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The Persistence of Racial Cues and Appeals in American Elections 美国选举中持续存在的种族暗示和诉求
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-03 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-POLISCI-082619-015522
LaFleur Stephens-Dougan
This article reviews the literature on the persistence of racial cues and appeals in American elections. I focus on three central themes: racial priming, the influence of the Obama presidential cam...
本文回顾了有关美国选举中种族暗示和诉求持续存在的文献。我关注三个中心主题:种族启动、奥巴马总统竞选的影响……
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引用次数: 7
Who Enters Politics and Why? 谁进入政界?为什么?
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-25 DOI: 10.1146/ANNUREV-POLISCI-051418-051214
Saad Gulzar
Despite the importance of politicians, empirical work rarely examines who decides to enter politics and why. This survey presents conceptual issues in measuring political entry; reviews work on individual, organizational, and institutional determinants of political entry; and summarizes the main findings and puzzles related to the representation/competence trade-off in recent microcensus studies on who runs for office. Fruitful directions for future work are highlighted throughout the article. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 24 is May 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
尽管政治家很重要,但实证研究很少考察谁决定从政以及为什么从政。这项调查提出了衡量政治进入的概念问题;审查政治进入的个人、组织和制度决定因素方面的工作;并总结了最近关于谁竞选公职的微观人口普查研究中与代表性/能力权衡相关的主要发现和困惑。本文强调了未来工作的富有成效的方向。预计《政治学年度评论》第24卷的最终在线出版日期为2021年5月。修订后的估计数请参阅http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates。
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引用次数: 19
The Continuing Dilemma of Race and Class in the Study of American Political Behavior 美国政治行为研究中种族与阶级的持续困境
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-18 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-050317-071219
F. Harris, Viviana Rivera-Burgos
This article traces the development of the study of race and class in American political behavior. It starts by challenging the American exceptionalism thesis, particularly its premises regarding the diminutive role of social class and the absence of serious discussions about race. It then critically reviews the conventional scholarship on American political behavior and its reliance on objective indicators of social class as predictors of political preferences and participation. The article also highlights studies that have conceived of class as an important social identity and have thus measured it subjectively. It then discusses the surge of identity studies in the field of race, ethnicity, and politics (REP) and the turn toward an intersectional approach that rarely includes social class. The article ends with a discussion of the handful of studies that do consider the intersections of race and class, and underscores the need for more research of this type to advance our understanding of contemporary American political behavior. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 24 is May 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
这篇文章追溯了美国政治行为中种族和阶级研究的发展。它首先挑战了美国例外论的论点,特别是其关于社会阶级的微小作用和缺乏对种族的严肃讨论的前提。然后,它批判性地回顾了关于美国政治行为的传统学术,以及它对社会阶层作为政治偏好和参与预测因素的客观指标的依赖。这篇文章还强调了将阶级视为一种重要的社会身份,并因此主观地衡量它的研究。然后讨论了种族、民族和政治(REP)领域身份研究的激增,以及转向一种很少包括社会阶层的交叉方法。文章最后讨论了少数确实考虑种族和阶级交集的研究,并强调需要进行更多这类研究,以促进我们对当代美国政治行为的理解。预计《政治学年度评论》第24卷的最终在线出版日期为2021年5月。修订后的估计数请参阅http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates。
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引用次数: 8
Presidential Unilateral Power 总统单方权力
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-02 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041719-102043
Kenneth Lowande, Jon C. Rogowski
Contrary to stylized accounts of policy making in democracies, it is routine for presidents, governors, and other chief executives to issue directives such as decrees and executive orders to make law on their own. This article evaluates what political scientists have learned about presidential unilateral power. In our view, while a quarter century of scholarship on the topic has yielded a variety of theoretical predictions, the empirical record offers conflicting and perhaps unreliable evidence to substantiate and adjudicate between them. We review the dominant theoretical perspectives, which focus largely on constraints related to the separation of powers and political accountability. We then evaluate the evidence supporting these arguments and conclude with recommendations for conceptual, theoretical, and empirical advancement. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 24 is May 11, 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
与民主国家对政策制定的程式化描述相反,总统、州长和其他首席执行官通常会发布指令,如法令和行政命令,以自行制定法律。这篇文章评估了政治学家对总统单边权力的了解。在我们看来,四分之一世纪的学术研究已经产生了各种各样的理论预测,但经验记录提供了相互矛盾的,也许是不可靠的证据来证实和评判它们。我们回顾了主要的理论观点,这些观点主要关注与权力分立和政治问责有关的约束。然后,我们评估了支持这些论点的证据,并提出了概念、理论和经验进步的建议。预计《政治科学年度评论》第24卷的最终在线出版日期为2021年5月11日。修订后的估计数请参阅http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates。
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引用次数: 15
The Political Theory of Parties and Partisanship: Catching Up 政党和党派关系的政治理论:迎头赶上
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041916-020727
R. Muirhead, Nancy L. Rosenblum
Despite their centrality to modern democracy, until recently political parties were relegated to the margins of normative democratic theory, taking a back seat to social movements, civil society associations, deliberative experiments, spaces for local participatory government, and direct popular participation. Yet, in the past 15 years, a burgeoning literature has emerged in democratic theory focused directly on parties and partisanship; that is our focus in this review. We locate three main normative defenses of parties: one centered in the special role parties can play in political justification as agents of public reason, a second that looks to the way parties contribute to deliberation, and a third that focuses on the partisan commitment to regulated political rivalry and peaceful rotation in office. In this last connection, we survey work on the constitutional status of parties and reasons for banning parties. We then consider the relation of partisanship to citizenship, and in a fourth section we turn to the ethics of partisanship. Parties and partisanship are interwoven but separable: If partisans are necessary to realize the value of parties, the reverse holds as well, and parties are necessary to realize the value of partisanship.
尽管政党在现代民主中处于中心地位,但直到最近,政党还被贬谪到规范民主理论的边缘,让位于社会运动、公民社会协会、审议实验、地方参与式政府空间和直接的民众参与。然而,在过去的15年里,民主理论中出现了一种新兴的文学,直接关注政党和党派关系;这是我们本次审查的重点。我们找到了三个主要的政党规范性辩护:一个集中在政党作为公共理性的代理人在政治辩护中可以发挥的特殊作用,第二个是关注政党为审议做出贡献的方式,第三个是关注党派对规范的政治竞争和和平轮换的承诺。在这最后一点上,我们调查了关于政党的宪法地位和禁止政党的理由的工作。然后,我们考虑党派关系与公民身份的关系,在第四部分,我们转向党派关系的伦理。政党与党派关系是相互交织但又可分离的,如果说党派关系是实现政党价值的必要条件,那么反之亦然,政党关系是实现党派关系价值的必要条件。
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引用次数: 14
Institutional Bargaining for Democratic Theorists (or How We Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Haggling) 民主理论家的制度讨价还价(或我们如何学会停止担忧并喜欢讨价还价)
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-060118-102113
J. Knight, Melissa Schwartzberg
Contemporary political science takes bargaining to be the central mechanism of democratic decision making, though political theorists typically doubt that processes that permit the exercise of unequal power and the use of threats can yield legitimate outcomes. In this review, we trace the development of theories of institutional bargaining from the standpoint of pluralism and positive political theory before turning to the treatment of bargaining in the influential work of John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas. Their ambivalence about bargaining gave rise to a new focus on the value of negotiation and compromise but this literature constitutes an unstable midpoint between the justificatory ambitions of deliberative democracy and the desire to provide plausible models of political decision making. Instead of advocating changes in mindset or motivation, we argue that a fair bargaining process requires institutional reform, as well as a justificatory framework centered on the preservation of egalitarian decision making.
当代政治科学将讨价还价视为民主决策的核心机制,尽管政治理论家通常怀疑允许行使不平等权力和使用威胁的过程能否产生合法的结果。在本文中,我们从多元主义和积极政治理论的角度追溯制度议价理论的发展,然后转向约翰·罗尔斯和约尔根·哈贝马斯有影响力的著作中对议价的处理。他们对讨价还价的矛盾心理引起了对谈判和妥协价值的新关注,但这些文献构成了一个不稳定的中间点,介于协商民主的正当野心和提供合理的政治决策模型的愿望之间。我们不主张改变思维方式或动机,而是认为公平的谈判过程需要制度改革,以及以维护平等主义决策为中心的辩护框架。
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引用次数: 6
The Fluidity of Racial Classifications 种族分类的流动性
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-060418-042801
Lauren D. Davenport
In this article, I review the social science literature on racial fluidity, the idea that race is flexible and impermanent. I trace the ongoing evolution of racial classifications and boundaries in...
在这篇文章中,我回顾了关于种族流动性的社会科学文献,即种族是灵活的和无常的。我追溯了种族分类和界限的持续演变。
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引用次数: 49
Madison's Constitution Under Stress: A Developmental Analysis of Political Polarization 压力下的麦迪逊宪法:政治两极分化的发展分析
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-033629
P. Pierson, E. Schickler
We present a “developmental” approach to understanding why rising polarization in the United States has not been self-correcting but instead continues to intensify. Under specified conditions, initial increases in polarization may change the meso-environment, including such features as state parties, the structure of media, and the configuration of interest groups. These shifts can in turn influence other aspects of politics, leading to a further intensification of polarization. This analysis has four important benefits: ( a) It directs our attention to the meso-institutional environment of the American polity; ( b) it clarifies the features of the polity that have traditionally limited the extent and duration of polarization, and the reasons why their contemporary impact may be attenuated; ( c) it helps us analyze asymmetrical, or party-specific, aspects of polarization; and ( d) it provides an analytic foundation that connects discussions of American politics to the comparative politics literature on democratic backsliding.
我们提出了一种“发展”的方法来理解为什么美国不断上升的两极分化没有自我纠正,而是继续加剧。在特定条件下,两极分化的初始加剧可能会改变中观环境,包括缔约国、媒体结构和利益集团的配置等特征。这些转变反过来又会影响政治的其他方面,导致两极分化进一步加剧。这种分析有四个重要的好处:(a)它将我们的注意力引向美国政体的中间制度环境;(b)阐明传统上限制两极分化程度和持续时间的政体特征,以及它们在当代的影响可能减弱的原因;(c)它帮助我们分析两极分化的不对称或特定党派方面;(d)它提供了一个分析基础,将美国政治的讨论与关于民主倒退的比较政治文献联系起来。
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引用次数: 62
Transnational Actors and Transnational Governance in Global Environmental Politics 全球环境政治中的跨国行动者和跨国治理
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-032644
Thomas N. Hale
Transnational actors and transnational governance now form core elements of global environmental politics alongside intergovernmental diplomacy and institutions. This article explores how and under what conditions this transnationalism has arisen, as well as its implications for world politics. It considers what effects transnational actors and governance have had on political outcomes, their relation to states and intergovernmental institutions, and normative questions around their legitimacy and accountability. The critical role of transnational actors and institutions in environmental politics has made the field a laboratory for broader questions concerning the evolution of global governance in world politics more generally. As global environmental challenges continue to magnify and affect other spheres of political activity, understanding these dynamics will become increasingly important.
跨国行为者和跨国治理现在与政府间外交和机构一起构成全球环境政治的核心要素。本文探讨了这种跨国主义是如何以及在什么条件下产生的,以及它对世界政治的影响。它考虑了跨国行为者和治理对政治结果的影响,它们与国家和政府间机构的关系,以及围绕其合法性和问责制的规范性问题。跨国行为者和机构在环境政治中的关键作用使该领域成为研究有关世界政治中全球治理演变的更广泛问题的实验室。随着全球环境挑战不断扩大并影响政治活动的其他领域,理解这些动态将变得越来越重要。
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引用次数: 45
Democratic Stability: A Long View 民主稳定:长远观点
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-052918-012050
F. Carugati
What are the sources of democratic stability? The evidence from three modern waves suggests that stability rests on economic growth, strong states, and liberal institutions. But can we secure democratic stability beyond liberalism? This question is relevant to those developing countries that have little hope, and perhaps little interest in liberal democracy. But it is also increasingly relevant to those developed nations where the achievements of the twentieth-century liberal order are being eroded. This article takes a fresh look at democratic stability by reviewing the evidence from the last two and a half millennia. Particular attention is devoted to the case of ancient Athens, which highlights the importance of alignment between shared norms and appropriately designed institutions. Athens’ case suggests that goods that we usually associate with modern liberal democracy do not necessarily rely on a given set of values and do not have a unique institutional manifestation.
民主稳定的来源是什么?来自三次现代浪潮的证据表明,稳定取决于经济增长、强大的国家和自由的制度。但是,我们能确保超越自由主义的民主稳定吗?这个问题与那些对自由民主不抱希望、或许也不感兴趣的发展中国家有关。但对于那些20世纪自由秩序的成就正在受到侵蚀的发达国家来说,它也越来越重要。本文通过回顾过去2500年的证据,重新审视民主的稳定性。特别关注的是古雅典的案例,它强调了共享规范和适当设计机构之间的一致性的重要性。雅典的案例表明,我们通常与现代自由民主联系在一起的商品,并不一定依赖于一套给定的价值观,也没有独特的制度表现。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Annual Review of Political Science
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