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Progress in environmental geography and progress in human geography: new siblings 环境地理学的进展和人文地理学的进展:新兄弟
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/03091325231195984
Lisa Campbell, Jamie Lorimer, Becky Mansfield, Dave Porinchu, Sarah Wright
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引用次数: 0
The Belt and Road Initiative in Nepal: Potential impacts and implications “一带一路”倡议在尼泊尔:潜在影响和启示
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231198188
Khagendra Prasai
The Belt and Road Initiative is emerging as a global phenomenon with a potential of bearing on almost all nations on Earth in different ways. In this context, this article, generally, is an attempt to demonstrate that impacts and implications of the BRI in Nepal will be governed by important national (Chinese) and international factors. Specifically, it argues that factors that have high developmental potential for Nepal include China's persistent rise and concomitant creation of the multipolar world, China's upholding of its international polices and the BRI principles, reproduction of the BRI experiences of other countries in Nepal, China's continuous pursuit of its socialism-aspiring path of development, its potential embarkment on a predominantly socialist path in the future. It argues that China’s future embarkment on a predominantly capitalist path can have ambivalent impacts ranging from highly appropriative to highly supportive. Likewise, the US–China conflict can also have ambivalent impacts ranging from boosting of Nepal’s negotiating power between the two powers to compromising of Nepal’s sovereignty and stability. The US–China conflict can also push China to treat Nepal as strategically highly important and, therefore, as a favored nation, pouring massive investments. It shows that the Chinese investment will enhance Nepal’s status vis-a-vis the US, the EU and India by cutting down its age-long dependencies on them; and will be conducive to the geographically-distributed development and capital accumulation.
“一带一路”倡议正在成为一种全球现象,有可能以不同的方式影响地球上几乎所有国家。在这种背景下,本文试图证明“一带一路”在尼泊尔的影响和影响将受到重要的国家(中国)和国际因素的支配。具体而言,它认为尼泊尔具有高发展潜力的因素包括中国的持续崛起和随之而来的多极世界的创建,中国坚持其国际政策和“一带一路”原则,尼泊尔复制其他国家的“一带一路”经验,中国继续追求其社会主义发展道路,未来可能走上以社会主义为主的道路。它认为,中国未来走上以资本主义为主的道路可能会产生矛盾的影响,从高度挪用到高度支持。同样,美中冲突也可能产生矛盾的影响,从提高尼泊尔在两个大国之间的谈判能力到损害尼泊尔的主权和稳定。美中冲突也可能促使中国将尼泊尔视为具有高度战略重要性的国家,因此,作为一个受惠国,投入大量投资。这表明,中国的投资将通过减少对美国、欧盟和印度的长期依赖,提高尼泊尔相对于这些国家的地位;并将有利于地域分布的发展和资本积累。
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引用次数: 0
Social movements’ struggles under new municipalism: Confronting the neoliberal Parque Pümpin megaproject in Valparaíso city 新市政主义下社会运动的斗争:面对Valparaíso市新自由主义的公园公园(Parque pmpin)大型项目
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231199765
Rodrigo Caimanque, Ernesto López-Morales
Over the past decade, new municipalism has emerged as an alternative form of politics emphasising radical democracy and community-based urban agendas. However, recent election results and challenges in navigating existing institutional frameworks worldwide have prompted a further examination of the potential and limitations of new municipalism in different contexts. This article evaluates the implementation of new municipal governance in Valparaíso, Chile, where a neighbourhood organisation backed by the local government clashed with a developer seeking to privatise and redevelop a critical ecological area called Pümpin Park. The city's significant public park shortage led to widespread social unrest, protests, and legal inquiries. Using firsthand accounts and official records, this study analyses how Valparaíso practices new municipalism by collaborating with grassroots movements to achieve the project's cancellation. However, it is still unclear whether the municipality's long-term urban development plans will continue to reflect a new municipalist agenda beyond this particular conflict.
在过去的十年里,新市政主义作为一种另类的政治形式出现,强调激进的民主和以社区为基础的城市议程。然而,最近的选举结果和在全球现有制度框架中导航的挑战促使人们进一步审视新市政主义在不同背景下的潜力和局限性。本文评估了智利Valparaíso新市政治理的实施情况,在那里,一个由当地政府支持的社区组织与一个寻求私有化和重新开发一个名为p mpin公园的重要生态区的开发商发生了冲突。该市严重的公园短缺导致了广泛的社会动荡、抗议和法律调查。利用第一手资料和官方记录,本研究分析了Valparaíso如何通过与草根运动合作来实践新市政主义,以实现项目的取消。然而,目前尚不清楚的是,市政当局的长期城市发展计划是否会在这场特殊冲突之后继续反映新的市政议程。
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引用次数: 0
A politics of conviction: The refusal of colonial carcerality in Palestinian graffiti 信念的政治:巴勒斯坦涂鸦中对殖民残暴的拒绝
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231200717
Jamal Nabulsi
In this visual essay, I curate and annotate nine photos of Palestinian prisoner graffiti, foregrounding a Palestinian politics of conviction. Prisoner graffiti is a prominent genre of Palestinian street art, countering Israel's system of colonial carcerality that attempts to dispossess and displace Palestinians. Israeli colonial carcerality functions not only through the “small prison” of Israeli detention, but through the “large prison” of Israeli colonial occupation and apartheid. The distinct forms that this incarceration takes across the fragments of Palestine—from the lands occupied in 1948, 1967, and the diaspora—all aim to crush a Palestinian will to resist. Israel works to construct its carceral systems as inescapable, suggesting to Palestinians that they have no choice but to submit to their colonisation. Against this colonial carcerality, we find in Palestinian prisoner graffiti what I term a politics of conviction. Persisting through their conviction and imprisonment under Israeli colonial law, Palestinians cultivate a conviction in liberation. Directly countering the apparent inevitability of incarceration and the reification of carceral systems, this politics of conviction asserts the inevitability of al-ḥurriya (freedom) from both the small prison and the large prison. This conviction in liberation is constituted by a range of feelings, including love for the prisoner and the dignity that they embody. I suggest that this politics of conviction might form the affective basis of a distinctly Palestinian abolitionism—working to abolish the colonial structures that uphold both the small and large prisons.
在这篇视觉文章中,我整理并注释了九张巴勒斯坦囚犯涂鸦的照片,突显了巴勒斯坦的信念政治。囚犯涂鸦是巴勒斯坦街头艺术的一个重要流派,反对以色列试图剥夺和取代巴勒斯坦人的殖民统治制度。以色列的殖民统治不仅通过以色列拘留的“小监狱”,而且通过以色列殖民占领和种族隔离的“大监狱”发挥作用。从1948年、1967年被占领的土地到散居的巴勒斯坦人,这种监禁的不同形式都旨在粉碎巴勒斯坦人的反抗意志。以色列努力将其收容系统构建为不可避免的,向巴勒斯坦人暗示他们别无选择,只能屈服于他们的殖民统治。针对这种殖民主义的残暴,我们在巴勒斯坦囚犯的涂鸦中发现了我称之为信念政治的东西。巴勒斯坦人坚持在以色列殖民法下被定罪和监禁,培养了对解放的信念。直接对抗监禁的必然性和监狱系统的具体化,这种信念政治断言,无论从小监狱还是大监狱,al-ḥurriya(自由)都是不可避免的。这种对解放的信念是由一系列的感情构成的,包括对囚犯的爱和他们所体现的尊严。我认为,这种信念政治可能构成一种独特的巴勒斯坦废奴主义的情感基础——努力废除维持大小监狱的殖民结构。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental crisis or an act of contemporary racism? A flint effect on maternal health disparities 环境危机还是当代种族主义行为?对孕产妇保健差距的严峻影响
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-10 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231199241
Kionna L. Henderson, Ashton Shortridge, Richard C. Sadler
Background Racial injustices, both within the social and environmental aspect, are increasingly in national discussions due to impacts from the COVID-19 pandemic and persistent violence perpetrated by police against Black civilians that resulted in tragic deaths. An ongoing environmental injustice that began in 2014 is the Flint Water Crisis (FWC). The purpose of this study is to conduct a quasi-experimental research design to compare Flint to a sociodemographically similar city to determine what effect, if any, the FWC had on maternal health from 2012 to 2017 across three time periods: pre-during-and-post-FWC. Methods The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)'s 21 severe maternal morbidity (SMM) rates severed as indicators of maternal health status and were collected from the Michigan Inpatient Database. Differences between non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic White race codes determined the maternal health disparity gap. R-statistical software and k-mean analysis were used to analyze cities that were comparable to Flint. Difference-in-difference methodology was used to compare the difference in SMM rates for Flint and a sociodemographically comparable city. Results On average, non-Hispanic Black women had a higher odds of experiencing a SMM across all three time periods: pre-FWC = 1.29, during-FWC = 1.2, and post-FWC = 1.05. Conclusions Maternal health outcomes observed in Flint during the FWC are significantly influenced by race. The study showed that regardless of a woman giving birth in a predominantly Black city, an environmental hazard, and her age range, maternal health disparities are still present if that woman identifies as Black.
由于2019冠状病毒病(COVID-19)大流行的影响以及警察对黑人平民持续施暴导致悲惨死亡,社会和环境方面的种族不公正日益成为全国讨论的话题。弗林特水危机(FWC)始于2014年,是一个持续的环境不公正现象。本研究的目的是进行一项准实验研究设计,将弗林特与社会人口统计学上相似的城市进行比较,以确定FWC在2012年至2017年三个时期(FWC前后)对孕产妇健康的影响(如果有的话)。方法以美国疾病控制与预防中心(CDC)的21例重度孕产妇发病率(SMM)作为孕产妇健康状况的指标,从密歇根州住院患者数据库中收集。非西班牙裔黑人和非西班牙裔白人种族代码之间的差异决定了孕产妇健康差距。使用r统计软件和k均值分析来分析与弗林特相当的城市。采用差异中的差异方法比较弗林特和一个社会人口统计学上可比较的城市的SMM率的差异。结果平均而言,非西班牙裔黑人女性在所有三个时期经历SMM的几率更高:fwc前= 1.29,fwc期间= 1.2,fwc后= 1.05。结论:在FWC期间弗林特观察到的孕产妇健康结果受到种族的显著影响。该研究表明,无论一名妇女在以黑人为主的城市分娩,环境危害如何,年龄范围如何,如果该妇女自认为是黑人,产妇健康差距仍然存在。
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引用次数: 0
Trajectories of translation 平移轨迹
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-29 DOI: 10.1177/03091325231198240
Timur Hammond, Brittany Cook
Translation has been a core concern for geographers, particularly in the context of our discipline’s ongoing debate about how to world Geography otherwise. Rather than seeing translation as simply an act of bridging pre-existing differences, this article conceptualizes translation as an act producing differences-in-relation. It traces four “trajectories of translation” that bring geographers’ discussions of translation into new configurations: (1) Topoglossia, foregrounding the linkage between place and language; (2) imbrication, a metaphor for thinking difference-in-relation; (3) relays, an alternative to the metaphor of the bridge; and (4) communities, defined not by self-identity but by their shared practice of translation.
翻译一直是地理学家关注的核心问题,特别是在我们学科正在进行的关于如何改变世界地理的辩论的背景下。本文不是简单地把翻译看作是一种弥合既存差异的行为,而是把翻译看作是一种产生关联差异的行为。它追溯了四个“翻译轨迹”,使地理学家对翻译的讨论进入了新的格局:(1)地形语域,突出了地点与语言之间的联系;(2)“砌块”,隐喻“关系差异”思维;(3)继电器,替代桥的隐喻;(4)社区,不是由自我认同定义的,而是由共同的翻译实践定义的。
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引用次数: 1
Subjective destitution, love, and rebellion in pandemic times: Theorizing with Hot Skull 流行病时代的主观贫困、爱与反叛:以热骷髅为理论依据
IF 7.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231190848
Jason C. Mueller
Dystopian visions of global pandemics, political crises, and human suffering abound, from fictitious television shows to the ongoing ravages of COVID-19. When we witness isolated instances of suffering and collective struggle, and identify their relationship to large-scale social crises, we are unveiling pieces of the totality. Things which might otherwise be portrayed as a local problem are instead viewed as a part of a larger social system. The Turkish Netflix series Sıcak Kafa (English title: Hot Skull) offers a story of pandemic lockdowns, rebellion, love, and subjectivity, touching upon important issues of radical political theory and action. This article connects key moments in Hot Skull to several important Marxist and psychoanalytic concepts, showing how the collective struggles in this Netflix series can help us identify concrete instances and attempts at overcoming violence in the modern world-system. By comparing the events of Hot Skull to our current predicament of living through a deadly pandemic, this article reaches an important conclusion: Our ability to radically change our circumstances through chance encounters with love and political rebellion remains real, potent alternatives to living in a persistent state of isolation and despair.
从虚构的电视节目到持续不断的COVID-19肆虐,充斥着对全球流行病、政治危机和人类苦难的反乌托邦愿景。当我们目睹苦难和集体斗争的孤立事例,并确定它们与大规模社会危机的关系时,我们正在揭开整体的碎片。那些可能被描述为局部问题的事情被视为更大社会系统的一部分。土耳其Netflix电视剧Sıcak Kafa(英文名:Hot Skull)讲述了一个关于流行病封锁、叛乱、爱和主观性的故事,触及了激进政治理论和行动的重要问题。本文将《热骷髅》中的关键时刻与几个重要的马克思主义和精神分析概念联系起来,展示了这部Netflix电视剧中的集体斗争如何帮助我们识别现代世界体系中克服暴力的具体实例和尝试。通过将《热骷髅》中的事件与我们目前在一场致命的流行病中生活的困境进行比较,本文得出了一个重要的结论:我们通过偶遇爱情和政治反叛从根本上改变我们环境的能力仍然是真实的,是生活在持续孤立和绝望状态中的有效选择。
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引用次数: 0
“Old school socialist” “老派社会主义者”
IF 7.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231187648
Robin D. G. Kelley
What did Mike Davis mean when he referred to himself as an “old school socialist”? In this tribute, I argue that Davis laid out a theory and praxis of revolutionary ethics. With a focus on Davis's first book, Prisoners of the American Dream, I show how he gives us one of the earliest and sharpest critiques of neoliberalism while being hopeful about multiracial insurgency. I argue that even in the bleakest of times, Davis maintained a Gramscian commitment to worker rebellions, with a keen analysis of the ebb and flow of worker power. Most of all, he knew that the work was necessary and that the work entailed fighting and organizing—as an old school socialist.
迈克·戴维斯称自己为“老派社会主义者”是什么意思?在这篇颂词中,我认为戴维斯提出了革命伦理学的理论和实践。我将重点放在戴维斯的第一本书《美国梦的囚徒》(Prisoners of the American Dream)上,向我们展示他是如何在对多种族叛乱充满希望的同时,对新自由主义提出最早、最尖锐的批评之一的。我认为,即使在最黯淡的时代,戴维斯对工人的反抗也保持着葛兰西式的承诺,对工人权力的潮起潮落进行了敏锐的分析。最重要的是,他知道这项工作是必要的,这项工作需要战斗和组织——作为一个老派社会主义者。
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引用次数: 0
Reviewer Acknowledgment 评论家承认
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231187219
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引用次数: 0
Editorial: Honoring Mike Davis 社论:向迈克·戴维斯致敬
IF 7.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-21 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231195651
Ananya Roy
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Progress in Human Geography
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