ‘aftermath’ of petitioning — that is, the occurrences that followed the grant of petitions and the issuance of royal decrees in response. Drawing on the rich documentation that has survived from late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Castile, this article highlights the importance of studying the local spaces of interactions where beneficiaries of royal decrees tried to bring them into effect through acts of claims-making. The evidence from Castile is mobilized to illuminate the forms of negotiation and contestation that informed the presentations of ‘letters of justice’ issued by the Royal Council, the mechanisms used by the royal authority to enforce its commands, and the ways that factors such as speed, publicity and violence shaped the meanings petitioning assumed in different contexts of dispute. The analysis of petitioning bears implications for understanding royal power in the Castilian monarchy, drawing attention to a pattern of intensifying communications between the central royal government and non-elites. As they petitioned the Royal Council, thousands of Castilians sought empowerment in local disputes. At the same time, mass participation in the petitioning process played a major role in legitimizing royal power and furthering its embeddedness in the localities.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"31 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50166823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines a set of public universities that opened after 1848 across California, Australasia, South Africa and Canada. It argues that these institutions, termed the ‘goldfield foundations’, owed the speed of their formation, if not their existence, to the period’s global gold and mineral rushes. During the first capital-intensive years of university development, new mineral wealth added liquidity to colonial finance and enriched the main sources of university income. At the same time, the social upheaval caused by gold rushes stimulated regionalism and drives to re-establish Old World hierarchies in ways that made university building attractive. Exploring these institutions’ interconnected development has important implications for the study of empire, extractive capitalism and globalization. The relationship between higher education and mineral extraction in the nineteenth century was co-constitutive. Goldfield universities’ rapid growth depended upon the imperial and global circuits of ideas, people and capital that flowed from the rushes. Yet, once opened, these universities became tremendous drivers of globalization themselves, producing techniques of extraction, expertise and technologies that propelled the global mining industry and prolonged the mineral rushes that had first established them.
{"title":"Gold Rushes, Universities and Globalization, 1840–1910","authors":"Caitlin Harvey","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtac042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac042","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines a set of public universities that opened after 1848 across California, Australasia, South Africa and Canada. It argues that these institutions, termed the ‘goldfield foundations’, owed the speed of their formation, if not their existence, to the period’s global gold and mineral rushes. During the first capital-intensive years of university development, new mineral wealth added liquidity to colonial finance and enriched the main sources of university income. At the same time, the social upheaval caused by gold rushes stimulated regionalism and drives to re-establish Old World hierarchies in ways that made university building attractive. Exploring these institutions’ interconnected development has important implications for the study of empire, extractive capitalism and globalization. The relationship between higher education and mineral extraction in the nineteenth century was co-constitutive. Goldfield universities’ rapid growth depended upon the imperial and global circuits of ideas, people and capital that flowed from the rushes. Yet, once opened, these universities became tremendous drivers of globalization themselves, producing techniques of extraction, expertise and technologies that propelled the global mining industry and prolonged the mineral rushes that had first established them.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"31 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50166822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
European states gradually established colonial rule in Africa between the mid nineteenth century and the beginning of the First World War. Historians have assessed the infrastructure introduced during this period through the lens of colonial state-building and resource extraction. This article offers another perspective by reconstructing the early history of electrification in Lagos Colony, one of the first British colonies in West Africa, within the contexts of African agency (that is, knowledge and socio-political influence) and class. It argues that electricity was not a novelty to Africans when the government opened the first power station in 1898. The principles of electricity were already being taught in the classroom and through public lectures in the 1860s, and temporary exhibitions of electric light had been a feature of Lagos society since the 1880s. Furthermore, because of some demographic advantages, the Africans of nineteenth-century Lagos were able to shape colonial policies, including on financing electricity. Lastly, contrary to colonial African case studies in which scholars have argued that racial politics affected access to electricity, extensive primary sources affirm that a rising number of Africans in Lagos enjoyed electric lighting on the streets, at religious centres and at home from 1898.
{"title":"Electricity, Agency and Class in Lagos Colony, C.1860s–1914","authors":"Adewumi Damilola Adebayo","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtad001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtad001","url":null,"abstract":"European states gradually established colonial rule in Africa between the mid nineteenth century and the beginning of the First World War. Historians have assessed the infrastructure introduced during this period through the lens of colonial state-building and resource extraction. This article offers another perspective by reconstructing the early history of electrification in Lagos Colony, one of the first British colonies in West Africa, within the contexts of African agency (that is, knowledge and socio-political influence) and class. It argues that electricity was not a novelty to Africans when the government opened the first power station in 1898. The principles of electricity were already being taught in the classroom and through public lectures in the 1860s, and temporary exhibitions of electric light had been a feature of Lagos society since the 1880s. Furthermore, because of some demographic advantages, the Africans of nineteenth-century Lagos were able to shape colonial policies, including on financing electricity. Lastly, contrary to colonial African case studies in which scholars have argued that racial politics affected access to electricity, extensive primary sources affirm that a rising number of Africans in Lagos enjoyed electric lighting on the streets, at religious centres and at home from 1898.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"63 25","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In the land now known as Brazil, Indigenous women were responsible for cultivating and preparing a tuberous root called mandioca (cassava). Following the arrival of Europeans in 1500, mandioca replaced wheat bread to become the staple carbohydrate in settlers’ diets. Travellers’ accounts between 1500 and 1550 describe how Indigenous women taught settlers to prepare the tubers for consumption through the use of special tools and processes of soaking, drying and pulverizing. However, with the arrival of the Jesuits, European sources began to elide or problematize knowledge among Indigenous women that did not cohere with Christian normative values. By the mid seventeenth century, naturalists were no longer acknowledging the original female informants who had taught Europeans how to identify and cultivate the plant. In line with recent scholarship on the history of science and medicine in colonial contexts, a close reading of the sources reflects the importance of Indigenous knowledges to imperial expansion, on the one hand, and the interactive nature of cross-cultural knowledge sharing that became hidden by early modern European epistemological practices. Drawing on a broad body of colonial documentation, this article examines how European representations of the cultivation of mandioca identified, exploited, assimilated, suppressed and, finally, alienated Indigenous women’s knowledges from their original holders between 1500 and 1650.
{"title":"The Uprooting of Indigenous Women’s Horticultural Practices in Brazil, 1500–1650","authors":"Jessica O’Leary","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtac047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac047","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the land now known as Brazil, Indigenous women were responsible for cultivating and preparing a tuberous root called mandioca (cassava). Following the arrival of Europeans in 1500, mandioca replaced wheat bread to become the staple carbohydrate in settlers’ diets. Travellers’ accounts between 1500 and 1550 describe how Indigenous women taught settlers to prepare the tubers for consumption through the use of special tools and processes of soaking, drying and pulverizing. However, with the arrival of the Jesuits, European sources began to elide or problematize knowledge among Indigenous women that did not cohere with Christian normative values. By the mid seventeenth century, naturalists were no longer acknowledging the original female informants who had taught Europeans how to identify and cultivate the plant. In line with recent scholarship on the history of science and medicine in colonial contexts, a close reading of the sources reflects the importance of Indigenous knowledges to imperial expansion, on the one hand, and the interactive nature of cross-cultural knowledge sharing that became hidden by early modern European epistemological practices. Drawing on a broad body of colonial documentation, this article examines how European representations of the cultivation of mandioca identified, exploited, assimilated, suppressed and, finally, alienated Indigenous women’s knowledges from their original holders between 1500 and 1650.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135822325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Doubt and the dislocation of magic: France, 1790–1940","authors":"William G Pooley","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtad002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtad002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135473746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article argues that the member of parliament Stephen Cave’s British government-sponsored mission to Egypt in 1876, and his subsequent report on Egyptian finances, represented a novel form of intelligence breach by an imperial power. This interference in Egyptian affairs helped to ensure the timing of Egypt’s bankruptcy that year by stymieing debt restructuring negotiations while simultaneously making conceivable future imperial interventions on a wider scale through fiscal policy oversight. Furthermore, this article develops the concept of ‘intelligence sovereignty’ through an analysis of the events leading up to Cave’s report and examines emerging British intelligence capacities in order to highlight the costs to states of sovereign intelligence breaches. In particular, it posits that sovereign debt instruments traded on the London Stock Exchange constituted a repository of information susceptible to intelligence tactics in the 1870s and offers a new entry point for considering the relationship between finance, policy making and imperial expansion.
{"title":"The Cave Mission of 1876 and Britain’s Imperial Information Strategies","authors":"Nick Foretek","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtac045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac045","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article argues that the member of parliament Stephen Cave’s British government-sponsored mission to Egypt in 1876, and his subsequent report on Egyptian finances, represented a novel form of intelligence breach by an imperial power. This interference in Egyptian affairs helped to ensure the timing of Egypt’s bankruptcy that year by stymieing debt restructuring negotiations while simultaneously making conceivable future imperial interventions on a wider scale through fiscal policy oversight. Furthermore, this article develops the concept of ‘intelligence sovereignty’ through an analysis of the events leading up to Cave’s report and examines emerging British intelligence capacities in order to highlight the costs to states of sovereign intelligence breaches. In particular, it posits that sovereign debt instruments traded on the London Stock Exchange constituted a repository of information susceptible to intelligence tactics in the 1870s and offers a new entry point for considering the relationship between finance, policy making and imperial expansion.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135491118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Journal Article A reply to Shami Ghosh Get access Chris Wickham Chris Wickham University of Oxford, UKUniversity of Birmingham, UK Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Past & Present, gtac046, https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac046 Published: 18 January 2023
期刊文章对Shami Ghosh的回复访问克里斯·维克姆克里斯·维克姆英国牛津大学英国伯明翰大学搜索作者的其他作品，网址:Oxford Academic谷歌Scholar Past & Present, gtac046, https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac046出版日期:2023年1月18日
{"title":"A reply to Shami Ghosh","authors":"Chris Wickham","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtac046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac046","url":null,"abstract":"Journal Article A reply to Shami Ghosh Get access Chris Wickham Chris Wickham University of Oxford, UKUniversity of Birmingham, UK Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Past & Present, gtac046, https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac046 Published: 18 January 2023","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135435523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article offers a new approach to the study of the persecution of the early Christians. Past scholarship on this topic has offered explanations built around inter-religious animosity, which are here exposed as the inevitable result of unquestioned assumptions about those responsible. It offers instead a hypothesis that the driving agency for the violence Christians suffered came from their immediate communities, and even from their fellow Christians. It tests this via three case studies spanning the first three centuries ce and the extent of the Roman empire. In closing, it explores the wide-ranging consequences of a new model — based on local, social tensions rather than homogenized, antagonistic religious ideologies — for early Christian persecution (both its rationale and its reality), early Christianity more widely (scholars’ continuing commitment to binary distinctions between both ‘Rome’ and ‘Christianity’, and the pre- and post-Constantinian periods), and the history of religions as a whole (our assumptions about the dynamics between minority groups and the state, and our privileging of religion in explaining historic violence).
{"title":"By whom were early Christians persecuted?","authors":"James Corke-Webster","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtac041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac041","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a new approach to the study of the persecution of the early Christians. Past scholarship on this topic has offered explanations built around inter-religious animosity, which are here exposed as the inevitable result of unquestioned assumptions about those responsible. It offers instead a hypothesis that the driving agency for the violence Christians suffered came from their immediate communities, and even from their fellow Christians. It tests this via three case studies spanning the first three centuries ce and the extent of the Roman empire. In closing, it explores the wide-ranging consequences of a new model — based on local, social tensions rather than homogenized, antagonistic religious ideologies — for early Christian persecution (both its rationale and its reality), early Christianity more widely (scholars’ continuing commitment to binary distinctions between both ‘Rome’ and ‘Christianity’, and the pre- and post-Constantinian periods), and the history of religions as a whole (our assumptions about the dynamics between minority groups and the state, and our privileging of religion in explaining historic violence).","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"62 48","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Our modern concept of political free speech as an individual political right was first elaborated in detail three hundred years ago by two London journalists, Thomas Gordon and John Trenchard, in their best-selling, endlessly reprinted, anonymous newspaper column, known as ‘Cato’s Letters’ (1720–23). As is well known, Cato’s novel ideas about speech and press freedom proved hugely influential, especially in the American colonies. Because they underpin the peculiar formulation of the First Amendment of the United States’ constitution, their impact is still with us today. But Trenchard and Gordon’s own lives and motives are remarkably obscure, and how they managed to formulate a completely new way of thinking about politics and public debate has remained an unexplored puzzle. Nor has it previously been appreciated that their arguments, as well as refocusing existing discussions of press liberty, directly engaged long-standing concerns about false news and public deception. Drawing on newly discovered printed and manuscript evidence, this essay reveals the deliberately misleading character of their ideology, and the reasons for its hidden partiality. It shows both how political freedom of speech first came to be systematically conceived of as a mechanism for truth, an antidote to falsehood, and the foundation of all liberty — and that, ironically, this new and powerful theory was itself but a partial, biased fiction about the world. That is a paradox whose consequences we are still living with.
{"title":"Inventing Free Speech: Politics, Liberty and Print in Eighteenth-Century England","authors":"Fara Dabhoiwala","doi":"10.1093/pastj/gtac029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtac029","url":null,"abstract":"Our modern concept of political free speech as an individual political right was first elaborated in detail three hundred years ago by two London journalists, Thomas Gordon and John Trenchard, in their best-selling, endlessly reprinted, anonymous newspaper column, known as ‘Cato’s Letters’ (1720–23). As is well known, Cato’s novel ideas about speech and press freedom proved hugely influential, especially in the American colonies. Because they underpin the peculiar formulation of the First Amendment of the United States’ constitution, their impact is still with us today. But Trenchard and Gordon’s own lives and motives are remarkably obscure, and how they managed to formulate a completely new way of thinking about politics and public debate has remained an unexplored puzzle. Nor has it previously been appreciated that their arguments, as well as refocusing existing discussions of press liberty, directly engaged long-standing concerns about false news and public deception. Drawing on newly discovered printed and manuscript evidence, this essay reveals the deliberately misleading character of their ideology, and the reasons for its hidden partiality. It shows both how political freedom of speech first came to be systematically conceived of as a mechanism for truth, an antidote to falsehood, and the foundation of all liberty — and that, ironically, this new and powerful theory was itself but a partial, biased fiction about the world. That is a paradox whose consequences we are still living with.","PeriodicalId":47870,"journal":{"name":"Past & Present","volume":"7 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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