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Hindu Nationalism and the New Jim Crow 印度民族主义与新吉姆克罗
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a915345
Ashutosh Varshney, Connor Staggs
Abstract: This essay draws a parallel between the political and social dynamics of Hindu nationalism in India under Narendra Modi and the policies of racial segregation of the Jim Crow era in the United States (from approximately 1880 to 1965). As with the marginalization of black Americans based on race during Jim Crow, Hindu nationalism aims to marginalize Muslim Indians based on religion. Methods similar to those used in the Jim Crow South—including exclusionary laws, segregation, and vigilante violence—are now being deployed in India to subdue Muslims. Such actions go against the principles of equality established by India's 1950 Constitution. As in the Jim Crow South, the judiciary in India has proven slow to play its assigned role as guarantor of liberal constitutionalism. Friends of liberal, constitutional democracy will be wise not to count on judges to salvage the situation. In the end, only the voters can decide to stop Hindu nationalism, or else underwrite its final advance.
摘要:本文将印度纳伦德拉-莫迪领导下的印度教民族主义的政治和社会动态与美国吉姆-克罗时代(约1880年至1965年)的种族隔离政策相提并论。与吉姆-克罗时代美国黑人因种族原因被边缘化一样,印度教民族主义也旨在因宗教原因边缘化印度穆斯林。与吉姆-克罗南方时期类似的方法--包括排斥性法律、种族隔离和私刑暴力--现在正在印度被用来制服穆斯林。这些行为违背了印度 1950 年宪法确立的平等原则。正如在吉姆-克罗(Jim Crow)南方一样,印度的司法机构在发挥其作为自由宪政保障者的指定作用方面被证明行动迟缓。自由宪政民主的朋友们最好不要指望法官来挽救局面。归根结底,只有选民才能决定阻止印度教民族主义,否则就会为其最后的发展埋下伏笔。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy's Surprising Resilience 民主的惊人韧性
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907684
Steven Levitsky, Lucan A. Way
Abstract: Against widespread perceptions, the authors argue that democracy has proven remarkably resilient in the twenty-first century. Fears of a "reverse wave" or a global "authoritarian resurgence" have yet to be borne out. The vast majority of "third wave" democracies—those that adopted democratic institutions between 1975 and 2000—have long outlived the favorable global conditions that enabled their creation. The authors attribute the resilience of third-wave democracies after the demise of the liberal West's post–Cold War hegemony to economic development and urbanization, and also to the difficulty of consolidating and sustaining an emergent authoritarian regime under competitive political conditions.
摘要:与普遍的看法相反,作者认为民主在21世纪已经被证明具有非凡的弹性。对“反向浪潮”或全球“威权主义复苏”的担忧尚未得到证实。绝大多数“第三波”民主国家——那些在1975年到2000年之间采用民主制度的国家——早已超越了创造它们的有利全球环境。两位作者将自由西方冷战后霸权消亡后第三波民主国家的韧性归因于经济发展和城市化,以及在竞争性政治条件下巩固和维持新兴威权政权的困难。
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引用次数: 0
How Financial Secrecy Undermines Democracy 金融保密如何破坏民主
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907690
Charles Davidson, Ben Judah
Abstract: The expansion and sheer enormity of the financial-secrecy system is undermining democracy to an alarming extent. This system has distorted capitalism and its elites' relationship to taxation and the public realm to such an extent that powerful vested interests are now attached to a financial system that a) conceals kleptocracy, crime, and foreign interference, and b) exacerbates inequality to a degree unrecognized precisely because of the system's secrecy. The state of the public realm shows that capitalism with a secrecy system has become increasingly hard for a democratic polity to hold accountable. Understanding the architecture of the financial-secrecy system, one can identify how to conduct its deconstruction.
摘要:金融保密制度的扩张和庞大正在以惊人的程度破坏民主。这个体系扭曲了资本主义及其精英与税收和公共领域的关系,以至于强大的既得利益集团现在依附于一个金融体系,这个金融体系a)掩盖了盗贼统治、犯罪和外国干涉,b)加剧了不平等,而正是由于这个体系的保密性,这种不平等在某种程度上被忽视了。公共领域的现状表明,拥有保密制度的资本主义已变得越来越难以让一个民主政体问责。了解金融保密体系的结构,就可以确定如何进行解构。
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引用次数: 0
AI's Economic Peril 人工智能的经济风险
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907696
Stephanie A. Bell, Anton Korinek
Abstract: As artificial-intelligence (AI) systems become more capable, their potential labor-market effects may aggravate inequality and by extension undermine democratic governance. Moreover, the interrelationship between democracy and inequality may trigger a feedback loop, whereby increases in inequality undermine democracy, which in turn lead to policies that further increase inequality, giving rise to multiplier effects. In the short term, policies to mitigate AI-induced inequality include steering the direction of advances in AI to enhance human-AI collaboration, strengthening worker power and agency, and adjusting tax codes to not incentivize automating human labor. In the longer term, these policies include distributing the surplus generated by AI and taking measures against the adverse effects of market concentration in the AI industry. Moreover, policies that protect and strengthen democratic processes may lead to virtuous multiplier effects by reducing inequality. We hope that with thoughtful governance societies can harness AI's benefits while ensuring broadly shared prosperity. However, policymakers must act swiftly given AI's rapid development.
摘要:随着人工智能(AI)系统变得越来越强大,其潜在的劳动力市场效应可能会加剧不平等,进而破坏民主治理。此外,民主与不平等之间的相互关系可能会引发一个反馈循环,即不平等的加剧会破坏民主,而民主反过来又会导致进一步加剧不平等的政策,从而产生乘数效应。在短期内,缓解人工智能导致的不平等的政策包括引导人工智能的发展方向,以加强人类与人工智能的协作,加强工人的力量和代理,以及调整税法以不激励自动化的人类劳动。从长期来看,这些政策包括分配人工智能产生的剩余,以及采取措施应对人工智能行业市场集中的不利影响。此外,保护和加强民主进程的政策可能会通过减少不平等而产生良性的乘数效应。我们希望,通过深思熟虑的治理,社会能够利用人工智能的好处,同时确保广泛共享繁荣。然而,鉴于人工智能的快速发展,政策制定者必须迅速采取行动。
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引用次数: 0
Symposium: Artificial Intelligence and Democracy 研讨会:人工智能与民主
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907691
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引用次数: 0
How AI Threatens Democracy 人工智能如何威胁民主
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907693
Sarah Kreps, Doug Kriner
Abstract: The explosive rise of generative AI is already transforming journalism, finance, and medicine, but it could also have a disruptive influence on politics. For example, asking a chatbot how to navigate a complicated bureaucracy or to help draft a letter to an elected official could bolster civic engagement. However, that same technology—with its potential to produce disinformation and misinformation at scale—threatens to interfere with democratic representation, undermine democratic accountability, and corrode social and political trust. This essay analyzes the scope of the threat in each of these spheres and discusses potential guardrails for these misuses, including neural networks used to identify generated content, self-regulation by generative-AI platforms, and greater digital literacy on the part of the public and elites alike.
摘要:生成式人工智能的爆炸性崛起已经改变了新闻、金融和医学,但它也可能对政治产生破坏性影响。例如,询问聊天机器人如何应对复杂的官僚机构,或者帮助起草一封致民选官员的信,都可以促进公民参与。然而,同样的技术——有可能产生大规模的虚假信息和错误信息——有可能干扰民主代表,破坏民主问责制,侵蚀社会和政治信任。本文分析了这些领域的威胁范围,并讨论了这些滥用的潜在防范措施,包括用于识别生成内容的神经网络、生成人工智能平台的自我监管,以及公众和精英们更大的数字素养。
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引用次数: 0
AI and Catastrophic Risk 人工智能与灾难性风险
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907692
Yoshua Bengio
Abstract: Since OpenAI's release of the very large language models Chat-GPT and GPT-4, the potential dangers of AI have garnered widespread public attention. In this essay, the author reviews the threats to democracy posed by the possibility of "rogue AIs," dangerous and powerful AIs that would execute harmful goals, irrespective of whether the outcomes are intended by humans. To mitigate against the risk that rogue AIs present to democracy and geopolitical stability, the author argues that research into safe and defensive AIs should be conducted by a multilateral, international network of research laboratories.
摘要:自从OpenAI发布了超大型语言模型Chat-GPT和GPT-4以来,人工智能的潜在危险引起了公众的广泛关注。在这篇文章中,作者回顾了“流氓人工智能”的可能性对民主构成的威胁,这些危险而强大的人工智能会执行有害的目标,而不管结果是否是人类所希望的。为了减轻流氓人工智能给民主和地缘政治稳定带来的风险,作者认为,对安全和防御性人工智能的研究应该由一个多边的国际研究实验室网络来进行。
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引用次数: 1
Reimagining Democracy for AI 为人工智能重塑民主
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907697
Aviv Ovadya
Abstract: AI advances are shattering assumptions that both our democracies and our international order rely on. Reinventing our "democratic infrastructure" is thus critically necessary—and the author argues that it is also possible. Four interconnected and accelerating democratic paradigm shifts illustrate the potential: representative deliberations, AI augmentation, democracy-as-a-service, and platform democracy. Such innovations provide a viable path toward not just reimagining traditional democracies but enabling the transnational and even global democratic processes critical for addressing the broader challenges posed by destabilizing AI advances—including those relating to AI alignment and global agreements. We can and must rapidly invest in such democratic innovation if we are to ensure that our democratic capacity increases with our power.
摘要:人工智能的进步正在打破我们的民主国家和国际秩序所依赖的假设。因此,重塑我们的“民主基础设施”是非常必要的——作者认为这也是可能的。四个相互关联且正在加速的民主范式转变说明了这种潜力:代议制审议、人工智能增强、民主即服务和平台民主。这些创新提供了一条可行的道路,不仅可以重塑传统民主,还可以实现跨国甚至全球民主进程,这对于解决人工智能进步带来的不稳定挑战至关重要,包括与人工智能结盟和全球协议有关的挑战。如果我们要确保我们的民主能力随着我们的力量而增强,我们能够而且必须迅速投资于这种民主创新。
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引用次数: 0
How Erdoğan Rules Through Crisis Erdoğan如何度过危机
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907689
Senem Aydın-Düzgit, Mustafa Kutlay, E. Fuat Keyman
Abstract: What does the enduring rule of Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan tell us about the resilience of authoritarian populism despite economic and governance crises? This essay argues that a key source of authoritarian resilience lies in the mutually reinforcing interaction of state capture and market capture. The AKP government not only established firm control over state institutions but also reshaped state-market relations in a way that helped the party build an extensive network that closely ties different segments of society to the state. The authors maintain that the fallout from Turkey's growing crisis of governance is not felt evenly across society and thus defies expectations that economic and governance crises necessarily result in the downfall of an authoritarian-populist regime.
摘要:土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普Erdoğan的长期统治告诉我们,在经济和治理危机的情况下,威权民粹主义的复原力是什么?本文认为,专制弹性的一个关键来源在于国家控制和市场控制的相互加强的互动。正义与发展党政府不仅建立了对国家机构的牢固控制,而且重塑了国家与市场的关系,帮助该党建立了一个广泛的网络,将社会不同阶层与国家紧密联系在一起。作者认为,土耳其日益严重的治理危机所带来的影响并没有在整个社会中得到均匀的感受,因此,人们并不认为经济和治理危机必然会导致独裁-民粹主义政权的垮台。
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引用次数: 0
How Guatemala Defied the Odds 危地马拉是如何战胜困难的
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1353/jod.2023.a907685
Rachel A. Schwartz, Anita Isaacs
Abstract: Guatemala has experienced sustained democratic backsliding, including the manipulation of the 2023 electoral playing field. Yet, against the odds, Guatemalan citizens defied the ruling regime's electoral authoritarian strategy, voting an anticorruption reformer into power. This article analyzes Guatemala's (anti)democratic trajectory and explains how opposition actors resisted further backsliding during the 2023 electoral process. The authors argue that the Guatemalan regime reflects a "criminal oligarchy," and examine how rule-of-law advances prompted elite backlash that eviscerated democratic institutions. The unexpected 2023 electoral outcome, however, illustrates the possibilities of exploiting fissures in the criminal-oligarchic coalition to arrest authoritarian consolidation.
摘要:危地马拉经历了持续的民主倒退,包括对2023年选举竞争环境的操纵。然而,尽管困难重重,危地马拉人民蔑视统治政权的选举独裁策略,投票给一名反腐改革者掌权。本文分析危地马拉的(反)民主轨迹,并解释反对派如何在2023年选举过程中抵制进一步倒退。作者认为,危地马拉政权反映了一个“犯罪的寡头政治”,并研究了法治的进步是如何引发精英阶层的强烈反对,从而破坏了民主制度。然而,2023年出人意料的选举结果表明,利用犯罪寡头联盟的裂痕来阻止威权巩固的可能性。
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Journal of Democracy
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