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Peripheral humanitarianism: Ephemerality, experimentation, and effects of refugee provisioning in Paris 外围人道主义:巴黎难民供给的短暂性、实验性和效果
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221124603
Kavita Ramakrishnan, Tatiana A Thieme
This article examines the place-based assemblages of humanitarian care, which emerge at neighbourhood scales in response to a wider politics of exclusion. We ground our discussion in the variegated humanitarian efforts and solidarities that took place in a working-class neighbourhood on the periphery of Paris, which brought into sharp relief the combination of precarity and provisioning in the wake of the 2015 ‘refugee crisis’. Drawing on ethnographic encounters, we recount the combination of reactive, emergency humanitarian logics (between 2016 and 2017) and experimental humanitarian strategies contesting wider exclusionary and deterrence-based asylum practices (2018 to the present). We show how modes of ephemeral and experimental humanitarianism operated across local spatiotemporal nodes – inside a welcome centre (the ‘Bubble’), and on the surrounding streets. We argue that attention to the effects of the ephemeral and experimental solidarities and encounters that formed outside the formal infrastructure of humanitarian care in Paris were in part palliative, but profound in their re-imagining of a progressive politics of solidarity amidst protracted and overlapping precarities. We propose peripheral humanitarianism to describe these effects, a spatially and temporally contingent humanitarian assemblage engaging with both traditional and DIY humanitarian responses that challenges structural exclusions of racialized ‘others’.
本文考察了基于地点的人道主义关怀组合,这些组合在社区尺度上出现,以应对更广泛的排斥政治。我们的讨论立足于巴黎外围一个工人阶级社区发生的各种人道主义努力和团结,这极大地缓解了2015年“难民危机”后不稳定和供应的结合。根据民族志遭遇,我们叙述了反应性紧急人道主义逻辑(2016年至2017年)和实验性人道主义战略(2018年至今)的结合,这些战略反对更广泛的排斥性和威慑性庇护做法。我们展示了短暂的和实验性的人道主义模式是如何在当地的时空节点上运作的——在一个欢迎中心(“泡泡”)和周围的街道上。我们认为,对巴黎人道主义关怀正式基础设施之外形成的短暂的实验性团结和遭遇的影响的关注,在一定程度上是缓和的,但它们在长期和重叠的不稳定中重新想象了一种进步的团结政治,这是深刻的。我们提出外围人道主义来描述这些影响,这是一种空间和时间上偶然的人道主义组合,与传统的和DIY的人道主义反应相结合,挑战对种族化的“他者”的结构性排斥。
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引用次数: 0
Disquieting ambivalence of mega-infrastructures: Kenya’s Standard Gauge Railway as spectacle and ruination 大型基础设施令人不安的矛盾心理:肯尼亚标准轨距铁路既是奇观又是废墟
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221125475
Gediminas Lesutis
Putting research on the socio-political effects of Kenya’s new Standard Gauge Railway in conversation with geographically and anthropologically grounded scholarship on infrastructure, the article analyses how megaprojects, in spite of state spectacles of infrastructure-qua-development, are embroiled in multiple modalities of ruination. It specifically highlights how mega-infrastructures disrupt ecologies of social reproduction: the new railway disorders people’s mobility patterns and their access to essential infrastructures, as well as decouples their labour from transport systems and informal road economies central to self-sustainment. The article conceptualises these intersections between infrastructure’s spectacle and ruination as disquieting ambivalence of infrastructure. Shifting from spectacle to ruination – rather than oscillating between the two – this ambivalence is not one of uncertainty, malleability, or open-ended futures that are analysed in recent strands of critical scholarship on infrastructure, in which material devastation is often bracketed due to this literature’s predominant focus on multiple temporalities of infrastructure as heterogeneous possibilities of reconfiguration. The article, instead, shows that this ambivalence of infrastructure is disquieting – fraught with precarity, struggle, and despair, as the lives of those in shadows of mega-infrastructures need to be rebuilt within the ruins of the here and now, and of infrastructure’s spectacle.
本文将对肯尼亚新标准轨距铁路的社会政治影响的研究与基于地理和人类学的基础设施研究进行了对话,分析了大型项目如何卷入多种形式的破坏,尽管国家对基础设施进行了发展。它特别强调了大型基础设施如何破坏社会再生产的生态:新的铁路扰乱了人们的流动模式和他们对基本基础设施的获取,并使他们的劳动力与交通系统和对自我维持至关重要的非正式道路经济脱钩。文章将基础设施的壮观和破坏之间的交集定义为基础设施令人不安的矛盾心理。从奇观到毁灭——而不是在两者之间摇摆——这种矛盾心理不是不确定性、可延展性或开放式的未来,这在最近的基础设施批评性学术研究中得到了分析,其中物质破坏经常被包括在内,因为这些文献主要关注基础设施的多重暂时性,认为这是重构的异质可能性。相反,这篇文章表明,这种对基础设施的矛盾心理是令人不安的——充满了不稳定、挣扎和绝望,因为那些生活在大型基础设施阴影下的人需要在此时此地的废墟中重建,以及基础设施的景观。
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引用次数: 5
The creation of capitalist time: Rethinking primitive accumulation through conservation 资本主义时代的创造:通过节约重新思考原始积累
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-08 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221123815
David Thomas Suell
Scholars have revived the concept of primitive accumulation to describe how explicit violence is an ongoing and structural, rather than simply historical, tool for capitalist domination. However, the relationship between the logic of capitalism and history of capitalism remains obscured. Capitalism is politically enforced and hegemonic, but ongoing instances of capitalist violence repeatedly appear as though they were breaking new ground or finding new frontiers for capitalist growth. In this paper, I offer a novel framework for understanding how primitive accumulation not only creates a capitalist material order but also a temporal order that motivates and reproduces capitalist violence. Focusing on Maasai conflicts over conservation lands in Kenya and Tanzania, I describe how primitive accumulation imposes the historical narratives that naturalize capitalism, ecological rhythms that suppress competing lifeways, and identity categories that marginalize dispossessed populations by characterizing them as primitive. This account advances key debates about settler-colonialism, racial capitalism, and potential resistance by clarifying how disproportionate harm against particular populations is justified, how those justifications reproduce and naturalize capitalist domination, and how temporality represents not only a site of domination but also political struggle.
学者们重新提出了原始积累的概念,来描述显性暴力是一种持续的、结构性的,而不仅仅是历史上的资本主义统治工具。然而,资本主义的逻辑与资本主义的历史之间的关系仍然模糊不清。资本主义在政治上是强制的和霸权的,但正在进行的资本主义暴力事件一再出现,好像他们正在为资本主义的增长开辟新的领域或寻找新的边界。在本文中,我提供了一个新的框架来理解原始积累如何不仅创造了资本主义的物质秩序,而且还创造了激励和再生产资本主义暴力的时间秩序。聚焦于马赛人在肯尼亚和坦桑尼亚保护土地上的冲突,我描述了原始积累如何强加于历史叙事,使资本主义自然化,抑制竞争的生活方式的生态节奏,以及通过将被剥夺人口描述为原始而将其边缘化的身份类别。通过阐明对特定人群的不成比例的伤害是如何合理的,这些合理的理由是如何复制和自然化资本主义统治的,以及暂时性如何不仅代表了一个统治场所,而且代表了政治斗争,这本书推进了关于定居者殖民主义、种族资本主义和潜在抵抗的关键辩论。
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引用次数: 1
Agricultural infrastructures: Land, race, and statecraft in Turkey 农业基础设施:土耳其的土地、种族和治国方略
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-08 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221124139
Begüm Adalet
This article argues that biopolitical infrastructures have been central features of Turkey’s ongoing colonization of Kurdish territories and populations and that the Green Revolution, despite its promise of progress and abundance, needs to be understood as part of this history of racialized state-making. In doing so, it joins recent literature that uncovers the local roots of the Green Revolution in domestic politics and land struggles in the global south, also revealing the entwined histories of accumulation and colonial and racial dispossession with agricultural norms and practices. Drawing on research in the records of the Economic Cooperation Administration, US Agency for International Development, Rockefeller Foundation Archives, Turkish parliamentary debates, and contemporaneous journals, I show how the Green Revolution can in fact be retold as an episode in a longer history of struggles over the distribution and use of land, the construction of agricultural infrastructures, and how these questions have been complicated by class, ethnic, racial, gender, and political divisions. The paper thus situates Turkey in a transnational history of agrarian development, while also relating the adoption of high yield seeds, pesticides, and grain cultivation to projects of land consolidation, internal colonialism, and racialized methods of state formation.
本文认为,生物政治基础设施一直是土耳其持续殖民库尔德领土和人口的核心特征,尽管绿色革命承诺进步和富足,但需要被理解为这一种族化国家建立历史的一部分。在这样做的过程中,它加入了最近的文献,揭示了绿色革命在国内政治和土地斗争中的当地根源,也揭示了积累、殖民和种族剥夺与农业规范和实践的交织历史。根据对经济合作署、美国国际开发署、洛克菲勒基金会档案、土耳其议会辩论和同时代期刊记录的研究,我展示了绿色革命如何实际上可以被重新讲述为土地分配和使用、农业基础设施建设等更长的斗争历史中的一个片段,以及这些问题如何因阶级、民族、种族、性别、还有政治分歧。因此,本文将土耳其置于农业发展的跨国历史中,同时也将高产种子、农药和粮食种植的采用与土地整理、内部殖民主义和国家形成的种族化方法联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Land reform, race reform: Interwar anticommunism and U.S. racial capitalism 土地改革,种族改革:两次世界大战之间的反共主义和美国的种族资本主义
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-24 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221119197
Hossein Ayazi
Across the 1920s and 1930s, expansive domestic infrastructural and institutional developments consolidated the U.S. national economy and generated the conditions for U.S.-led international commerce and finance. As the United States transformed from a debtor nation into a creditor nation that captured markets across Africa, Asia, and the Americas, it reckoned with the racial and labor antagonisms of the U.S. South, and ascendant interconnected Black worker-led liberation movements throughout the broader “American Mediterranean.” By interrogating their engagement with Southern agrarian labor-capital relations, this essay addresses how race-liberal U.S. social scientists helped shore up the nation and an ascendant modern U.S. racial capitalism by translating such crises into the geoeconomic commensurabilities at the heart of a universalist U.S. nationalism and U.S.-led international finance. It focuses on how Charles S. Johnson, Rupert B. Vance, and others helped disavow the plantation system as a modern(izing) institution while recasting it as an object of national developmental intervention. Through the concepts of the “plantation economy” and the idealized “national economy” it presupposed, race-liberal social scientists not only framed the U.S. nation-state as that which could foster social forms of security through the market. They did so in ways that helped suture an “official” antiracism to U.S. nationalism bearing the agency for international finance and transnational capitalism.
在20世纪20年代和30年代,大规模的国内基础设施和制度发展巩固了美国的国民经济,并为美国主导的国际商业和金融创造了条件。随着美国从一个债务国转变为一个债权国,占领了非洲、亚洲和美洲的市场,它考虑到了美国南部的种族和劳工对立,以及在更广阔的“美国地中海”地区由黑人工人领导的相互联系的解放运动。通过考察他们与南方农业劳资关系的关系,本文阐述了种族自由主义的美国社会科学家如何通过将这些危机转化为美国普遍主义民族主义和美国主导的国际金融中心的地缘经济可通约性,帮助支撑了国家和正在崛起的现代美国种族资本主义。本书聚焦于查尔斯·s·约翰逊、鲁珀特·b·万斯等人是如何否定种植园制度作为一种现代(化)制度,同时将其重塑为国家发展干预的对象。通过其预设的“种植园经济”和理想化的“国民经济”的概念,种族自由主义社会科学家不仅将美国的民族国家框架为可以通过市场促进社会形式的安全。他们这样做的方式有助于将“官方的”反种族主义与美国民族主义结合起来,承担国际金融和跨国资本主义的代理责任。
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引用次数: 1
Scratch-and-sniff Palestine: How olfaction shapes nonsovereign infrastructural spaces 巴勒斯坦:嗅觉如何塑造非主权基础设施空间
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-16 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221118572
S. Stamatopoulou-Robbins
This article makes two related arguments. First, that the continuum of hazards that people can experience in relation to waste infrastructures can include unstable epistemic and political positionings of olfaction, alongside other impingements of human excrement such as toxicity to the human body and damage to ecologies. I show this by paying attention to how people are sensitized to smell and by paying attention to how diverse forms of scientific measurement have responded to embodied attunements under nonsovereign conditions in Palestine. Second, I argue that olfaction can be key to shaping infrastructures’ specific trajectories while also creating open-ended possibilities for the making of political subjects and futures. In Palestine, olfaction is an object of interpretation, a sensory tool for interpretation, and a shifting marker of belonging to different types of collectivities. Holding one’s real or proverbial nose—or not—contributes to the conditions that facilitate or preempt livability there. This article draws on fieldwork among Palestinian environmentalists, Palestinian Authority bureaucrats, and municipal employees between 2007 and 2017 to show how human bodies—and their interpreted and interpretive attunements—must figure in our investigations of infrastructural spaces in the Middle East and beyond.
本文提出了两个相关的论点。首先,人们可能经历的与废物基础设施有关的一系列危害可能包括嗅觉的不稳定认知和政治定位,以及人类排泄物的其他影响,如对人体的毒性和对生态的破坏。我通过关注人们是如何对气味敏感的,以及关注不同形式的科学测量是如何对巴勒斯坦非主权条件下的具体化调谐做出反应来证明这一点。其次,我认为嗅觉可以是塑造基础设施特定轨迹的关键,同时也为政治主体和未来的形成创造了无限的可能性。在巴勒斯坦,嗅觉是解释的对象,是解释的感官工具,是属于不同类型集体的移动标记。捏住一个人真正的或众所周知的鼻子——无论是否——有助于促进或预先阻止那里的宜居性。本文利用2007年至2017年间对巴勒斯坦环保主义者、巴勒斯坦权力机构官僚和市政雇员的实地调查,展示了人类的身体——以及他们的解释和解释调谐——如何在我们对中东及其他地区基础设施空间的调查中发挥作用。
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引用次数: 1
Geocultural power and the digital Silk Roads 地缘文化力量和数字丝绸之路
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221118569
T. Winter
Only a select group of countries have systematically surveyed and classified, written and exhibited the history, religion and culture of others. Today, through its Belt and Road Initiative, China begins to join this group. Proclamations to ‘revive’ the Silk Roads for the twenty-first century have triggered a profusion of cultural sector projects – led in part by the behemoths of China’s technology industries, Tencent, Baidu and Huawei – as part of the Belt and Road Initiative cooperation and diplomacy architecture. This paper argues that geocultural power arises from having the capacity to write and map geocultural histories, and that digitalisation and the new cultural economies it creates is fast emerging as a powerful means for achieving this. It demonstrates how Big Earth Data, crowdsourced imagery and VR technologies afford geocultural thinking, and parallels are drawn with nineteenth-century Europe to consider such developments.
只有一些精选的国家系统地调查、分类、书写和展示了其他国家的历史、宗教和文化。今天,通过“一带一路”倡议,中国开始加入这一行列。“复兴”21世纪丝绸之路的宣言引发了大量文化领域项目——部分由中国科技行业巨头腾讯、百度和华为牵头——作为“一带一路”合作和外交架构的一部分。本文认为,地缘文化力量来自于拥有书写和绘制地缘文化历史的能力,而数字化及其创造的新文化经济正迅速成为实现这一目标的有力手段。它展示了大地球数据、众包图像和虚拟现实技术如何提供地理文化思维,并与19世纪的欧洲进行了类比,以考虑这些发展。
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引用次数: 2
Like harvesting tarulla: The decolonization of being from a petrolized swamp 比如收获塔鲁拉:从石化沼泽中去殖民化
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-03 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221116894
P. Rinaldi, M. C. Roa-García, E. Grajales
The Palagua swamp in the Middle Magdalena region of Colombia is a territory governed by nearly a century of petro-development and armed conflict. This toxic reality, along with the disappointment of temporary legal victories and demands for environmental compensation, have left deep marks on individuals’ psyche, eroding the self-confidence and spirit of communities. Drawing on archival research, secondary regional sources, and 13 semi-structured interviews with former oil workers, fishers, farmers, and women activists, we delve into the meaning, implications, and transformation of petro-development and internal colonialism. We suggest that the decolonization of being in a petrolized environment implies challenging imposed imaginaries of development and perceiving forces of internal colonialism. This should be recognized as a long-term process, a painful incubation of possibilities, marked by persistent and transformative day-to-day actions.
哥伦比亚中部马格达莱纳地区的帕拉瓜沼泽是近一个世纪以来石油开发和武装冲突统治的领土。这种有毒的现实,加上对暂时的法律胜利的失望和对环境赔偿的要求,在个人的心理上留下了深刻的印记,侵蚀了社区的自信和精神。通过档案研究、二手区域资源以及对前石油工人、渔民、农民和妇女活动家的13次半结构化访谈,我们深入研究了石油开发和内部殖民主义的意义、影响和转变。我们认为,生活在石化环境中的非殖民化意味着挑战强加的发展幻想和觉察到内部殖民主义的力量。应该认识到,这是一个长期的过程,是痛苦地孕育各种可能性的过程,其特点是坚持不懈地采取变革的日常行动。
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引用次数: 0
After entry: Humanitarian exploitation and migrant labour in the fields of southern Italy 入境后:意大利南部地区的人道主义剥削和移民劳工
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-02 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221117161
N. Dines
Since the so-called ‘refugee crisis’, research on migration in the Euro-Mediterranean region has highlighted the entanglement of humanitarian and securitarian logics in the transformation of the EU border regime, with most attention focused on rescue and push-back operations at sea and systems of detention, selection and reception on land. This article moves beyond the point of arrival to examine how humanitarianism has also been implicated in the management of migrant labour in agriculture. Focusing on the tomato districts of southern Italy, the article interrogates the recent legislative and emergency measures devised to tackle labour violations and to facilitate the reproduction of the workforce. Measures have included the establishment of impromptu worker shelters run by humanitarian organizations and the recourse to criminal law to combat gangmasters and to assuage public opinion. By developing the conceptual framework of humanitarian exploitation, the article illustrates how humanitarian government is functional both to the regulation of the migrant workforce and to the maintenance of the industrial agri-food system.
自所谓的“难民危机”以来,对欧洲-地中海地区移民的研究强调了欧盟边境制度转型中人道主义和安全逻辑的纠缠,其中大部分注意力集中在海上的救援和推回行动以及陆地上的拘留、选择和接收系统上。这篇文章超越了到达点,研究人道主义如何也涉及到农业移民劳动力的管理。这篇文章以意大利南部的番茄种植区为重点,询问了最近为处理违反劳工行为和促进劳动力再生产而制定的立法和紧急措施。所采取的措施包括建立由人道主义组织管理的临时工人收容所,以及诉诸刑法打击工头和平息公众舆论。通过发展人道主义剥削的概念框架,本文说明了人道主义政府如何在调节移民劳动力和维持工业农业食品系统方面发挥作用。
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引用次数: 3
Away from the border and into the frontier: The paradoxical geographies of US immigration law 远离边境,进入边境:美国移民法的矛盾地理
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q2 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1177/02637758221110575
Ettore Asoni
This paper investigates US immigration law as a spatial system whose application results in geographic confusion. I take the case of Barton v. Barr as a vivid example of this structure, where the petitioner was found to be simultaneously “outside” and “inside” the country under a legal perspective. Beginning from this paradox, I focus on the law’s ability to produce extraterritorial folds within the country’s interior, thus confining aliens into spaces that escape constitutional rules. Through an engagement with legal geography and Niklas Luhmann’s work, I conceptualize immigration law as a system which lives off the repetition of operations that distributes rights and privileges to aliens by assigning a degree of foreignness to their location. The resulting paradox must not be confused for a mistake or a flawed logic. Instead, it constitutes the dispositive that allows the law to produce its effects and draw its territorial enclaves.
本文将美国移民法作为一个空间系统来考察,它的应用导致了地理上的混乱。我以Barton诉Barr案为这种结构的生动例子,从法律角度看,在该案中,申诉人被认定同时处于“境外”和“境内”。从这个悖论开始,我关注法律在国家内部产生治外法权褶皱的能力,从而将外国人限制在逃避宪法规则的空间。通过对法律地理学和Niklas Luhmann作品的研究,我将移民法概念化为一种系统,这种系统依靠重复的操作来分配权利和特权,通过为外国人的位置分配一定程度的异域性。由此产生的悖论不能被误认为是错误或有缺陷的逻辑。相反,它构成了允许法律产生其效力并划定其领土飞地的决定因素。
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引用次数: 2
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