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The Political Theory of Parties and Partisanship: Catching Up 政党和党派关系的政治理论:迎头赶上
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041916-020727
R. Muirhead, Nancy L. Rosenblum
Despite their centrality to modern democracy, until recently political parties were relegated to the margins of normative democratic theory, taking a back seat to social movements, civil society associations, deliberative experiments, spaces for local participatory government, and direct popular participation. Yet, in the past 15 years, a burgeoning literature has emerged in democratic theory focused directly on parties and partisanship; that is our focus in this review. We locate three main normative defenses of parties: one centered in the special role parties can play in political justification as agents of public reason, a second that looks to the way parties contribute to deliberation, and a third that focuses on the partisan commitment to regulated political rivalry and peaceful rotation in office. In this last connection, we survey work on the constitutional status of parties and reasons for banning parties. We then consider the relation of partisanship to citizenship, and in a fourth section we turn to the ethics of partisanship. Parties and partisanship are interwoven but separable: If partisans are necessary to realize the value of parties, the reverse holds as well, and parties are necessary to realize the value of partisanship.
尽管政党在现代民主中处于中心地位,但直到最近,政党还被贬谪到规范民主理论的边缘,让位于社会运动、公民社会协会、审议实验、地方参与式政府空间和直接的民众参与。然而,在过去的15年里,民主理论中出现了一种新兴的文学,直接关注政党和党派关系;这是我们本次审查的重点。我们找到了三个主要的政党规范性辩护:一个集中在政党作为公共理性的代理人在政治辩护中可以发挥的特殊作用,第二个是关注政党为审议做出贡献的方式,第三个是关注党派对规范的政治竞争和和平轮换的承诺。在这最后一点上,我们调查了关于政党的宪法地位和禁止政党的理由的工作。然后,我们考虑党派关系与公民身份的关系,在第四部分,我们转向党派关系的伦理。政党与党派关系是相互交织但又可分离的,如果说党派关系是实现政党价值的必要条件,那么反之亦然,政党关系是实现党派关系价值的必要条件。
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引用次数: 14
Madison's Constitution Under Stress: A Developmental Analysis of Political Polarization 压力下的麦迪逊宪法:政治两极分化的发展分析
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-033629
P. Pierson, E. Schickler
We present a “developmental” approach to understanding why rising polarization in the United States has not been self-correcting but instead continues to intensify. Under specified conditions, initial increases in polarization may change the meso-environment, including such features as state parties, the structure of media, and the configuration of interest groups. These shifts can in turn influence other aspects of politics, leading to a further intensification of polarization. This analysis has four important benefits: ( a) It directs our attention to the meso-institutional environment of the American polity; ( b) it clarifies the features of the polity that have traditionally limited the extent and duration of polarization, and the reasons why their contemporary impact may be attenuated; ( c) it helps us analyze asymmetrical, or party-specific, aspects of polarization; and ( d) it provides an analytic foundation that connects discussions of American politics to the comparative politics literature on democratic backsliding.
我们提出了一种“发展”的方法来理解为什么美国不断上升的两极分化没有自我纠正,而是继续加剧。在特定条件下,两极分化的初始加剧可能会改变中观环境,包括缔约国、媒体结构和利益集团的配置等特征。这些转变反过来又会影响政治的其他方面,导致两极分化进一步加剧。这种分析有四个重要的好处:(a)它将我们的注意力引向美国政体的中间制度环境;(b)阐明传统上限制两极分化程度和持续时间的政体特征,以及它们在当代的影响可能减弱的原因;(c)它帮助我们分析两极分化的不对称或特定党派方面;(d)它提供了一个分析基础,将美国政治的讨论与关于民主倒退的比较政治文献联系起来。
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引用次数: 62
Transnational Actors and Transnational Governance in Global Environmental Politics 全球环境政治中的跨国行动者和跨国治理
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-032644
Thomas N. Hale
Transnational actors and transnational governance now form core elements of global environmental politics alongside intergovernmental diplomacy and institutions. This article explores how and under what conditions this transnationalism has arisen, as well as its implications for world politics. It considers what effects transnational actors and governance have had on political outcomes, their relation to states and intergovernmental institutions, and normative questions around their legitimacy and accountability. The critical role of transnational actors and institutions in environmental politics has made the field a laboratory for broader questions concerning the evolution of global governance in world politics more generally. As global environmental challenges continue to magnify and affect other spheres of political activity, understanding these dynamics will become increasingly important.
跨国行为者和跨国治理现在与政府间外交和机构一起构成全球环境政治的核心要素。本文探讨了这种跨国主义是如何以及在什么条件下产生的,以及它对世界政治的影响。它考虑了跨国行为者和治理对政治结果的影响,它们与国家和政府间机构的关系,以及围绕其合法性和问责制的规范性问题。跨国行为者和机构在环境政治中的关键作用使该领域成为研究有关世界政治中全球治理演变的更广泛问题的实验室。随着全球环境挑战不断扩大并影响政治活动的其他领域,理解这些动态将变得越来越重要。
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引用次数: 45
Democratic Stability: A Long View 民主稳定:长远观点
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-052918-012050
F. Carugati
What are the sources of democratic stability? The evidence from three modern waves suggests that stability rests on economic growth, strong states, and liberal institutions. But can we secure democratic stability beyond liberalism? This question is relevant to those developing countries that have little hope, and perhaps little interest in liberal democracy. But it is also increasingly relevant to those developed nations where the achievements of the twentieth-century liberal order are being eroded. This article takes a fresh look at democratic stability by reviewing the evidence from the last two and a half millennia. Particular attention is devoted to the case of ancient Athens, which highlights the importance of alignment between shared norms and appropriately designed institutions. Athens’ case suggests that goods that we usually associate with modern liberal democracy do not necessarily rely on a given set of values and do not have a unique institutional manifestation.
民主稳定的来源是什么?来自三次现代浪潮的证据表明,稳定取决于经济增长、强大的国家和自由的制度。但是,我们能确保超越自由主义的民主稳定吗?这个问题与那些对自由民主不抱希望、或许也不感兴趣的发展中国家有关。但对于那些20世纪自由秩序的成就正在受到侵蚀的发达国家来说,它也越来越重要。本文通过回顾过去2500年的证据,重新审视民主的稳定性。特别关注的是古雅典的案例,它强调了共享规范和适当设计机构之间的一致性的重要性。雅典的案例表明,我们通常与现代自由民主联系在一起的商品,并不一定依赖于一套给定的价值观,也没有独特的制度表现。
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引用次数: 3
The Changing Cleavage Politics of Western Europe 变化中的西欧分裂政治
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-052217-104957
Robert C. Ford, W. Jennings
How are the contours of Western European politics shifting? To what extent do these shifts reflect changes in the underlying social and economic structure of European polities? In this article, we reflect on insights from the classic literature on how cleavages structure party systems and consider how the emergence and persistence of new parties and new ideological conflicts are leading to both shifts of dividing lines of party competition and the fragmentation of party systems. While increasing attention has been given to the so-called second dimension of European electoral politics, we highlight the relatively limited focus on structural changes that are helping to drive this transformation. We identify some socio-demographic developments that are potentially generating new cleavages in Western European democracies: the expansion of higher education; mass migration and the growing ethnic diversity of electorates; the aging of societies and sharpening of generational divides; and increased geographical segregation of populations between prospering, globalized major cities and declining hinterlands.
西欧政治的轮廓是如何变化的?这些转变在多大程度上反映了欧洲政治基础社会和经济结构的变化?在本文中,我们反思了经典文献中关于分裂如何构成政党制度的见解,并思考了新政党和新意识形态冲突的出现和持续如何导致政党竞争分界线的转移和政党制度的碎片化。虽然人们越来越关注所谓的欧洲选举政治的第二次元,但我们强调,对有助于推动这一转变的结构性变化的关注相对有限。我们发现一些社会人口发展可能会在西欧民主国家产生新的分裂:高等教育的扩张;大规模移民和选民的种族多样性日益增加;社会老龄化和代际分化加剧;繁荣、全球化的大城市和衰落的内陆地区之间的人口地理隔离加剧。
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引用次数: 123
Climate Change and Work: Politics and Power 气候变化与工作:政治与权力
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-061418-095236
Natasha N. Iskander, N. Lowe
Climate warming is the fundamental challenge of our time, not only because it will radically transform our natural environment but also because it will redefine jobs and livelihoods. This article builds an interpretive bridge for understanding the political consequences of how climate change pressures will affect work, production, and technology. We organize this review along three themes: commodification and the processes through which costs and resources are made visible; the production of knowledge and the politics of representing the future; and just transitions and how to distribute the costs and the opportunities of change equitably. These themes all address the ways that the dominance of the market—both in rhetoric and in policy—eclipses the materiality of economic production and social exchange. Together, however, the three themes also allow us to contemplate new political and institutional actions for tackling the twinned challenges of mitigating climate change and safeguarding our livelihoods.
气候变暖是我们这个时代的根本挑战,不仅因为它将彻底改变我们的自然环境,还因为它将重新定义就业和生计。本文为理解气候变化压力将如何影响工作、生产和技术的政治后果搭建了一座解释性的桥梁。我们根据三个主题组织这次审查:商品化和成本和资源可见的过程;知识的生产和代表未来的政治;以及如何公平地分配变革的成本和机会。这些主题都表明,市场的主导地位——无论是在修辞上还是在政策上——掩盖了经济生产和社会交换的重要性。然而,这三个主题结合起来也使我们能够考虑采取新的政治和体制行动,以应对减缓气候变化和保障我们生计的双重挑战。
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引用次数: 8
Clientelism's Red Herrings: Dead Ends and New Directions in the Study of Nonprogrammatic Politics 裙带主义的红鲱鱼:非纲领政治研究的死胡同和新方向
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-032657
A. Hicken, Noah L. Nathan
Research on clientelism often starts from a shared puzzle: How can clientelism be a viable electoral strategy if voters can renege on their commitments to politicians? The standard solution propose...
对庇护主义的研究往往始于一个共同的难题:如果选民可以违背对政客的承诺,庇护主义怎么可能成为一种可行的选举策略?标准的解决方案是…
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引用次数: 63
Beyond War and Contracts: The Medieval and Religious Roots of the European State 超越战争与契约:欧洲国家的中世纪与宗教根源
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-032628
Anna Grzymala-Busse
Where does the state come from? Two canonical answers have been interstate wars and contracts between rulers and the ruled in the early modern period. New scholarship has pushed back the historical...
国家从何而来?两个典型的答案是近代早期的国家间战争和统治者与被统治者之间的契约。新的学术研究将历史……
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引用次数: 43
Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: A Narrative and Meta-Analytical Review 族群多样性与社会信任:叙事与元分析回顾
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-052918-020708
P. T. Dinesen, Merlin Schaeffer, K. M. Sønderskov
Does ethnic diversity erode social trust? Continued immigration and corresponding growing ethnic diversity have prompted this essential question for modern societies, but few clear answers have been reached in the sprawling literature. This article reviews the literature on the relationship between ethnic diversity and social trust through a narrative review and a meta-analysis of 1,001 estimates from 87 studies. The review clarifies the core concepts, highlights pertinent debates, and tests core claims from the literature on the relationship between ethnic diversity and social trust. Several results stand out from the meta-analysis. We find a statistically significant negative relationship between ethnic diversity and social trust across all studies. The relationship is stronger for trust in neighbors and when ethnic diversity is measured more locally. Covariate conditioning generally changes the relationship only slightly. The review concludes by discussing avenues for future research.
种族多样性会侵蚀社会信任吗?持续的移民和相应的日益增长的种族多样性为现代社会提出了这个基本问题,但在庞大的文献中几乎没有得到明确的答案。本文通过对87项研究的1001个估计值的叙述回顾和荟萃分析,对种族多样性与社会信任关系的文献进行了综述。这篇综述澄清了核心概念,突出了相关的争论,并检验了关于种族多样性与社会信任关系的文献中的核心主张。荟萃分析中有几个结果很突出。我们发现,在所有研究中,种族多样性与社会信任之间存在显著的负相关关系。当对邻居的信任和种族多样性更多地在当地衡量时,这种关系会更牢固。协变量条件作用通常只会轻微地改变这种关系。本文最后讨论了未来研究的方向。
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引用次数: 100
Economic Development and Democracy: Predispositions and Triggers 经济发展与民主:倾向与触发因素
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-05-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-043546
D. Treisman
Scholars continue to disagree about the relationship between economic development and democracy. I review the history of the debate and summarize patterns visible in data available today. I find a strong and consistent relationship between higher income and both democratization and democratic survival in the medium term (10–20 years), but not necessarily in shorter time windows. Building on several recent studies, I sketch out a new conditional modernization theory, which can account for such lags. The key idea is that the effect of development on democracy is triggered by disruptive events such as economic crises, military defeats, or—most generally—leader change. Political outcomes depend on both the development level and, at intermediate income ranges, how citizens coordinate. Waves of leader turnover in autocracies correlate with temporarily stronger links between income and democratization, which, in turn, coincide with the first two waves of democracy.
学者们对经济发展与民主之间的关系仍存在分歧。我回顾了辩论的历史,并总结了当今可用数据中可见的模式。我发现,在中期(10-20年),高收入与民主化和民主生存之间存在强烈而一致的关系,但在较短的时间窗口内并不一定如此。在最近几项研究的基础上,我提出了一个新的条件现代化理论,可以解释这种滞后。关键观点是,发展对民主的影响是由破坏性事件引发的,比如经济危机、军事失败,或者最普遍的是领导人更迭。政治结果既取决于发展水平,也取决于在中等收入范围内,公民如何协调。独裁国家领导人更替的浪潮与收入与民主化之间暂时更强的联系相关,而后者又与前两波民主浪潮相吻合。
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引用次数: 22
期刊
Annual Review of Political Science
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