British Journal of Social Psychology最新文献

Liberals and conservatives both express political animosity and favouritism. However, less is known about whether the same or different factors contribute to this phenomenon among liberals and conservatives. We test three different relationships that could emerge among cognitive ability, cognitive reflection and political group-based attitudes. Analysing two nationally representative surveys of US Americans (N = 9035) containing a measure of cognitive ability, we find evidence that compared to people lower in cognitive ability, people higher in cognitive ability express more animosity towards ideologically discordant groups and more favouritism towards ideologically concordant groups. This pattern was particularly pronounced among liberals. In a registered report study, we then test whether the same is true of cognitive reflection in another large dataset (N = 3498). In contrast to cognitive ability, we find no relationship between cognitive reflection, political animosity and favouritism. Together, these studies provide a comprehensive test of how cognitive ability and cognitive reflection are related to political animosity and favouritism for liberals and conservatives in the United States.

In Eastern Europe, collective victim beliefs have become integral elements of national ideologies, especially amid rising geopolitical polarization. In this study, we investigated how exclusive victimhood was related to geopolitical attitudes in Hungary and Serbia. The study involved Serbian (N = 630) and Hungarian (N = 471) adult national samples stratified by gender, age, political orientation, and place of residence. As expected, exclusive victimhood predicted higher support for a geopolitical shift from the West (i.e., EU and US) to the East (i.e., Russia and China) via Euroscepticism in both samples. In Serbia, the strongest indirect effect was observed among participants with neutral attitudes towards the war in Ukraine. In Hungary, there was no expected moderated mediation while the direct effect of exclusive victimhood on the West-to-East geopolitical shift was largest for pro-Russian participants and non-significant for pro-Ukrainian participants. Different measures of ethnic identity showed no expected moderation effect, but an exploratory analysis revealed that exclusive victimhood partially mediated the relationship between identity measures (superiority and attachment) and support for a pro-Eastern (vs. pro-Western) geopolitical orientation. We discuss how the construals of the past based on exclusive victimhood shape future geopolitical preferences of the public in Hungary and Serbia.

The United Nations Agenda 2030, inclusive of its 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs), serves as the global blueprint for sustainability for both present and future generations. Scientific research is entrusted with the responsibility of contributing by informing the current situation and future challenges in achieving the SDGs. This paper investigates the role of social psychology in contributing to the SDGs and the environmental, economic and social pillars of the UN Agenda. We analysed 4808 papers using Natural Language Processing to identify (i) the relevance of social psychology within the SDG-related literature and (ii) the current and potential contribution of social psychology to the SDGs. Results highlight that social psychology contributes to the SDGs by addressing typical social issues, primarily those related to health and gender, while noting its under-representation in some environmental and economic areas, despite social psychology well-established research on these topics. This paper introduces a novel approach for assessing the SDGs, fostering a critical reflection on the SDG framework and social psychology to guide less explored research paths. This approach could potentially enhance the evaluation and advancement of the 2030 Agenda, facilitating a deeper dialogue between the scientific community and policymakers, driving social change.

In response to the urgent global climate crisis, climate activism has risen as a potent force. Decision-making regarding climate collective action includes individuals' perceptions of the anticipated future existential risks of the climate crisis (risk of inaction) and present-day political risks of climate activism (risk of action). Our research, spanning four studies (two correlational surveys and two pre-registered experiments), focused on climate activism in Germany (N = 1027). We consistently showed that heightened politicized activist identification was associated with both confrontational and non-confrontational climate collective action across four studies. Furthermore, the anticipated existential climate risk was associated with non-confrontational climate action and present-day political risk with confrontational action. Politicized climate identity remained a robust predictor across different action tactics, while the content and temporality of risk (future existential vs. present-day political) in one's environment determined the transition between engagement in confrontational and non-confrontational climate action dynamically. Nevertheless, we did not find causal links between risk perceptions and collective action. We discuss our findings in line with ESIM (Elaborated Social Identity Model), and potential explanations for the lack of causal relationship and future directions for alternative methodologies and comprehensive conceptualization of risk perceptions are suggested.

In this paper, we posit that the 'global' status of the pandemic is not an essentialized feature of the crisis, but a product of social construction by political leaders. More specifically, we examine how political leaders of a superpower and a peripheral nation produce the pandemic's globality through crisis geographies from above and below. Utilizing a mixed methods framework, we analyse public speeches by Donald Trump of the United States and Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines through a critical approach to text analytics. Quantitatively, we found that besides mentioning their own homelands, Western countries featured more prominently in Trump's speeches while Asian neighbours were more salient in Duterte's speeches during the pandemic. However, the United States and China were consistently the most central in the crisis geographies of the pandemic of both speakers. Qualitatively, we further characterized the discourses surrounding these global pronouncements as: (a) collective reflexive positioning on the world stage, (b) charting zones of hope and (c) scapegoating zones of blame. Taken together, implications of this work are discussed in terms of understanding pandemic leadership in national and international contexts, recognizing its negotiated embeddedness in global structural hierarchies and enhancing critical approaches to geopolitical psychology.

Humanity is facing rapid declines in both biodiversity and cultural diversity. As effective conservation policies often require strong public support, it is critical to understand whether individuals view diversity loss through a moral lens and whether they value diversity for its own sake, independent from instrumental or individual-centric concerns. Across two studies (N = 796), we found that individuals assigned moral value to both biodiversity and cultural diversity. Individuals assigned greater moral value to animals, plants and - to a lesser extent - languages when diversity was threatened, compared to when it was not threatened, despite an equal number of entities at risk, and they were willing to sacrifice a large number of these entities to prevent a loss in diversity. Additionally, we found (N = 12,000) that a general concern for diversity underlies concern for both biodiversity and cultural diversity. These findings suggest that emphasizing the inherent value of diversity may be effective for increasing public support for conservation of diversity.

Contrary to expectations about solidarity and sisterhood between women, women managers sometimes distance themselves from junior women in the workplace when facing identity threat, that is, the feeling that one's social identity-such as race or gender-is devalued or undermined. For example, women managers might distance themselves from lower status junior women by seeing themselves as more masculine and career committed than their junior women colleagues. To advance our understanding of how to combat self-group distancing, the present research proposed and tested whether taking the perspective of junior women would attenuate these ingroup-distancing tendencies in women managers. Findings from a field study and an experimental study indicated that women managers reported greater self-distancing from junior women (on masculine trait perceptions) compared to women employees. As predicted, this effect was attenuated for women managers with high levels of perspective-taking (Study 1) and for women who were experimentally led to take the perspective of junior women (Study 2). For ratings of career commitment and support for affirmative actions, we did not replicate the self-ingroup distancing effect reported in the literature. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.

In this paper, we critique the colonial conception of time and present alternative decolonial temporalities. We propose that the colonial conception of time, which is linear and scarcity centred, is limiting when it comes to the possibility of contextually theorizing trauma and healing. We offer two main arguments. The first argument explores the discourse around the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in South Africa. Focusing specifically on Winnie Madikizela and F. W De Klerk, we show that in their engagement with the TRC, the linear, scarcity-centred and gendered nature of colonial time was animated. The second argument extends the first argument by considering how temporality is 'captured' by colonialism to foreground and universalize Western subjectivities and sensibilities. We use what Derek Hook calls a psycho-societal-diagnostic framework in conjunction with Fanon to show how subjectivities are structured in post-apartheid South Africa. We then consider how this time-subjectivity relationship is enacted at a geopolitical level. The paper ends by considering decolonial temporalities as a way to 're-cognize' at a collective level. While the paper engages with a series of concepts and ideas, namely capitalism, politics of justice, gender and race, these are threaded by the concept of time.