Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231178627
JAMILA Lyiscott, Cati V. De Los Ríos, Christopher H. Clark
While the national media continues to highlight the tensions of cultural politics in education, there is a need for young people and educators to be equipped for the daunting local, national, and global challenges that mark their everyday lives. Many educators and young people alike are interested in engaging youth in civic reasoning and discourse that prepares them to meet those many challenges. This article highlights applications of civic reasoning and discourse in three contexts: a traditional high school social studies classroom, a hybrid school-community action project, and an out-of-school Youth Participatory Action Research program. We argue that these case studies show a path forward for developing students’ civic reasoning and discourse skills because the students turn toward and lean into what we define as moments of critical dissonance: in each case, the students and educators work together to engage, rather than avoid, complex sociopolitical realities, even while holding a variety of racial, ethnic, political, and cultural identities.
{"title":"Case Studies of Effective Learning Climates for Civic Reasoning and Discussion","authors":"JAMILA Lyiscott, Cati V. De Los Ríos, Christopher H. Clark","doi":"10.1177/00027162231178627","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231178627","url":null,"abstract":"While the national media continues to highlight the tensions of cultural politics in education, there is a need for young people and educators to be equipped for the daunting local, national, and global challenges that mark their everyday lives. Many educators and young people alike are interested in engaging youth in civic reasoning and discourse that prepares them to meet those many challenges. This article highlights applications of civic reasoning and discourse in three contexts: a traditional high school social studies classroom, a hybrid school-community action project, and an out-of-school Youth Participatory Action Research program. We argue that these case studies show a path forward for developing students’ civic reasoning and discourse skills because the students turn toward and lean into what we define as moments of critical dissonance: in each case, the students and educators work together to engage, rather than avoid, complex sociopolitical realities, even while holding a variety of racial, ethnic, political, and cultural identities.","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231189037
Peter Levine
After being overlooked in major education debates and policy initiatives for decades, civic education has recently become the topic of highly polarized debates and legislative battles over what and how we should be teaching our young people about the nation’s history. How should racial injustice be discussed in schools? Are schools indoctrinating students? In a robust democracy, controversy about what students should learn is appropriate and desirable, but some of the rhetoric that has dominated the recent discussions violates the deliberative norms that schools should help students to develop. At a time when the public should be carefully deliberating how to educate students, civic education is instead being used instrumentally to win political contests. I present one approach to facing this challenge—the Educating for American Democracy project. This project is not the conclusive answer to the question, “What should we teach?” but rather an attempt to model deliberative values, and I show that it offers important lessons for people and institutions who are attempting to address matters of curricular content.
{"title":"Politics by Other Means: Civic Education in a Time of Controversy","authors":"Peter Levine","doi":"10.1177/00027162231189037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231189037","url":null,"abstract":"After being overlooked in major education debates and policy initiatives for decades, civic education has recently become the topic of highly polarized debates and legislative battles over what and how we should be teaching our young people about the nation’s history. How should racial injustice be discussed in schools? Are schools indoctrinating students? In a robust democracy, controversy about what students should learn is appropriate and desirable, but some of the rhetoric that has dominated the recent discussions violates the deliberative norms that schools should help students to develop. At a time when the public should be carefully deliberating how to educate students, civic education is instead being used instrumentally to win political contests. I present one approach to facing this challenge—the Educating for American Democracy project. This project is not the conclusive answer to the question, “What should we teach?” but rather an attempt to model deliberative values, and I show that it offers important lessons for people and institutions who are attempting to address matters of curricular content.","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231195186
Matthew Coopilton, Brendesha M. Tynes, Stephen M. Gibson, Joseph Kahne, Devin English, Karinna Nazario
Adolescents’ heavy engagement with digital news and social media brings them considerable exposure to race-related content, especially during election cycles. We assess how well young people navigate that kind of digital content, using a nationally representative longitudinal study in which baseline data was collected during and after the 2020 election. We categorize young people’s responses to two real-life examples of digital media related to participation in the election as beginner, emerging, and mastery level in terms of their ability to critique racism. We also find responses that we categorize as race evasive, anticritical, and white supremacist. Most of these young people performed at the beginner level, and a minority achieved mastery. We argue that there is a clear need for young people to be better prepared to assess race-related online information and that educators need to support them in developing those skills.
{"title":"Adolescents’ Analyses of Digital Media Related to Race and Racism in the 2020 U.S. Election: An Assessment of Their Needs and Skills","authors":"Matthew Coopilton, Brendesha M. Tynes, Stephen M. Gibson, Joseph Kahne, Devin English, Karinna Nazario","doi":"10.1177/00027162231195186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231195186","url":null,"abstract":"Adolescents’ heavy engagement with digital news and social media brings them considerable exposure to race-related content, especially during election cycles. We assess how well young people navigate that kind of digital content, using a nationally representative longitudinal study in which baseline data was collected during and after the 2020 election. We categorize young people’s responses to two real-life examples of digital media related to participation in the election as beginner, emerging, and mastery level in terms of their ability to critique racism. We also find responses that we categorize as race evasive, anticritical, and white supremacist. Most of these young people performed at the beginner level, and a minority achieved mastery. We argue that there is a clear need for young people to be better prepared to assess race-related online information and that educators need to support them in developing those skills.","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231188566
Maisha T. Winn
Around the country, schools are using restorative justice circles as an approach to conflict resolution among students. This group work focuses on listening and speaking, knowledge sharing, and problem solving; and as such, it serves as an ideal space for civic education. I offer a vision of restorative justice practice in schools that emphasizes its potential to create social networks that are foundational to civic education. I draw on my experience as a restorative justice theorist and practitioner and on data collected from a midwestern high school that trained students in restorative justice theory and practice to show how restorative justice processes can be leveraged to support civic education. I posit that if learning communities practice fidelity to restorative justice theory and circle processes, they can support youth in becoming agents of civic change with experience as active community stakeholders, reflective listeners, and leaders.
{"title":"Restorative Justice, Civic Education, and Transformative Possibilities","authors":"Maisha T. Winn","doi":"10.1177/00027162231188566","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231188566","url":null,"abstract":"Around the country, schools are using restorative justice circles as an approach to conflict resolution among students. This group work focuses on listening and speaking, knowledge sharing, and problem solving; and as such, it serves as an ideal space for civic education. I offer a vision of restorative justice practice in schools that emphasizes its potential to create social networks that are foundational to civic education. I draw on my experience as a restorative justice theorist and practitioner and on data collected from a midwestern high school that trained students in restorative justice theory and practice to show how restorative justice processes can be leveraged to support civic education. I posit that if learning communities practice fidelity to restorative justice theory and circle processes, they can support youth in becoming agents of civic change with experience as active community stakeholders, reflective listeners, and leaders.","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"366 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231190530
Christian O. Paiz, Lisa García Bedolla, Kris D. Gutiérrez
Throughout the U.S., Latinx communities represent a growing and critical segment of local, regional, and national electorates, but they are underrepresented at the polls. Their political disengagement stems from their historical sociopolitical marginalization and a lack of investment in their political integration. To foster more civic engagement among Latinx students, we propose recognizing their communities’ past and present “lived civics,” which are the actions that address community concerns but are often forgotten or not considered as political. The conception of lived civics that we propose provides a road map for fostering Latinx agency and political efficacy, and our “civics on the move” framework aims to strengthen democratic institutions, ensuring that they represent the needs of this critical segment of the U.S. population.
{"title":"Civics on the Move: The Politics of Latinx Civic Integration","authors":"Christian O. Paiz, Lisa García Bedolla, Kris D. Gutiérrez","doi":"10.1177/00027162231190530","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231190530","url":null,"abstract":"Throughout the U.S., Latinx communities represent a growing and critical segment of local, regional, and national electorates, but they are underrepresented at the polls. Their political disengagement stems from their historical sociopolitical marginalization and a lack of investment in their political integration. To foster more civic engagement among Latinx students, we propose recognizing their communities’ past and present “lived civics,” which are the actions that address community concerns but are often forgotten or not considered as political. The conception of lived civics that we propose provides a road map for fostering Latinx agency and political efficacy, and our “civics on the move” framework aims to strengthen democratic institutions, ensuring that they represent the needs of this critical segment of the U.S. population.","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"67 10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231192166
Paul Carrese
American elites’ continuing descent into polarization and the ongoing disintegration of civic culture and institutions highlight the need for educational leaders to learn from national consensus efforts in civics reform that have been forged by experts from the center left and center right. From a conservative perspective, this requires center-left colleagues to recognize the drawbacks of prioritizing civic engagement over civic education, the latter encompassing fundamental knowledge and civic virtues. The recent study Educating for American Democracy provides a balanced view of a national consensus framework for improvements that can be undertaken by states and localities, emphasizes civic knowledge and civic virtues as the foundation of informed participation, and features Tocqueville’s concept of “reflective patriotism” as indispensable to a healthy American constitutional democracy. I argue that if American elites do not invest in such preparation for informed, committed citizenship, we risk the kind of self-inflicted crisis that Lincoln addressed in 1838 when he warned of an impending national “suicide.”
美国精英阶层持续陷入两极分化，公民文化和制度持续解体，这突显出教育领导者有必要学习由中左和中右专家促成的公民改革的全国共识努力。从保守派的角度来看，这需要中左翼同事认识到将公民参与优先于公民教育的弊端，后者包括基本知识和公民美德。最近的研究《为美国民主而教育》(education for American Democracy)对国家共识框架的改进提供了一种平衡的观点，这种改进可以由各州和地方政府承担，强调公民知识和公民美德是知情参与的基础，并将托克维尔的“反思爱国主义”概念作为健康的美国宪政民主不可或缺的特征。我认为，如果美国精英不投资于这种知情的、忠诚的公民身份的准备，我们就有可能面临林肯在1838年提出的那种自我造成的危机，当时他警告说，国家即将“自杀”。
{"title":"Civic Preparation of American Youth: Reflective Patriotism and Our Constitutional Democracy","authors":"Paul Carrese","doi":"10.1177/00027162231192166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231192166","url":null,"abstract":"American elites’ continuing descent into polarization and the ongoing disintegration of civic culture and institutions highlight the need for educational leaders to learn from national consensus efforts in civics reform that have been forged by experts from the center left and center right. From a conservative perspective, this requires center-left colleagues to recognize the drawbacks of prioritizing civic engagement over civic education, the latter encompassing fundamental knowledge and civic virtues. The recent study Educating for American Democracy provides a balanced view of a national consensus framework for improvements that can be undertaken by states and localities, emphasizes civic knowledge and civic virtues as the foundation of informed participation, and features Tocqueville’s concept of “reflective patriotism” as indispensable to a healthy American constitutional democracy. I argue that if American elites do not invest in such preparation for informed, committed citizenship, we risk the kind of self-inflicted crisis that Lincoln addressed in 1838 when he warned of an impending national “suicide.”","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231193276
Linda Darling-Hammond, Kent McGuire
Preparing young people for citizenship requires significant change in our public schools, including a commitment to preparation of the education workforce for today’s diverse learners and paying more attention to culture and identity in what is taught. Schools should be designed and organized in ways that help students understand the obligations that members of a society owe one another. Policy can be an important lever in promoting changes that foster civic reasoning and engagement: curriculum policies can support civic reasoning and discourse within and across subject areas, assessments can support civic reasoning through competency-based approaches, and well-designed graduation requirements can reinforce attention to civic learning. This article describes various frameworks to guide policy development, each with the potential to prepare young people more fully for citizenship.
{"title":"Policy for Civic Reasoning","authors":"Linda Darling-Hammond, Kent McGuire","doi":"10.1177/00027162231193276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231193276","url":null,"abstract":"Preparing young people for citizenship requires significant change in our public schools, including a commitment to preparation of the education workforce for today’s diverse learners and paying more attention to culture and identity in what is taught. Schools should be designed and organized in ways that help students understand the obligations that members of a society owe one another. Policy can be an important lever in promoting changes that foster civic reasoning and engagement: curriculum policies can support civic reasoning and discourse within and across subject areas, assessments can support civic reasoning through competency-based approaches, and well-designed graduation requirements can reinforce attention to civic learning. This article describes various frameworks to guide policy development, each with the potential to prepare young people more fully for citizenship.","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-21DOI: 10.2533/chimia.2022.1039
Barbara Preti, Jean-Sébastien Rougier, Irida Papapostolou, Florian Bochen, Christian E Gerber, Hugues Abriel, Martin Lochner, Christine Peinelt
The transient receptor potential melastatin 4 (TRPM4) ion channel is ubiquitously expressed. Dysregulation and/or functional mutations of TRPM4 lead to several diseases. Within our studies, we screened for TRPM4 inhibitors and identified small molecules that block TRPM4 in the low µM range. Furthermore, we investigated the pathophysiology of TRPM4 in cardiac conditions, immune diseases and cancer using these novel inhibitors, molecular biology techniques and functional assays.
{"title":"Targeting Ion Channel TRPM4.","authors":"Barbara Preti, Jean-Sébastien Rougier, Irida Papapostolou, Florian Bochen, Christian E Gerber, Hugues Abriel, Martin Lochner, Christine Peinelt","doi":"10.2533/chimia.2022.1039","DOIUrl":"10.2533/chimia.2022.1039","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The transient receptor potential melastatin 4 (TRPM4) ion channel is ubiquitously expressed. Dysregulation and/or functional mutations of TRPM4 lead to several diseases. Within our studies, we screened for TRPM4 inhibitors and identified small molecules that block TRPM4 in the low µM range. Furthermore, we investigated the pathophysiology of TRPM4 in cardiac conditions, immune diseases and cancer using these novel inhibitors, molecular biology techniques and functional assays.</p>","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"391 1","pages":"1039-1044"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86821482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231164484
J. Schildkraut, L. B. Geller
Mass shootings in the U.S. elicit strong reactions and often are followed by demands for preventive or ameliorative policy action. Often, however, little change is made to policy, and the cycle of tragedy and passionate discourse is left to start anew. We assess the efficacy of a range of specific policies that may help to prevent mass shootings or mitigate their harms: we review empirical evidence on their effectiveness and consider arguments that both proponents and opponents of these policies bring to bear on the public discourse. We conclude that extant evidence and policy ideas that are on the table now can, in fact, point to a productive way forward: we argue for a proactive, layered approach to policy implementation that minimizes risks and impacts and capitalizes on effective interventions that enjoy broad public support.
{"title":"Mass Shootings in the United States: Prevalence, Policy, and a Way Forward","authors":"J. Schildkraut, L. B. Geller","doi":"10.1177/00027162231164484","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231164484","url":null,"abstract":"Mass shootings in the U.S. elicit strong reactions and often are followed by demands for preventive or ameliorative policy action. Often, however, little change is made to policy, and the cycle of tragedy and passionate discourse is left to start anew. We assess the efficacy of a range of specific policies that may help to prevent mass shootings or mitigate their harms: we review empirical evidence on their effectiveness and consider arguments that both proponents and opponents of these policies bring to bear on the public discourse. We conclude that extant evidence and policy ideas that are on the table now can, in fact, point to a productive way forward: we argue for a proactive, layered approach to policy implementation that minimizes risks and impacts and capitalizes on effective interventions that enjoy broad public support.","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"704 1","pages":"181 - 203"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43404353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-01DOI: 10.1177/00027162231164855
J. Berrigan, D. Azrael, Matthew Miller
Since 2015, tens of millions of guns have entered the U.S. market. Using household survey data, we found that the number of firearms owned by U.S. adults increased from 265 million in 2015 to 326 million in 2019. Over this period, the proportion of firearms that were handguns increased slightly, from 42 to 44 percent, continuing a long-standing trend. Seventy percent of handguns were pistols (102 million) and 30 percent revolvers (43 million); 5.7 million were stored in cars. Sixty-three percent of long guns were rifles (113 million); 37 percent were shotguns (65 million). Of the 40 percent of rifles that were semiautomatic, half were described as military-style rifles (23 million) and half as hunting rifles (22 million). Gun ownership was highly concentrated: 87 percent of all firearms were owned by the half of gun owners who owned more than two guns. We discuss the public health and surveillance implications of these findings.
{"title":"The Number and Type of Private Firearms in the United States","authors":"J. Berrigan, D. Azrael, Matthew Miller","doi":"10.1177/00027162231164855","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231164855","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2015, tens of millions of guns have entered the U.S. market. Using household survey data, we found that the number of firearms owned by U.S. adults increased from 265 million in 2015 to 326 million in 2019. Over this period, the proportion of firearms that were handguns increased slightly, from 42 to 44 percent, continuing a long-standing trend. Seventy percent of handguns were pistols (102 million) and 30 percent revolvers (43 million); 5.7 million were stored in cars. Sixty-three percent of long guns were rifles (113 million); 37 percent were shotguns (65 million). Of the 40 percent of rifles that were semiautomatic, half were described as military-style rifles (23 million) and half as hunting rifles (22 million). Gun ownership was highly concentrated: 87 percent of all firearms were owned by the half of gun owners who owned more than two guns. We discuss the public health and surveillance implications of these findings.","PeriodicalId":48352,"journal":{"name":"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science","volume":"704 1","pages":"70 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43767663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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