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Governing on the Edge. How International Pressures Shape the Geography of State Power 边缘治理。国际压力如何塑造国家权力版图
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-12-17 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70097
Magnus Åsblad

Most explanations of the territorial unevenness of state capacity in the contemporary non-Western world focus on domestic factors. While international causes may have been crucial in shaping state capacity in Europe in earlier centuries, the logic goes, they are of less relevance for developing countries in the postwar era. This article nuances this picture, by arguing that international factors continue to matter for state-building. Using the geographic location of state institutions as a measure of state capacity, it finds that the spatial distribution of coercive institutions follows a U-shaped pattern: High capacity in the capital, lower in the middle, and then increasing again as one approach a state border. The results thus suggest a need to reconsider accounts that downplay the role of international pressures in shaping state-building after 1945, as well as highlighting the importance of distinguishing between different types of state power.

在当代非西方世界,对国家能力的地域差异的大多数解释都集中在国内因素上。从逻辑上讲,尽管在前几个世纪,国际原因可能在塑造欧洲的国家能力方面发挥了关键作用,但对战后时代的发展中国家来说,它们的相关性较低。这篇文章通过论述国际因素对国家建设的影响,使这幅图景有所不同。利用国家机构的地理位置作为衡量国家能力的指标,研究发现强制性机构的空间分布遵循u型模式:首都的能力高,中部的能力低,然后在接近国家边界时再次增加。因此,研究结果表明,有必要重新考虑那些低估1945年后国际压力在塑造国家建设中的作用的说法,以及强调区分不同类型国家权力的重要性的说法。
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引用次数: 0
Technocrats, Reputation, and Responsiveness in Policy Explanation 政策解释中的技术官僚、声誉和回应
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-12-17 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70103
Michele Scotto di Vettimo, Christel Koop

In contemporary democracies, independent technocratic bodies take many key policy decisions. The organizations are meant to avoid traditional policy responsiveness, but still have processes in place to take into account societal views. Our study analyzes how pressure on technocratic bodies affects the audience orientation of their policy explanations. Taking a reputational perspective, we argue that the policy explanations provided by technocrats whose legitimacy depends on their outcomes will be influenced by performance-based reputational threats. We hypothesize that such threats—whether based on perceptions or performance indicators—lead technocrats to orient themselves more toward the wider public, which we operationalize as accessibility and people centeredness of the language. We test our hypotheses on a new dataset of speeches of members of the Bank of England's Monetary Policy Committee (1997–2024). Though accessibility cannot be traced back to performance-based threats, people centeredness is affected. Yet, while negative performance-based perceptions are associated with more people-centered policy explanation, negative measured performance leads technocrats to center less on people. Our findings contribute to the literature on reputation, audience orientation, and communicative responsiveness, and suggest differential effects based on whether performance is perceived or measured.

在当代民主国家,独立的技术官僚机构做出了许多关键的政策决定。这些组织的目的是避免传统的政策响应,但仍然有适当的程序来考虑社会观点。我们的研究分析了技术官僚机构的压力如何影响其政策解释的受众导向。从声誉的角度来看,我们认为技术官僚提供的政策解释(其合法性取决于其结果)将受到基于绩效的声誉威胁的影响。我们假设,这种威胁——无论是基于感知还是基于表现指标——会导致技术官僚更倾向于面向更广泛的公众,我们将其作为语言的可访问性和以人为中心来运作。我们在英格兰银行货币政策委员会成员(1997-2024)演讲的新数据集上测试了我们的假设。虽然可访问性不能追溯到基于性能的威胁,但以人为中心受到了影响。然而,尽管消极的基于绩效的看法与更多以人为本的政策解释有关,但消极的衡量绩效导致技术官僚更少以人为本。我们的研究结果为声誉、受众导向和交际反应的文献做出了贡献,并提出了基于绩效是被感知还是被衡量的不同影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Embedded Network: Institutional Constraints on Collaborative Governance in Indonesia's Aviation Safety Program 嵌入式网络:印尼航空安全项目协同治理的制度约束
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-12-09 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70100
Oke Hendra, Eko Prasojo, Reza Fathurrahman

Why do collaborative governance reforms so often falter in non-Western states with deep administrative traditions? This article argues that while managerial practice is relevant, the primary cause of these shortcomings lies in macro-level institutional constraints that powerfully shape network outcomes. Through a qualitative case study of Indonesia's mandated State Safety Program (SSP), we trace the network's observed meso-level pathologies—a weak ad hoc hub and fragmentation—to their macro-level institutional origins. Our analysis identifies three primary constraining forces: path dependency stemming from macro-policy, the historical legacy of a siloed state, and friction from entrenched bureaucratic logics. The primary contribution of this research is to advance institutional theory by specifying a clear multi-level causal mechanism linking macro-level state institutional constraints to the network's meso-level structure and its micro-level procedural dysfunctions. We conclude that for collaborative governance to be effective, reform efforts must shift from improving micro-level behaviors to strategically targeting the fundamental institutional “rules of the game”.

为什么在有着深厚行政传统的非西方国家,合作治理改革总是步履蹒跚?本文认为,虽然管理实践是相关的,但这些缺陷的主要原因在于强有力地塑造网络结果的宏观层面的制度约束。通过对印度尼西亚强制性国家安全计划(SSP)的定性案例研究,我们将该网络观察到的中观层面病理——薄弱的临时中心和碎片化——追溯到宏观层面的制度根源。我们的分析确定了三种主要的制约力量:源于宏观政策的路径依赖,孤立国家的历史遗产,以及根深蒂固的官僚逻辑带来的摩擦。本研究的主要贡献是通过明确宏观层面的国家制度约束与网络中观结构及其微观层面的程序功能障碍之间的多层次因果机制,推动了制度理论的发展。我们的结论是,要使协同治理有效,改革努力必须从改善微观层面的行为转向战略上针对根本的制度“游戏规则”。
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引用次数: 0
Administrative Burdens as a Mechanism of Distributive Politics: How Organizational Brokers and Politicians Exploit Access Burdens to Social Housing in Mexico City 行政负担作为分配政治的机制:组织经纪人和政治家如何利用墨西哥城社会住房的获取负担
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-12-08 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70099
Rik Peeters, Miguel Ángel Brito Sánchez

This article presents a case study of Mexico City's social housing policy to expand our understanding of administrative burdens as a mechanism of political control over access to services and benefits. Faced with excessive and unclear waiting times for obtaining social housing via the city's social housing institute, citizens affiliate with social organizations that promise a reduction of those burdens in exchange for participation in collective protests and political proselytism to both sway and pressure local authorities and politicians to grant funding for housing projects and speed up construction permits. Vulnerable citizens in need of housing are captured in a political economy of administrative burdens conditioned by resource shortages in the formal bureaucracy and political leverage over the reduction of burdens. Understanding how political patronage may become engrained in policy implementation is relevant for the Global South but also for other contexts where concerns are growing over the weaponization of the state for political gain.

本文以墨西哥城的社会住房政策为例,拓展我们对行政负担作为一种政治控制服务和福利获取机制的理解。面对通过城市社会住房机构获得社会住房的漫长而不明确的等待时间,与社会组织有联系的公民承诺减轻这些负担,以参与集体抗议和政治改变,以影响和迫使地方当局和政治家为住房项目提供资金,并加快建设许可。需要住房的脆弱公民被困在行政负担的政治经济中,这种负担是由正式官僚机构的资源短缺和减轻负担的政治杠杆所决定的。了解政治庇护如何在政策实施中根深蒂固,不仅与全球南方国家有关,也与其他越来越关注国家为政治利益而武器化的情况有关。
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引用次数: 0
The Public's Willingness to Pay More Local Taxes to Deal With Wild Animals in the City 公众愿意支付更多的地方税来处理城市中的野生动物
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-12-05 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70098
Itai Beeri

Since Earth has entered the Anthropocene era, municipalities face growing challenges in managing interactions between humans and nature. Yet, limited research addresses the actual practices of coping with such situations, particularly within public administration, policy, and politics. To date, no systematic theory or methodology adequately captures the dynamics of animals as political agents, local governance, and policy support. Recent studies have begun to close this gap by examining governance and political participation in response to wild boars, support for local environmental morality policies, and the governance challenges posed by perceived harm. Building on these contributions, the present study introduces willingness to pay additional local taxes as a novel indicator of policy support, linking human–wildlife interactions to public finance, distributive fairness, and citizen compliance. Drawing on a quantitative, large-scale survey experiment (2020) and a choice-based conjoint analysis, supplemented by longitudinal trend indicators (2019–2024) for contextualization, we examine the individual, environmental, and political factors shaping residents' support for a local policy aimed at addressing urban environmental challenges. We use respondents' willingness to pay more taxes as a proxy for their support of the policy. Our findings show that individual and environmental factors negatively influence this willingness, whereas political incentives exert a positive effect. Unexpectedly, greater access to policy information generated information overload, which reduced public support. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for urban politics, approaches to managing wild animals in cities, and support for local environmental policies.

自从地球进入人类世时代以来,市政当局在管理人与自然之间的互动方面面临着越来越大的挑战。然而,有限的研究解决了应对这种情况的实际做法,特别是在公共行政,政策和政治方面。到目前为止,还没有系统的理论或方法充分捕捉到动物作为政治代理人、地方治理和政策支持的动态。最近的研究已经开始缩小这一差距,通过检查应对野猪的治理和政治参与,对当地环境道德政策的支持,以及感知伤害带来的治理挑战。在这些贡献的基础上,本研究引入了支付额外地方税的意愿作为政策支持的新指标,将人类与野生动物的互动与公共财政、分配公平和公民合规联系起来。通过定量的大规模调查实验(2020年)和基于选择的联合分析,辅以纵向趋势指标(2019-2024年)进行情境化,我们研究了影响居民对旨在应对城市环境挑战的地方政策支持的个人、环境和政治因素。我们用受访者支付更多税收的意愿来代表他们对政策的支持。我们的研究结果表明,个人和环境因素对这种意愿有负向影响,而政治激励则有正向影响。出乎意料的是,更多的政策信息的获取产生了信息过载,这减少了公众的支持。最后,我们讨论了这些发现对城市政治、管理城市野生动物的方法以及对当地环境政策的支持的影响。
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引用次数: 0
In the Midnight Hour: Participatory Opportunities in Regulatory Policymaking During Presidential Transitions 午夜时分:总统换届期间监管政策制定的参与性机会
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-12-05 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70095
Steven J. Balla, Christopher Carrigan, Colin Emrich, Sean Paul

We examine opportunities for stakeholder participation in regulatory policymaking in the U.S. during the midnight period, the 3 months between the presidential election in November and the inauguration of the winning candidate the following January. During partisan presidential transitions, do agencies—in a sprint to the regulatory finish line—limit stakeholder participation? We develop a novel typology of midnight regulations and construct an original data set of nearly 1000 rules developed during several presidential administrations. Our analysis demonstrates that, contrary to conventional wisdom, midnight regulations do not exhibit a deficiency in participatory opportunities. In fact, rules proposed early in presidential terms that are promulgated during midnight periods are characterized by relatively expansive opportunities for participation. Normatively, the robustness of opportunities for participation during presidential transitions suggests that midnight regulations do not suffer from a lack of democratic legitimacy, at least with respect to inviting stakeholder input.

我们研究了利益相关者在午夜期间参与美国监管政策制定的机会,即11月总统选举和次年1月获胜候选人就职典礼之间的3个月。在两党总统换届期间,各机构在向监管终点冲刺时,是否会限制利益相关者的参与?我们开发了一种新的午夜规则类型,并构建了一个原始数据集,其中包含了几届总统执政期间制定的近1000条规则。我们的分析表明,与传统观点相反,午夜规定并未表现出参与性机会的缺乏。事实上,总统任期初期提出的规则在午夜期间颁布,其特点是参与机会相对广泛。从规范上讲,总统过渡期间参与机会的稳固性表明,午夜监管不会受到缺乏民主合法性的影响,至少在邀请利益相关者参与方面是如此。
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引用次数: 0
New Leader, New Policy? Bureaucratic Turnover and Policy Stability in China 新领导人,新政策?中国的官僚更替与政策稳定
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-12-02 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70094
Zhiwei Liu

This paper examines the relationship between bureaucratic turnover and policy stability in China, arguing that the effect of promotion competition on policy choice is not static but has undergone a fundamental inversion. While the existing literature suggests competition incentivized policy innovation in the pre-2012 era, we theorize that the logic has been inverted. Drawing on a dataset of 267 prefecture-level cities from 2005 to 2015, we first confirm that leadership turnover significantly reduces policy stability. More importantly, our structural break analysis reveals that in the post-2012 era of heightened political discipline, intense competition now compels officials towards policy stability as a risk-averse strategy for career advancement. This study provides direct evidence of a temporal shift in bureaucratic incentives, refining our understanding of governance in non-Western centralized states.

本文考察了中国官僚更替与政策稳定性之间的关系,认为晋升竞争对政策选择的影响不是静态的,而是发生了根本性的反转。虽然现有文献表明竞争激励了2012年之前的政策创新,但我们的理论认为逻辑已经颠倒了。利用2005年至2015年267个地级市的数据集,我们首先证实了领导层更替显著降低了政策稳定性。更重要的是,我们的结构性断裂分析显示,在2012年后政治纪律加强的时代,激烈的竞争现在迫使官员们将政策稳定作为一种规避职业发展风险的策略。这项研究为官僚激励机制的时间变迁提供了直接证据,完善了我们对非西方中央集权国家治理的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Glass Ceiling or Merit? Gender, Promotion, and Judicial Careers in a Civil Law System 玻璃天花板还是功绩?大陆法系下的性别、晋升与司法职业
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70096
Joan-Josep Vallbé, Carmen Ramírez-Folch, Mario Lozano-Martín

This paper examines how institutional mechanisms shape gender disparities in judicial promotion within a career-based civil-law system, where judges advance through merit-based hierarchies punctuated by discretionary appointments to higher courts. By design, civil-law judiciaries are typically governed by bureaucratic, merit-based promotion procedures. Yet even in such systems, women remain underrepresented in senior judicial positions. We develop a model to distinguish between two mechanisms— promotion aversion and sex discrimination—and derive empirically testable implications. Drawing on a unique longitudinal dataset covering the full careers of nearly 7000 Spanish judges from 2005 to 2023, we combine survival models, matched mixed-effects regressions, and data on voluntary specialization exams to analyze career advancement. Our results show that promotion aversion and sex discrimination operate at different stages of judicial careers: women who apply for promotion are highly qualified and successful in early-career moves, but face structural barriers in later discretionary appointments. These findings challenge assumptions about the neutrality of bureaucratic promotion systems and underscore the role of institutional discretion in reproducing inequality. The paper contributes to comparative studies of career public servants and the governance of judicial hierarchies.

本文研究了在以职业为基础的民法制度中,制度机制如何塑造司法晋升中的性别差异,在这种制度中,法官通过以绩效为基础的等级制度晋升,并由自由裁量任命到更高的法院。按照设计,大陆法系的司法机构通常是由官僚主义的、基于绩效的晋升程序管理的。然而,即使在这样的制度中,妇女担任高级司法职位的人数仍然不足。我们开发了一个模型来区分两种机制-晋升厌恶和性别歧视-并得出经验可检验的含义。利用一个独特的纵向数据集,涵盖了近7000名西班牙法官从2005年到2023年的整个职业生涯,我们结合生存模型、匹配混合效应回归和自愿专业考试的数据来分析职业发展。我们的研究结果表明,晋升厌恶和性别歧视在司法职业的不同阶段都存在:申请晋升的女性在职业生涯的早期是非常合格和成功的,但在后来的自由裁量任命中面临结构性障碍。这些发现挑战了关于官僚晋升制度中立性的假设,并强调了制度自由裁量权在再现不平等方面的作用。本文有助于职业公务员与司法等级治理的比较研究。
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引用次数: 0
There Is No Rose Without a Thorn: Examining the Contribution of Collaborative Platforms to Sustaining Collaborative Governance 没有不带刺的玫瑰:考察协作平台对维持协作治理的贡献
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70090
Dominik Beckers, Luca Mora, Federico Platania, Paolo Gerli

This study investigates the extent to which collaborative platforms contribute to strengthening the collaborative governance capacity of municipal governments, focusing on smart city development as an empirical context. Drawing on survey data from 289 municipal government officials and using a multinomial logit model, we test eight hypotheses linking collaborative platforms to key dimensions of collaborative governance: knowledge sharing, innovation culture, competences, strategic orientation, monitoring, vertical and internal coordination, and decision-making power. Our findings challenge the prevailing assumption that such platforms are uniformly beneficial. While their presence might support some collaborative governance dimensions, their contribution is less certain in others. Moreover, in some cases, our data shows that municipalities managing collaborative governance initiatives by means of a collaborative platform might perform just as well or even worse than those without one. These results suggest that expectations about collaborative platforms should be more carefully calibrated. By critically examining the contribution of collaborative platforms across key dimensions of collaborative governance, this study advances theoretical understanding and offers actionable insights for municipal platform managers and policymakers.

本研究以智慧城市发展为实证背景,探讨了协同平台对加强市政府协同治理能力的贡献程度。本文利用289位市政府官员的调查数据,运用多项logit模型,检验了协作平台与协同治理关键维度(知识共享、创新文化、能力、战略导向、监控、纵向和内部协调以及决策权)之间的8个关联假设。我们的发现挑战了主流的假设,即这些平台都是有益的。虽然它们的存在可能支持某些协作治理维度,但它们在其他方面的贡献不太确定。此外,在某些情况下,我们的数据显示,通过协作平台管理协作治理计划的市政当局可能与没有协作平台的市政当局表现一样好,甚至更差。这些结果表明,对协作平台的期望应该更仔细地校准。通过批判性地考察协作平台在协作治理的关键维度上的贡献,本研究推进了理论理解,并为市政平台管理者和政策制定者提供了可操作的见解。
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引用次数: 0
United in Diversity? EU Core-Periphery Divides at the Time of the Green Transition 多元团结?绿色转型时期欧盟核心与外围的分化
IF 3.1 3区 管理学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-11-21 DOI: 10.1111/gove.70089
Dario Guarascio, Jelena Reljic, Annamaria Simonazzi

This work analyses the structural implications of the green transition and of the ‘new industrial policy’ aimed at achieving its main goals. Focusing on the European case, a thorough mapping of the structural factors–i.e., share of energy intensive industries, green technological capabilities, green state aid–potentially shaping the distribution of costs and benefits among countries is provided. Building on this mapping, the EU's green industrial policy is thoroughly analyzed, assessing whether it is going to exacerbate internal divides, further weakening the EU in the new global context; or to revitalize convergence, with the periphery catching up in terms of productive and technological capabilities. We show that, although broad and well-articulated, the EU's green industrial policy strategy does not seem apt to the task of pursuing the twofold goal of accelerating the green transition and fostering internal convergence.

这项工作分析了绿色转型和旨在实现其主要目标的“新产业政策”的结构含义。以欧洲为例,对结构性因素进行了全面的分析。例如,能源密集型产业的份额、绿色技术能力、绿色政府援助——这些因素可能会影响各国之间的成本和收益分配。在此基础上,深入分析了欧盟的绿色产业政策,评估其是否会加剧内部分歧,在新的全球背景下进一步削弱欧盟;或者重振融合,让外围国家在生产和技术能力方面迎头赶上。我们表明,尽管欧盟的绿色产业政策战略广泛而清晰,但似乎并不适合于追求加速绿色转型和促进内部融合的双重目标。
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引用次数: 0
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Governance-An International Journal of Policy Administration and Institutions
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