Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a922843
Patrick J. Deneen
Abstract: Bryan Garsten claims that most treatments of liberalism today take the form either of "autopsy" or "demonology," and that defenses of liberalism are either "plaintive or desperate." While the former might be true, the latter description misses the mark. In the American case, "Refuge" as the basis of a political order is merely the progressive telling not just of what become hidden forms of "exodus," but a particular kind of exodus that has been bound up with liberalism's origin and history. In the current era, the state is seen forcing "refuges" such as churches, religious organizations, and other traditional communities to conform to progressivist ideology. Even as the progressive liberal state has insinuated itself into every facet of life, a different kind of exodus has predominated in contemporary U.S. society. That exodus—no longer inspired by a belief in "refuge"—takes the form of individual detachment from any community or membership. We are faced now with the prospect of having to live together, a nation of refugees who must cease an exodus into our interior deserts and instead learn the art of making a common home.
{"title":"A Refuge from Liberalism?","authors":"Patrick J. Deneen","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a922843","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922843","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Bryan Garsten claims that most treatments of liberalism today take the form either of \"autopsy\" or \"demonology,\" and that defenses of liberalism are either \"plaintive or desperate.\" While the former might be true, the latter description misses the mark. In the American case, \"Refuge\" as the basis of a political order is merely the progressive telling not just of what become hidden forms of \"exodus,\" but a particular kind of exodus that has been bound up with liberalism's origin and history. In the current era, the state is seen forcing \"refuges\" such as churches, religious organizations, and other traditional communities to conform to progressivist ideology. Even as the progressive liberal state has insinuated itself into every facet of life, a different kind of exodus has predominated in contemporary U.S. society. That exodus—no longer inspired by a belief in \"refuge\"—takes the form of individual detachment from any community or membership. We are faced now with the prospect of having to live together, a nation of refugees who must cease an exodus into our interior deserts and instead learn the art of making a common home.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140358028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a922837
Michael Wahman
Abstract: While violence is a common occurrence in African elections, most attention has been focused only on a handful of cases with extreme levels of fatal election violence. Not only are these cases unrepresentative of the African continent as a whole, but focusing narrowly on these cases is also misleading when trying to understand the broader role that electoral violence plays in contemporary African democracies. Far more pervasive is the non-fatal type of low-scale election violence, which has become a common form of electoral manipulation in African elections. While low-scale violence does not threaten national security, it is an effective form of manipulation with less severe consequences for perpetrating parties. The insidious effects of low-scale violence on political participation and the quality of elections are demonstrated in Zambia, where fear of violence has come to seriously erode the quality of democracy.
{"title":"How Strategic Violence Distorts African Elections","authors":"Michael Wahman","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a922837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922837","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: While violence is a common occurrence in African elections, most attention has been focused only on a handful of cases with extreme levels of fatal election violence. Not only are these cases unrepresentative of the African continent as a whole, but focusing narrowly on these cases is also misleading when trying to understand the broader role that electoral violence plays in contemporary African democracies. Far more pervasive is the non-fatal type of low-scale election violence, which has become a common form of electoral manipulation in African elections. While low-scale violence does not threaten national security, it is an effective form of manipulation with less severe consequences for perpetrating parties. The insidious effects of low-scale violence on political participation and the quality of elections are demonstrated in Zambia, where fear of violence has come to seriously erode the quality of democracy.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140355421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a922830
Larry Diamond
Abstract: Democracies today remain in a potent and protracted recession, and they have retreated from the ideological struggle against autocracy. We can renew the world's democratic momentum through power, performance, and legitimacy. Democracies must generate economic prosperity and opportunity while containing corruption, crime, and abuses of power, to reinvigorate support for democracy across regions and generations. Liberal democracies cannot be weak or retreat; they must exert their power to safeguard free and fair elections, independent media, and the rule of law. Nowhere in the world where dictatorships repress rights, censor information, and propagate disinformation can democracy be secure. Every defense of democracy is a source of inspiration and instruction. We must get serious again about promoting the values, experiences, requirements, and institutions of democracy. And we must do so on the scale, with the scope and ease of access in many languages, required to save it.
{"title":"Power, Performance, and Legitimacy","authors":"Larry Diamond","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a922830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922830","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Democracies today remain in a potent and protracted recession, and they have retreated from the ideological struggle against autocracy. We can renew the world's democratic momentum through power, performance, and legitimacy. Democracies must generate economic prosperity and opportunity while containing corruption, crime, and abuses of power, to reinvigorate support for democracy across regions and generations. Liberal democracies cannot be weak or retreat; they must exert their power to safeguard free and fair elections, independent media, and the rule of law. Nowhere in the world where dictatorships repress rights, censor information, and propagate disinformation can democracy be secure. Every defense of democracy is a source of inspiration and instruction. We must get serious again about promoting the values, experiences, requirements, and institutions of democracy. And we must do so on the scale, with the scope and ease of access in many languages, required to save it.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140356129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a922845
Philip J. Costopoulos
{"title":"The Perils of Propaganda","authors":"Philip J. Costopoulos","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a922845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922845","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140357502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a922831
Arthur C. Brooks
Abstract: The world is witnessing a loss of faith in both capitalism and democracy, which seemed nearly unimaginable just a generation ago. Many blame "the other party." Others blame capitalism's flaws, as market systems increase inequality, which is inherently undemocratic—and believe the solution is to strengthen government control and weaken market forces in modern economies. This conclusion is incorrect: In fact, capitalism naturally reinforces democracy, but both are under attack by a decline in civic virtue, in the form of honesty and civility, in politics, the media, academia, and other institutions. The reestablishment of civic virtue should be our priority.
{"title":"America's Crisis of Civic Virtue","authors":"Arthur C. Brooks","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a922831","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922831","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The world is witnessing a loss of faith in both capitalism and democracy, which seemed nearly unimaginable just a generation ago. Many blame \"the other party.\" Others blame capitalism's flaws, as market systems increase inequality, which is inherently undemocratic—and believe the solution is to strengthen government control and weaken market forces in modern economies. This conclusion is incorrect: In fact, capitalism naturally reinforces democracy, but both are under attack by a decline in civic virtue, in the form of honesty and civility, in politics, the media, academia, and other institutions. The reestablishment of civic virtue should be our priority.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140353739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a922832
Dan Slater
Abstract: The man who has spent the past three decades doing more than anyone to deny Indonesians the right to elect their leaders has now been elected Indonesia's leader. Riding the coattails and benefiting from the brazen interventions of Joko Widodo, the wildly popular outgoing president, Prabowo Subianto has completed his quarter-century-long political rehabilitation from Indonesia's most notorious human-rights abuser to the world's third-largest democracy's commander-in-chief. The murky circumstances of Prabowo's electoral landslide, combined with the likely prospect that he will rule effectively unopposed, seem certain to accelerate recent processes of democratic erosion in the world's largest Muslim-majority country.
{"title":"Indonesia's High-Stakes Handover","authors":"Dan Slater","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a922832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922832","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The man who has spent the past three decades doing more than anyone to deny Indonesians the right to elect their leaders has now been elected Indonesia's leader. Riding the coattails and benefiting from the brazen interventions of Joko Widodo, the wildly popular outgoing president, Prabowo Subianto has completed his quarter-century-long political rehabilitation from Indonesia's most notorious human-rights abuser to the world's third-largest democracy's commander-in-chief. The murky circumstances of Prabowo's electoral landslide, combined with the likely prospect that he will rule effectively unopposed, seem certain to accelerate recent processes of democratic erosion in the world's largest Muslim-majority country.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140357035","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a922844
Bryan Garsten
Abstract: Frustrated by persisting inequality, oppression, and corruption in liberal societies, and disillusioned with liberalism's failures, many are stepping away. Yet liberal societies are still admirable because they offer refuge from the very people they empower . They require rulers to accept limitations on their power and provide escape hatches from the worst parts of political life. Offers of refuge may be found in opposition political parties, independent institutions, reasonably autonomous local communities, powerful civil society organizations, and the market economy. There is a nobility in offering refuge, in the safety and opportunity it presents for building something new.
{"title":"A Reply To My Critics","authors":"Bryan Garsten","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a922844","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922844","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Frustrated by persisting inequality, oppression, and corruption in liberal societies, and disillusioned with liberalism's failures, many are stepping away. Yet liberal societies are still admirable because they offer refuge from the very people they empower . They require rulers to accept limitations on their power and provide escape hatches from the worst parts of political life. Offers of refuge may be found in opposition political parties, independent institutions, reasonably autonomous local communities, powerful civil society organizations, and the market economy. There is a nobility in offering refuge, in the safety and opportunity it presents for building something new.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140356296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a922834
Laura Jakli
Abstract: Scholars are increasingly concerned that youth political apathy is a risk to liberal democracy. The issue of youth apathy is particularly pronounced in East-Central Europe—a region that has recently experienced sharp democratic decline. Across the EU member states of East-Central Europe, the share of youth that report complete disinterest in politics has doubled in the last decade. This is not an artifact of youth dissatisfaction with their nation's democracy. Rather, it is explained by ideological cross-pressures. East-Central Europe's apathetic youth hold a unique set of values that do not map onto party platforms. Unlike older generations, they are profoundly pro-EU and embrace certain aspects of liberalism, including gay rights. They are also significantly less religious. However, they are increasingly unfriendly toward immigration and multiculturalism. Compared to their politically engaged peers, East-Central Europe's apathetic youth also value democratic governance less. If they were to be politically mobilized, there is little reason to believe they would stabilize liberal democracy.
{"title":"East-Central Europe: The Young and The Far-Right","authors":"Laura Jakli","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a922834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a922834","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Scholars are increasingly concerned that youth political apathy is a risk to liberal democracy. The issue of youth apathy is particularly pronounced in East-Central Europe—a region that has recently experienced sharp democratic decline. Across the EU member states of East-Central Europe, the share of youth that report complete disinterest in politics has doubled in the last decade. This is not an artifact of youth dissatisfaction with their nation's democracy. Rather, it is explained by ideological cross-pressures. East-Central Europe's apathetic youth hold a unique set of values that do not map onto party platforms. Unlike older generations, they are profoundly pro-EU and embrace certain aspects of liberalism, including gay rights. They are also significantly less religious. However, they are increasingly unfriendly toward immigration and multiculturalism. Compared to their politically engaged peers, East-Central Europe's apathetic youth also value democratic governance less. If they were to be politically mobilized, there is little reason to believe they would stabilize liberal democracy.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140356980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a915350
Anna Grzymala-Busse
Abstract: East-Central Europe is at odds with itself regarding the response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Why are "post-communist" democracies not standing together as one with a fledgling democracy that is under attack by a dictatorship? The answer lies in the material and political benefits that individual politicians and political parties receive from Russia. Two consequences follow from this dynamic: the validation of "Russian imperial claims" and reduced support for Ukraine. This analysis shows that the immediate interests and profits of domestic politicians matter far more than the long shadows of history, leading to a complex tapestry of responses in the region. The diversity of these countries' approaches to Ukraine is just one reason why East-Central Europe is now more remarkable for its divisions and contrasts than a collective past or a common future.
{"title":"How Ukraine Divides Postcommunist Europe","authors":"Anna Grzymala-Busse","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a915350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a915350","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: East-Central Europe is at odds with itself regarding the response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Why are \"post-communist\" democracies not standing together as one with a fledgling democracy that is under attack by a dictatorship? The answer lies in the material and political benefits that individual politicians and political parties receive from Russia. Two consequences follow from this dynamic: the validation of \"Russian imperial claims\" and reduced support for Ukraine. This analysis shows that the immediate interests and profits of domestic politicians matter far more than the long shadows of history, leading to a complex tapestry of responses in the region. The diversity of these countries' approaches to Ukraine is just one reason why East-Central Europe is now more remarkable for its divisions and contrasts than a collective past or a common future.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139127963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-01DOI: 10.1353/jod.2024.a915348
Kurt Weyland
Abstract: This essay suggests that while populism certainly can be a mortal threat to democracy, the worst outcome is less common than observers have feared. The author's research shows that among forty populist governments in Latin America and Europe from 1985 to 2020, only seven led to authoritarian rule. It concludes that democracy often shows considerable resilience, with most populist leaders failing to suffocate liberal pluralism due to institutional checks, balances, and opposition mobilization. While the threat of populism requires constant attention and energetic countermeasures, there is no need for global alarmism.
{"title":"Why Democracy Survives Populism","authors":"Kurt Weyland","doi":"10.1353/jod.2024.a915348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a915348","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: This essay suggests that while populism certainly can be a mortal threat to democracy, the worst outcome is less common than observers have feared. The author's research shows that among forty populist governments in Latin America and Europe from 1985 to 2020, only seven led to authoritarian rule. It concludes that democracy often shows considerable resilience, with most populist leaders failing to suffocate liberal pluralism due to institutional checks, balances, and opposition mobilization. While the threat of populism requires constant attention and energetic countermeasures, there is no need for global alarmism.","PeriodicalId":48227,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Democracy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139129431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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