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Portraits for change: Refusal politics and liberatory futures 变革的肖像:拒绝政治和解放的未来
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221101394
Isaac Rivera, S. Elwood, Victoria A. Lawson
We analyze viewers' experiences and understandings of an installation of portraits featuring vendors who sell Seattle’s Real Change street newspaper. In doing so, we argue that Real Change is enacting a complex politics of refusal and explore this in relation to future political lives of Real Change activism. We explore political possibilities for the transformation of urban life opened by the politics the exhibit expresses. We analyze the exhibit goals, representational strategies and viewer responses, exploring the complex politics Real Change is enacting to ensure vendor survival and anti-poverty activism. We argue that the white liberal visual regime (WLVR) ensures continued comfort of white privileged viewers, guaranteeing that their normatively white liberal understanding of impoverishment remains relatively untroubled. We explore disruptions of cultural norms that were possible within the WLVR as well as the limits of these disruptions. Drawing on critical race scholars we theorize visual fields as racially saturated, bolstering white comfort and white supremacy. While our argument begins from an art exhibit, it extends far beyond the politics of art. We analyze viewers’ responses to pose questions about whether/how these visual politics open pathways toward more profound re-learning of racialized relations that produce propertied personhood, racialized dispossession and premature death.
我们分析了观众对西雅图真实变化街头报纸的小贩肖像装置的体验和理解。在此过程中,我们认为真正的变革正在制定一种复杂的拒绝政治,并将其与真正的变革行动主义的未来政治生活联系起来探讨。我们通过展览所表达的政治来探索城市生活转型的政治可能性。我们分析了展览的目标、表现策略和观众的反应,探讨了真实变化为确保供应商生存和反贫困行动而制定的复杂政治。我们认为,白人自由主义视觉制度(WLVR)确保了白人特权观众的持续舒适,保证了他们对贫困的规范白人自由主义理解相对不受影响。我们探讨了在WLVR中可能出现的文化规范的破坏以及这些破坏的局限性。借鉴批判性的种族学者,我们将视野理论化为种族饱和,支持白人舒适和白人至上。虽然我们的争论是从一个艺术展开始的,但它远远超出了艺术的政治范畴。我们分析了观众的反应,提出了这样的问题:这些视觉政治是否/如何打开了通往更深刻地重新学习产生有财产人格、种族剥夺和过早死亡的种族化关系的途径。
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引用次数: 2
“Erasing a mural does not erase reality”: Queer visibility, urban policing, and the double life of a mural in Ecuador “抹去壁画并不能抹去现实”:同性恋可见性、城市治安,以及厄瓜多尔壁画的双重生活
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-08 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221090523
C. Morrison
Halted by the police, repeatedly defaced, and ultimately erased, the mural El Amor No Tiene Género (Love Has No Gender) lasted less than one week on the streets of Quito before it disappeared under a layer of whitewash in July 2019. The image – a trio of kissing couples – was painted by local street artist Apitatán to celebrate Ecuador’s landmark approval of marriage equality. Its destruction inspired widespread media coverage, direct-action activism, and institutional support for the mural which culminated in its revival two months later. This article investigates what the double life of Apitatán’s mural reveals about the politics of visibility in Quito at a critical moment of consolidating political rights for the country’s LGBTQ community. Drawing on digital ethnography and storytelling methods, I weave together these two visibility disputes – about the mural and about queer love – to illustrate how public visibility is always contingent. To do so, my analysis explores the interplay between erasure and policing practices to enforce conditions of visibility within the urban environment.
这幅壁画被警察拦下,反复涂改,最终被抹去,在基多街头停留了不到一周,就在2019年7月被一层粉饰后消失了。这幅画是由当地街头艺术家Apitatán绘制的,是三对接吻的情侣,以庆祝厄瓜多尔通过了具有里程碑意义的婚姻平等。它的破坏激发了广泛的媒体报道、直接行动主义和机构对壁画的支持,这在两个月后达到了顶峰。本文探讨Apitatán壁画的双重生活,在基多巩固LGBTQ社群政治权利的关键时刻,所揭示的能见度政治。借助数字人种学和讲故事的方法,我将这两种可见性争议——关于壁画和关于酷儿之爱——编织在一起,以说明公众可见性总是偶然的。为此,我的分析探讨了在城市环境中加强能见度条件的擦除和警务实践之间的相互作用。
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引用次数: 4
Berghain: Space, affect, and sexual disorientation Berghain:空间,情感和性取向障碍
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221096463
J. Andersson
In this article, I think of Berlin’s techno club Berghain as a form of relational aesthetics where encounters mediated by tactile sounds, labyrinthine architecture, and libido-enhancing drugs create an unusually porous sexual subjectivity. By sketching out some changes in the composition of the club’s crowd and drug culture – a shift towards aphrodisiac substances such as G and mephedrone – I argue that Berghain has become a specific pharmacolibidinal constellation. Especially the recreational drug G can be thought of as an unruly liquid that concretises queer theory’s preoccupation with sexual fluidity. Instead of nausea-inducing drugs in combination with same-sex erotica – a popular technique in so-called ‘aversion therapy’ – this is a ‘gay conversion therapy’ in reverse whereby erotic horizons expand and multiply through the combination of chemicals and a multi-sensory overload of pleasurable stimuli. Rather than thinking of sexual orientation as located inside the body, I suggest, we might think of it as located inside the building.
在这篇文章中,我认为柏林的科技俱乐部Berghain是一种关系美学的形式,在这里,通过触觉声音、迷宫般的建筑和增强性欲的药物介导的相遇创造了一种不同寻常的渗透性主体性。通过勾勒出俱乐部人群组成和毒品文化的一些变化——向G和甲氧麻黄酮等催情物质的转变——我认为Berghain已经成为一个特定的药物群。尤其是娱乐性药物G可以被认为是一种难以控制的液体,它具体化了酷儿理论对性流动性的关注。这是一种反向的“同性恋转化疗法”,通过化学物质和多感官超载的愉悦刺激的结合,色情视野扩大和倍增,而不是恶心诱导药物与同性色情相结合——这是一种所谓的“厌恶疗法”的流行技术。我建议,与其认为性取向存在于身体内部,不如认为它存在于建筑内部。
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引用次数: 2
Dromoelimination: Accelerating settler colonialism in Palestine 促进消除:加速巴勒斯坦定居者的殖民主义
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221090968
Wassim Ghantous, M. Joronen
This paper examines the eliminatory speed of Israeli settler colonialism, particularly the ways in which settler organizations aim to accelerate the pace of elimination at the colonial frontiers in Palestine. We show, by focusing on the settler NGO Regavim, how such settler entrepreneurs constantly develop new techniques that challenge the slow and creeping eliminatory pace of state’s administrative, legal and security bodies with an intensifying eliminatory speed we call ‘dromoelimination’. By closely elaborating the ongoing events in the West Bank village of Susiya, we argue that dromoelimination operates, firstly, through accelerative state-settler dynamics that traverses beyond the eliminatory functions of the state while at the same time fundamentally reconfiguring them; and secondly, by turning Palestinian life and struggle against dispossession, forced displacement and destruction increasingly vulnerable to intensified temporalities of ‘depleting time’. Settler colonialism, we contend, becomes comprehensible in a more tangible, complex and spatially nuanced terms when looked through the speed and pace of its movement: that is, through intensified and accelerated eliminatory rhythms – of dromoelimination.
本文考察了以色列定居者殖民主义的消除速度,特别是定居者组织旨在加速消除巴勒斯坦殖民边界的方式。通过关注非政府定居者Regavim,我们展示了这些定居者企业家如何不断开发新技术,挑战国家行政、法律和安全机构缓慢而缓慢的消除速度,我们称之为“促进消除”。通过仔细阐述西岸苏西亚村正在发生的事件,我们认为,首先,促进消除是通过加速的国家定居者动态运作的,这种动态超越了国家的消除功能,同时从根本上重新配置国家;第二,通过使巴勒斯坦人的生活和反对剥夺、被迫流离失所和破坏的斗争越来越容易受到“耗尽时间”的加剧的暂时性的影响。我们认为,从移民殖民主义运动的速度和步伐来看,即通过加强和加速的消除节奏- -促进消除,移民殖民主义在空间上变得更加具体、复杂和微妙。
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引用次数: 3
Camps and counterterrorism: Security and the remaking of refuge in Kenya 难民营与反恐:肯尼亚的安全和避难所重建
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-21 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221093070
Hanno Brankamp, Zoltán Glück
This article examines the enduring entanglements of counterterror governance and refugee encampment in Kenya. The spectre of “terrorism” and its supposed remedy—“counterterrorism”—have loomed large in Kenyan politics since the 1990s and gained further traction since the country’s military invasion and occupation of southern Somalia in 2011. Few other spaces have been associated as persistently with threats to Kenya’s national security and sovereignty as the Dadaab and Kakuma refugee camps in the country’s Northern belt, which are popularly depicted as “wombs” of terror. In this article, we analyze the transformation of refugee governance in Kenya under the auspices of the War on Terror and consider how counterterrorism has become a way of governing both refugees and precarious ethnoracialized citizens. We provide a multi-scalar analysis that moves between the scales of global militarization, Kenyan state governance, as well as securitized spaces of camps, checkpoints, and policing. The article concludes that refugee camps are not only gateways for imported global counterterror initiatives, but key sites of locally defined state-making processes in which Kenya’s counterterror state is (re)assembled as part of a planetary architecture of humanitarian containment and militarized apartheid.
本文考察了肯尼亚反恐治理和难民营之间持久的纠缠。自上世纪90年代以来,“恐怖主义”的幽灵及其所谓的补救措施——“反恐”——一直在肯尼亚政治中若隐若现,自2011年该国军事入侵并占领索马里南部以来,这种幽灵的影响力进一步增强。很少有其他地方像位于肯尼亚北部地带的达达阿布和卡库马难民营那样,一直与对肯尼亚国家安全和主权的威胁联系在一起,这些难民营通常被描述为恐怖主义的“子宫”。在本文中,我们分析了在反恐战争的支持下肯尼亚难民治理的转变,并考虑了反恐如何成为治理难民和不稳定的民族化公民的一种方式。我们提供了一个多尺度的分析,在全球军事化、肯尼亚国家治理以及营地、检查站和警务的安全空间之间移动。这篇文章的结论是,难民营不仅是输入全球反恐倡议的门户,也是当地定义的国家建立过程的关键场所,在这个过程中,肯尼亚的反恐国家(重新)组装,成为人道主义遏制和军事化种族隔离的全球架构的一部分。
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引用次数: 1
Between the law and the actual situation: Failure as property formation in French colonial Indochina
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221081142
Érin Collins, S. Nam
This article complements and complicates Bhandar’s discussion of ‘racial regimes of ownership’ (2018) by examining the relational co-constitution of notions of racial and property formations in the ‘non-settler’ colonial context of Cambodia. Working through the record of intra-colonial correspondence relating to the control of non-white but also non-Khmer property interests in Cambodia, this article documents racialization’s powerful disruptive impact on liberal property formation. Colonial failure as property formation indexes, first, how the racialized categories of ethnic difference that underpinned the rationalities of French colonial rule simultaneously undermined French colonial programs to alienate land. Second, it positions the failure to reconcile a confusing array of property laws and logics as integral to maintaining paternalistic colonial (and post-colonial) authority to sort racialized populations via the privilege of property. Through the lens of French attempts to control property claims, we show how the French colonial property regime, supposedly based on universal liberal norms, was in fact also deeply racialized, requiring it to be managed in a highly localized manner, in accordance with each territory’s existing set of ethnic property relations—or the practical racial hierarchy of colonialism would unravel.
本文通过考察柬埔寨“非定居者”殖民背景下种族和财产形成概念的关系共构成,补充并复杂化了班达尔关于“种族所有权制度”(2018)的讨论。通过对柬埔寨非白人和非高棉人财产利益控制的殖民内部通信记录的研究,本文记录了种族化对自由财产形成的强大破坏性影响。作为财产形成指标的殖民失败,首先,支撑法国殖民统治合理性的种族化的种族差异类别如何同时破坏了法国殖民计划的土地异化。其次,它将无法调和一系列令人困惑的财产法和逻辑的失败定位为维持家长式的殖民(和后殖民)权威,通过财产特权对种族化的人口进行分类的必要条件。通过法国试图控制财产索赔的视角,我们展示了法国殖民财产制度,据说是基于普遍的自由规范,实际上也是深刻的种族化,要求它以高度本地化的方式进行管理,根据每个领土现有的种族财产关系,否则殖民主义的实际种族等级将会瓦解。
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引用次数: 1
Racial regimes of property: Introduction to the special issue 财产的种族制度:专刊导论
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221084101
Malini Ranganathan, Anne Bonds
It should be stressed, as Marxists have long done, that property, as an exchange commodity, is secured not simply through state, market, and so-called legal interventions - the price, the title, the deed, the survey, the land registry, the police, and so on - but also informal, unwritten, and coercive forces of looting and fraud ([46]). Two years into the COVID 19 pandemic, lockdowns and closures have left millions of the global majority out of work, hungry, facing eviction, and desperately navigating hollowed out, underfunded health and social service agencies and a patchwork of woefully inadequate tenant protection programs. The French used property as a barometer of civilizational status: a lack of private property norms among the ethnic Khmer was seen as backwards and called for paternalistic protection by colonizers, while high rates of property ownership among the Chinese were viewed as an economic threat and called for elimination by colonizers. Using the settler-colonial contexts of Canada, Australia, and Israel/Palestine, Brenna [4] tracks regimes of property law - the juridical formation underpinning capital accumulation - that unfolded together with racial schemas and state violence to produce colonial subjects. [Extracted from the article] Copyright of Environment & Planning D: Society & Space is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
应该强调的是,正如马克思主义者长期以来所做的那样,财产作为一种交换商品,不仅仅是通过国家、市场和所谓的法律干预——价格、所有权、契据、调查、土地登记、警察等等——来获得保障,而且还需要非正式的、不成文的、强制性的抢劫和欺诈力量([46])。2019冠状病毒病大流行两年来,封锁和关闭导致全球数百万人失业、饥饿、面临驱逐,并在空心化、资金不足的卫生和社会服务机构以及严重不足的租户保护计划中绝望地航行。法国人把财产作为文明地位的晴雨表:高棉人缺乏私有财产规范被视为落后,需要殖民者的家长式保护,而中国人的高财产拥有率被视为经济威胁,需要殖民者消除。布伦纳[4]以加拿大、澳大利亚和以色列/巴勒斯坦的定居者-殖民背景为例,追踪物权法制度——支撑资本积累的法律形式——与种族图式和国家暴力一起展开,产生了殖民主体。D:社会与空间是Sage Publications Inc.的财产,未经版权所有者的明确书面许可,其内容不得复制或通过电子邮件发送到多个网站或发布到listserv。但是,用户可以打印、下载或通过电子邮件发送文章供个人使用。这可以删节。对副本的准确性不作任何保证。用户应参阅原始出版版本的材料的完整。(版权适用于所有人。)
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引用次数: 9
Autonomy within entanglements: Illegalised migrants, the EU border regime, and the political economy of Nouadhibou, Mauritania 纠缠中的自治:非法移民、欧盟边境制度和毛里塔尼亚Nouadhibou的政治经济
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221090250
Hassan Ould Moctar
This article contributes to debates about the autonomy of migration (AoM) by ethnographically detailing the EU border regime's external operations in Nouadhibou, Mauritania. In showing how the EU border regime is entangled within the political economy and social relations of the city, it offers three contributions to AoM discussion. Firstly, it nuances and reframes the interplay between illegalised migrants and the border regime by showing that it can take multiple forms, some less antagonistic than others. Secondly, it contextualises this interplay by situating it within the historical trajectory and social relations of the political economy in which it unfolds. Thirdly, it highlights the relevance of the Global South context of this analysis to AoM debate, much of which has been concerned with European contexts and Europe-bound movement.
本文从民族学角度详细介绍了欧盟边境政权在毛里塔尼亚Nouadhibou的外部运作,有助于讨论移民自治(AoM)。在展示欧盟边境制度如何与城市的政治经济和社会关系纠缠在一起时,它为AoM的讨论提供了三个贡献。首先,它通过表明非法移民与边境制度之间的相互作用可以采取多种形式,其中一些形式的对抗性比其他形式要小,从而对非法移民与边境制度之间的相互作用进行了细微差别和重新定义。其次,它通过将这种相互作用置于政治经济的历史轨迹和社会关系中来展开。第三,它强调了这一分析的全球南方背景与AoM辩论的相关性,其中大部分与欧洲背景和欧洲运动有关。
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引用次数: 4
Refusing to relinquish: How settler Canada uses race, property, and jurisdiction to undermine urban Indigenous land reclamation 拒绝放弃:加拿大定居者如何利用种族、财产和管辖权来破坏城市原住民的土地开垦
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221083312
Paul Sylvestre, H. Castleden
Critiques of settler colonial urbanism have paid close attention to the political work that property and racism do in materializing settler colonial cities and naturalizing settler control over urban land and resources. We contribute to these debates by examining how the co-production of property and race intersects with jurisdiction to secure white possession against the demands of an urban Indigenous land reclamation in Canada’s national capital. Drawing on an analysis of government records obtained using Access to Information and Privacy requests, key informant interviews, and a three-year engagement with land defenders and allies, we demonstrate how property and jurisdiction carved the contested space into distinct spheres of settler governing authority. The need to confront the singularity of each governing authority on its own terms made it impossible to directly contest ongoing dispossession as a singular process involving the entire site. Instead, organizers and activists were forced to fight for separate pieces of land, dividing limited time, energy, and resources across multiple facets of a settler colonial structure of invasion. We argue that this process of jurisdictional fragmentation, which organized the co-production of property and race in defence of white possession, can be productively understood as a process of fortification.
对移民殖民城市主义的批判关注了财产和种族主义在移民殖民城市物质化和移民对城市土地和资源控制的自然化过程中所做的政治工作。我们通过研究财产和种族的共同生产如何与司法权相交,以确保白人拥有,反对加拿大国家首都城市土著土地复垦的要求,从而为这些辩论做出贡献。通过对利用信息获取和隐私要求获得的政府记录的分析、对关键线人的采访以及与土地捍卫者和盟友的三年接触,我们展示了财产和管辖权如何将有争议的空间划分为定居者管理权力的不同领域。需要以自己的方式面对每个管理当局的独特性,这使得不可能直接将正在进行的剥夺作为涉及整个场地的单一过程进行辩论。相反,组织者和积极分子被迫为各自的土地而战,将有限的时间、精力和资源分散在移民殖民入侵结构的多个方面。我们认为,这种司法分裂的过程,组织了财产和种族的共同生产,以捍卫白人的占有,可以有效地理解为一个防御过程。
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引用次数: 1
Automating gentrification: Landlord technologies and housing justice organizing in New York City homes 自动化的中产阶级化:房东技术和纽约市住房司法组织
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-03-28 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221088868
E. McElroy, Manon Vergerio
This paper focuses on surveillance technologies that New York City landlords have been installing in low-income, public, and affordable tenant housing over the last decade. It looks at how new forms of biometric and facial recognition-based landlord technology automate gentrification and carcerality, reproducing racist systems of recognition and displacement. We offer these systems a genealogy and geography, looking at intersections of zoning, gentrification, eviction, and policing that have historically solidified to dispossess and incarcerate tenants of color. Additionally, this paper addresses how and why New York City has emerged as the world’s epicenter of “landlord tech,” mapping out several decades of urban datafication that have rendered low-income, nonwhite majority housing complexes as laboratories for surveillance experimentations today. We observe how processes of “catching” tenants for lease violations automate a longer history of racist surveillance and property-making. Yet we also highlight tenant-led resistance that has successfully thwarted facial recognition deployment and that continues to organize for landlord tech abolition today. Through affective organizing, grounded relationality, and alliance-building, tenants have created vital abolitionist space and knowledge to curb landlord technologies and the carceral logics they encode.
本文关注的是过去十年来,纽约市房东在低收入、公共和经济适用租户住房中安装的监控技术。它着眼于新形式的基于生物识别和面部识别的房东技术如何自动化士绅化和残忍化,再现种族主义的识别和流离失所系统。我们为这些系统提供了一个谱系和地理,着眼于分区、中产阶级化、驱逐和警务的交叉点,这些交叉点在历史上被固化为剥夺和监禁有色人种的租户。此外,本文还阐述了纽约市如何以及为什么成为世界“房东技术”的中心,并描绘了几十年来的城市数据化,这些数据化使低收入、非白人占多数的住宅区成为今天监控实验的实验室。我们观察到,“抓捕”违反租约的租户的过程是如何自动执行种族主义监视和房地产制造的更悠久历史的。然而,我们也强调了租户领导的抵制,这种抵制成功地挫败了面部识别的部署,并在今天继续组织房东技术的废除。通过情感组织、基础关系和联盟建设,租户创造了重要的废除主义空间和知识,以遏制房东的技术及其编码的管家逻辑。
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引用次数: 11
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