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The Neighborhood Effect: The Imperial Roots of Regional Fracture in Eurasia. By Anna Ohanyan. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2022. 312p. $65.00 cloth. 邻里效应:欧亚大陆区域断裂的帝国根源。作者:Anna Ohanyan。加利福尼亚州斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,2022年。312页$65.00布。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001524
R. Suny
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引用次数: 0
Response to Andrew S. Rosenberg’s Review of Crossing: How We Label and React to People on the Move 回应Andrew S.Rosenberg对Crossing的评论:我们如何给移动中的人贴标签和做出反应
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723001135
R. Hamlin
North. Crossing then describes how Global South states developed and signed regional refugee agreements—the Organization of African Unity Convention of 1969 and the 1984 Cartagena Declaration on Refugees—to address their concerns with the global regime (pp. 99-107). While these regional agreements represent key fixtures of Global South resistance and solidarity, case studies of treatment of Syrians in the Middle East and Venezuelans in Latin America reveal how the migrant/refugee binary continues to structure political responses and public opinion toward mass displacement. Hamlin also provides illustrative case studies of Europe and the United States to show how the labels affixed to people on the move structure political discourse in both the North and South. In both cases, the problem with maintaining the binary is that it obscures external causes of displacement and allows contemporary anti-migrant sentiment to fester. For example, recognizing that the United States’ interventions in Central America sowed the seeds of contemporary mass movements breaks down the necessity of the migrant/refugee distinction, and it raises important questions about the rights of those affected by such coercive interventions. Crossing’s exploration of the origin and effect of the migrant/refugee binary puts it at the center of modern migration debates. However, this centrality, scope, and ambition also raise several further questions. First, what is the role of race in perpetuating themigrant/refugee binary? Hamlin selectively touches on issues of race, most notably in its discussions of colonialism (pp. 30, 34-36) and European responses to Mediterranean arrivals (p. 123). Yet, while these discussions reveal that racial discrimination and white supremacy likely shaped the emergence of restrictive migration policies and unequal sovereignty in the postwar era, there is little discussion of the role race played in the construction of the migrant/refugee binary itself. Hamlin discusses how the terms “migrant” and “refugee” are politically constructed to minimize the suffering and exploitation of the non-white Global South. But racial perceptions seem to lurk in that minimization, and they go undiscussed. For instance, we learn that the migrant/refugee binary allowsGlobal North states to avoid acknowledging how colonialism caused mass migration and displacement. But how do racialized perceptions lead European publics to assume that migrants are undesirable economic actors? A second question is how we should think about solutions to the migrant/refugee binary. This problem is thorny because the binary has become received wisdom in the scholarly, lay, and policy-making communities. This ideology is difficult to subvert because, as several chapters in Crossing reveal, politicians and citizens use it to warrant restrictive migration policies. But what should be done? Hamlin implores us to “move beyond binary” thinking, which she associates with avoiding discussing the culp
北Crossing随后描述了全球南方国家如何制定和签署区域难民协议——1969年《非洲统一组织公约》和1984年《卡塔赫纳难民宣言》——以解决他们对全球制度的担忧(第99-107页)。虽然这些区域协议代表了全球南方抵抗和团结的关键因素,但对中东叙利亚人和拉丁美洲委内瑞拉人待遇的案例研究揭示了移民/难民二元关系如何继续构成对大规模流离失所的政治反应和公众舆论。哈姆林还提供了对欧洲和美国的例证性案例研究,以展示贴在移动中的人身上的标签是如何构建北方和南方的政治话语的。在这两种情况下,维持二元性的问题在于,它掩盖了流离失所的外部原因,并使当代反移民情绪恶化。例如,认识到美国对中美洲的干预播下了当代大规模运动的种子,就打破了移民/难民区别的必要性,并对受这种胁迫性干预影响的人的权利提出了重要问题。Crossing对移民/难民二元的起源和影响的探索使其成为现代移民辩论的中心。然而,这种中心性、范围和雄心也提出了几个进一步的问题。首先,种族在移民/难民二元对立中的作用是什么?哈姆林有选择地谈到了种族问题,最引人注目的是关于殖民主义的讨论(第30、34-36页)和欧洲对地中海移民的反应(第123页)。然而,尽管这些讨论表明,种族歧视和白人至上主义可能影响了战后限制性移民政策和不平等主权的出现,但很少讨论种族在移民/难民二元结构本身的构建中所起的作用。哈姆林讨论了“移民”和“难民”这两个术语是如何在政治上构建的,以最大限度地减少非白人全球南方的痛苦和剥削。但种族观念似乎潜伏在这种最小化中,而且没有得到讨论。例如,我们了解到,移民/难民二元法允许全球北方国家避免承认殖民主义是如何导致大规模移民和流离失所的。但是,种族化的观念是如何导致欧洲公众认为移民是不受欢迎的经济行为者的呢?第二个问题是,我们应该如何思考解决移民/难民二元问题的办法。这个问题很棘手,因为二元论已经成为学术界、非学术界和决策界公认的智慧。正如《穿越》中的几章所揭示的那样,这种意识形态很难被颠覆,因为政客和公民利用它来支持限制性的移民政策。但是该怎么办呢?哈姆林恳求我们“超越二元思维”,她认为这与避免讨论越境者的罪责有关,并将他们称为一个奇点,而不是不同的类型(第161页)。这些呼吁令人钦佩,但它们是以被动的声音表达的。我想知道谁需要改变他们的行为,以及这些改变发生的前景。例如,如果这个呼吁指的是学术,那么我们必须处理学术在公共生活中的角色这个令人不安的问题:学术声音有多重要?说服像难民署这样的组织改变其难民治理和行动主义的方法的最佳方式是什么,特别是考虑到二元对立在增强其组织合法性方面发挥的作用?如果这个电话是针对决策者或公众的,那么它就提出了最后一个问题。考虑到1)政客们面临的选举激励,2)之前讨论的种族和种族主义问题,以及3)公众通常对精英线索的反应,是否有可能超越二元对立?正如哈姆林提醒我们的那样,政客们继续在反越境者的言论上进行交易,他们这样做可能是因为它有效。这个看似可怕的问题,尤其是在全球北方,为未来的研究提供了一条重要的前进道路,而《不良移民》的结论也指向了同一个方向。哈姆林的论点指出,打破导致国际移民结构性不平等加剧的条件,需要深入了解各国如何做出政策决策,这在一定程度上取决于移民/难民的二元性。破坏这种二元性强调,学者们必须在政治传播和移民研究的交叉点上工作,调查领导人对选民的权力,以及教育公众克服霸凌讲坛力量的方法。重申一下,《穿越》是一本重要的书,将引发重大辩论。 不出所料,这本书论点的范围和重要性提出的问题比它回答的问题更多,但气候移民的迫在眉睫的威胁继续揭示了以平等的道德价值对待所有越境者的重要性,无论他们被认为有罪或动机如何。哈姆林进一步证实了这项任务的困难,因为它暗示了道德价值、值得尊敬和种族不幸仍将高度相关的真实程度。
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引用次数: 0
Looking Backward, Looking Forward 向前看,向前看
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001925
M. Bernhard, Daniel I. O’neill
This issue marks the last of our six years as the editorial team of Perspectives on Politics. It has been both a richly rewarding and exhausting journey, as well as a labor of love. As with all journeys, some of what we encountered along the way was foreseeable, but much of it was not. For example, we knew that Donald Trump’s presidency would be consequential and in many ways unprecedented when we assumed the helm in June 2017, but not that he would become the first president to be impeached twice, or the first to attempt to overturn presidential election results and violently prevent the peaceful transfer of power, thereby threatening the republic’s very foundations. We had no idea what COVID-19 was, or that it would go on to kill more than one million people in the United States alone. Nor could we foresee that the murder of George Floyd would spark the greatest wave of protest in the United States since the 1960s. Nor yet again did we know that more than seventy-five years after the end of World War II, there would be a major European land war between two former Soviet Republics. Yet we felt compelled to respond to each of these world historical moments as they unfolded in real time, while also attempting to modernize and innovate with respect to the journal’s publication procedures and to stay true to its substantive mission.
本期标志着我们担任《政治观点》编辑团队六年的最后一年。这既是一次收获颇丰、令人疲惫的旅程,也是一次充满爱的劳动。和所有的旅程一样,我们一路上遇到的一些事情是可以预见的,但大部分都不是。例如,当我们在2017年6月上任时,我们就知道唐纳德·特朗普的总统任期将产生重大影响,在许多方面都是前所未有的,但他不会成为第一位被弹劾两次的总统,也不会成为第一个试图推翻总统选举结果并暴力阻止权力和平移交的总统,从而威胁到共和国的根基。我们不知道新冠肺炎是什么,也不知道仅在美国就将导致100多万人死亡。我们也无法预见乔治·弗洛伊德的谋杀会在美国引发自20世纪60年代以来最大的抗议浪潮。我们也不知道,在第二次世界大战结束75年后,两个前苏联共和国之间将发生一场重大的欧洲陆地战争。然而,当这些世界历史时刻实时展开时,我们感到不得不对它们做出回应,同时也试图在期刊出版程序方面进行现代化和创新,并忠于其实质性使命。
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引用次数: 0
Creating Human Nature: The Political Challenges of Genetic Engineering. By Benjamin Gregg. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2022. 250p. $105.00 cloth, $34.99 paper. 创造人性:基因工程的政治挑战。本杰明·格雷格著。纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2022年。250便士$105.00布,34.99美元纸。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001858
C. Farrelly
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引用次数: 0
Frustrated Majorities: How Issue Intensity Enables Smaller Groups of Voters to Get What They Want. By Seth J. Hill. Cambridge University Press, 2022. 236p. $34.99 paper. 失望的大多数人:问题强度如何使较小的选民群体得到他们想要的。作者:赛斯·J·希尔。剑桥大学出版社,2022。236页$34.99篇论文。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001214
Kirby Goidel, Nicholas T. Davis, Keith J. Gaddie
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引用次数: 1
Response to Geoffrey Swenson’s Review of Domination Through Law: The Internationalization of Legal Norms in Postcolonial Africa 对杰弗里·斯文森《通过法律来统治》评论的回应:后殖民时期非洲法律规范的国际化
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723001780
Mohamed Sesay
democracy and the only country in Southeast Asia rated “free” by FreedomHouse. While domestic actors deserve the most credit, international assistance played a modest but important role. These inquiries, however, should not detract from the book’s many virtues. Chief among these is the rich, vivid, and persuasive account of legal, political, and economic development in Sierra Leone and Liberia that spans centuries. More broadly, the book offers a valuable corrective to the popular discourse that it is enough to simply focus on the state justice system and that anything claiming to be the rule of law should be taken at face value.
也是东南亚唯一一个被自由之家评为“自由”的国家。虽然国内行为者应该得到最大的赞誉,但国际援助发挥了适度但重要的作用。然而,这些质疑不应减损这本书的诸多优点。其中最主要的是对塞拉利昂和利比里亚跨越几个世纪的法律、政治和经济发展的丰富、生动和有说服力的描述。更广泛地说,这本书为一种流行的说法提供了有价值的纠正,即仅仅关注国家司法系统就足够了,任何声称是法治的东西都应该从表面上看。
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引用次数: 2
Demagogues in American Politics. By Charles U. Zug. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 224p. $99.00 cloth, $29.95 paper. 美国政治中的煽动家。查尔斯·祖格著。纽约:牛津大学出版社,2022。224便士。布$99.00,纸$29.95。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001305
Bruce Peabody
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Immigration Beyond Liberal States: Morocco and Tunisia in Comparative Perspective. By Katharina Natter. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2022. 280p. $99.99 cloth. 自由国家之外的移民政治:摩洛哥和突尼斯的比较视角。作者:Katharina Natter。纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2022年。280便士$99.99布。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001500
Laurie A. Brand
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引用次数: 0
Response to Joel Ng’s Review of Hybrid Sovereignty in World Politics 吴卓尔《世界政治中的混合主权》述评
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723001081
Swati Srivastava
practices—and how private entities engage in and even capture sovereign functions through this ambiguity— form the central contribution of this book. Its discussion between the conceptual issues of “ideal types” against the need for these to form markers along a spectrum for analytical purposes is excellent. A final thought that the book raises is one of how we go about analysing fundamental concepts in political science. Humankind as knowledge-maker is prone to categorization and ordering of types to make sense of our world. But reality, whether evolutionary or social, often operates along spectra without discrete markers between “types” except those we impose. As Srivastava reminds us, while we may use the concepts instrumentally, we should be mindful that it is a methodological step that risks obscuring nuance and variation that are the source of evolving conceptions. This prompts the final question that is only hinted at in the book: How might this book’s insights inform our understanding of the future evolution of sovereignty? This would entail asking about the conditions though which sovereign power moves between public and private: How large are these hybrid spaces where private entities may wield sovereign power? What causes retreat of the state or of the quasi-sovereign? This has largely been the domain of critical theorists following Carl Schmitt (see Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty, 1985; Giorgio Agamben, State of Exception, 2005), but the empirical study is sorely in need of updating for the twenty-first century.
实践——以及私人实体如何通过这种模糊性参与甚至获得主权职能——构成了本书的核心贡献。它在“理想类型”的概念问题与为了分析目的需要这些类型沿着光谱形成标记之间进行了非常好的讨论。本书提出的最后一个想法是,我们如何分析政治学中的基本概念。人类作为知识的创造者,倾向于对类型进行分类和排序,以理解我们的世界。但现实,无论是进化的还是社会的,通常都是沿着光谱运行的,除了我们强加的那些,在“类型”之间没有离散的标记。正如斯里瓦斯塔瓦提醒我们的那样,虽然我们可以使用这些概念作为工具,但我们应该注意,这是一个方法论的步骤,可能会模糊细微差别和变化,而这些细微差别和变化是不断发展的概念的来源。这就引出了最后一个问题,这本书中只暗示了这个问题:这本书的见解将如何帮助我们理解主权的未来演变?这就需要询问主权权力在公共和私人之间移动的条件:私人实体可以行使主权权力的这些混合空间有多大?是什么导致了国家或准主权者的退缩?这在很大程度上是卡尔·施密特之后的批判理论家的领域(见施密特,政治神学:关于主权概念的四章,1985;Giorgio Agamben, State of Exception, 2005),但实证研究迫切需要更新,以适应21世纪。
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引用次数: 0
How Policies Make Interest Groups: Governments, Unions, and American Education. By Michael T. Hartney. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2022. 312p. $105.00 cloth, $35.00 paper. 政策如何造就利益集团:政府、工会与美国教育。迈克尔·t·哈特尼著。芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2022。312便士。布105美元,纸35美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S153759272300138X
M. Lyon
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引用次数: 0
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Perspectives on Politics
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