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Gendered times: how gendered contexts shape campaign messages of female candidates 性别时代:性别语境如何塑造女性候选人的竞选信息
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac052
Nichole M Bauer, Martina Santia
We develop and test a theory of gendered political times, which argues that the gendered political climate during an election shapes the extent to which female candidates emphasize feminine or masculine traits in campaign messages. We measure gendered electoral contexts through rigorous analyses of public opinion data and news media content of the top issues during an election, and we complement these data with an analysis of the gendered traits candidates emphasize in campaign messages during U.S. congressional election cycles from 2000 through 2018. Our results suggest that feminine electoral contexts do not necessarily lead female candidates, or male candidates, to rely on feminine traits. We find that masculine electoral contexts lead female candidates to rely more heavily on feminine traits. Our results have important implications for understanding the forces that shape the way candidates develop strategic campaign messages, and the factors that ultimately influence women’s under-representation in politics.
我们发展并测试了性别政治时代理论,该理论认为,选举期间的性别政治气候决定了女性候选人在竞选信息中强调女性或男性特征的程度。我们通过对选举期间公众舆论数据和新闻媒体内容的严格分析来衡量性别选举背景,并通过对2000年至2018年美国国会选举周期中候选人在竞选信息中强调的性别特征的分析来补充这些数据。我们的研究结果表明,女性选举背景并不一定会导致女性候选人或男性候选人依赖女性特征。我们发现,男性化的选举环境导致女性候选人更多地依赖女性特征。我们的研究结果对于理解影响候选人制定战略竞选信息方式的力量,以及最终影响女性在政治中代表性不足的因素具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 4
Silenced on social media: the gatekeeping functions of shadowbans in the American Twitterverse 在社交媒体上噤声:美国twitter世界中暗影禁令的把关功能
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac050
Kokil Jaidka, Subhayan Mukerjee, Yphtach Lelkes
Algorithms play a critical role in steering online attention on social media. Many have alleged that algorithms can perpetuate bias. This study audited shadowbanning, where a user or their content is temporarily hidden on Twitter. We repeatedly tested whether a stratified random sample of American Twitter accounts (n ≈ 25,000) had been subject to various forms of shadowbans. We then identified the type of user and tweet characteristics that predict a shadowban. In general, shadowbans are rare. We found that accounts with bot-like behavior were more likely to face shadowbans, while verified accounts were less likely to be shadowbanned. The replies by Twitter accounts that posted offensive tweets and tweets about politics (from both the left and the right) were more likely to be downtiered. The findings have implications for algorithmic accountability and the design of future audit studies of social media platforms.
算法在引导社交媒体的在线注意力方面发挥着关键作用。许多人声称,算法会使偏见永久化。这项研究审核了shadowbanning,即用户或其内容暂时隐藏在Twitter上。我们反复测试了美国Twitter账户(n≈25,000)的分层随机样本是否受到各种形式的影子禁令的影响。然后,我们确定了预测shadowban的用户类型和tweet特征。一般来说,暗影禁令很少见。我们发现,有类似机器人行为的账户更有可能面临影子禁令,而经过验证的账户不太可能被影子禁令。发布攻击性推文和有关政治的推文的推特账户(无论是来自左翼还是右翼)的回复更有可能被降级。这些发现对算法问责制和未来社交媒体平台审计研究的设计具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 6
Engagement with partisan Russian troll tweets during the 2016 U.S. presidential election: a social identity perspective 2016年美国总统大选期间与俄罗斯党派喷子推特的接触:一个社会身份的视角
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac037
Stephen A Rains, Jake Harwood, Yotam Shmargad, Kate Kenski, Kevin Coe, Steven Bethard
Operatives working for the Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) infiltrated social media with the goal of disrupting the 2016 U.S. presidential election. We investigate how these operatives or “trolls” leveraged partisan political identities in discussing presidential candidates and parties on Twitter. Adopting a social identity lens, we conceptualize retweeting troll content as a form of identity performance and examine the message properties that led troll tweets to resonate among Twitter users. The findings highlight the importance of partisan trolls’ persistence in tweeting about candidates and parties as well as their discussion of the political outgroup and incivility in the form of name-calling. The results collectively indicate that Twitter users were sensitive to messages generated by IRA trolls and responded in a manner consistent with identity performance.
为俄罗斯互联网研究机构(IRA)工作的特工渗透了社交媒体,目的是破坏2016年美国总统大选。我们调查了这些特工或“喷子”如何利用党派政治身份在Twitter上讨论总统候选人和政党。采用社会身份视角,我们将转发巨魔内容概念化为身份表现的一种形式,并研究导致巨魔推文在Twitter用户中引起共鸣的消息属性。研究结果强调了党派喷子坚持在推特上谈论候选人和政党的重要性,以及他们讨论政治外群体和以辱骂形式的不文明行为的重要性。结果表明,Twitter用户对IRA喷子生成的消息很敏感,并以与身份性能一致的方式做出回应。
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引用次数: 1
Whose media freedom is being defended? Norm contestation in international media freedom campaigns 谁的媒体自由受到保护?国际媒体自由运动中的规范争论
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-29 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac045
Martin Scott, Mel Bunce, Mary Myers, Maria Carmen Fernandez
This article analyses how international advocacy campaigns approach and define media freedom, and what influences this process. It does this through a two-year case study of the Media Freedom Coalition—an intergovernmental partnership of over 50 countries—that included 55 interviews with key stakeholders, observations, and document analysis. This revelatory case sheds light on how norms of media freedom are constructed and contested on the international stage, and their implications for journalists, media freedom and geo-politics. We show that the Coalition adopted a state-centric, accountability-focused, and negative understanding of media freedom. This discourse legitimized a narrow, reactive, and “resource-light” approach to supporting media freedom, focused on “other” countries. We argue that critical norm research provides a helpful prism for understanding this Coalition’s operations, and the global politics of media freedom more generally. These findings have important implications for understandings of “norm entrepreneurship,” “media imperialism,” and “media freedom” itself.
本文分析了国际宣传运动如何接近和定义媒体自由,以及影响这一过程的因素。通过对媒体自由联盟(由50多个国家组成的政府间伙伴关系)进行为期两年的案例研究,包括55次对主要利益攸关方的访谈、观察和文件分析。这个具有启发性的案例揭示了媒体自由规范是如何在国际舞台上构建和争议的,以及它们对记者、媒体自由和地缘政治的影响。我们表明,该联盟对媒体自由采取了以国家为中心、以问责为中心和消极的理解。这种论述使一种狭隘的、被动的、“轻资源”的方式合法化,这种方式支持媒体自由,关注“其他”国家。我们认为,批判性规范研究为理解该联盟的运作以及更普遍的全球媒体自由政治提供了有益的棱镜。这些发现对理解“规范创业”、“媒体帝国主义”和“媒体自由”本身具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Gender differences and similarities in news media effects on political candidate evaluations: a meta-analysis 新闻媒体中的性别差异和相似性对政治候选人评价的影响:一项元分析
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac042
Tobias Rohrbach, Loes Aaldering, Daphne Joanna Van der Pas
How do different types of media coverage shape—and potentially bias—voter evaluations of women and men politicians? Theoretically reviewing 50 experimental studies and statistically synthesizing 671 evaluation outcomes from more than 23,000 participants, this meta-analytic review shows that gender bias in media-induced voter evaluations is conditional rather than universal. Our findings suggest that voters respond similarly to most media messages about women and men candidates. When gender-differentiated media effects are found, for instance, based on trait, appearance, or family coverage of politicians, this is mostly harmful for women candidates as it reaffirms gender stereotypical beliefs and lowers their viability ratings and vote preferences. Shedding light on the conditional nature of media-driven voter bias, this study adds to a better understanding of how the mediation of gender stereotypes sustains the underrepresentation of women in politics.
不同类型的媒体报道是如何影响选民对男女政治家的评价的?从理论上回顾了50项实验研究,从统计上综合了来自23,000多名参与者的671项评估结果,这一荟萃分析综述表明,媒体诱导的选民评估中的性别偏见是有条件的,而不是普遍的。我们的研究结果表明,选民对大多数关于女性和男性候选人的媒体信息的反应相似。当发现性别差异的媒体效应时,例如,基于政治家的特征、外表或家庭报道,这对女性候选人来说是最有害的,因为它重申了性别刻板印象,降低了她们的生存能力评级和投票偏好。这项研究揭示了媒体驱动的选民偏见的条件性质,有助于更好地理解性别刻板印象的中介如何维持女性在政治中的代表性不足。
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引用次数: 2
Modeling news recommender systems’ conditional effects on selective exposure: evidence from two online experiments 新闻推荐系统对选择性曝光的条件效应建模:来自两个在线实验的证据
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac047
Erik Knudsen
Under which conditions do news recommender systems (NRSs) amplify or reduce selective exposure? I provide the Recommender Influenced Selective Exposure framework, which aims to enable researchers to model and study the conditional effects of NRSs on selective exposure. I empirically test this framework by studying user behavior on a news site where the choice environment is designed to systematically influence selective exposure. Through two preregistered online experiments that simulate different NRSs and unobtrusively log user behavior, I contribute empirical evidence that an NRS can increase or decrease the chance that selective exposure occurs, depending on what the NRS is designed to achieve. These insights have implications for ongoing scholarly debates on the democratic impact of NRSs.
新闻推荐系统(NRSs)在哪些条件下放大或减少选择性曝光?我提供了推荐影响选择性暴露框架,其目的是使研究人员能够模拟和研究NRSs对选择性暴露的条件效应。我通过研究新闻网站上的用户行为对这个框架进行了实证测试,在这个网站上,选择环境被设计成系统地影响选择性曝光。通过两个预先注册的在线实验,模拟不同的NRS并不引人注目地记录用户行为,我提供了经验证据,表明NRS可以增加或减少选择性暴露发生的机会,这取决于NRS的设计目的。这些见解对正在进行的关于nrs民主影响的学术辩论具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 2
The madness of misperceptions: evaluating the ways anger contributes to misinformed beliefs 误解的疯狂:评估愤怒导致错误信念的方式
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac041
Dustin Carnahan, Suhwoo Ahn, Monique Mitchell Turner
Drawing from established theoretical traditions in cognitive consistency, motivated reasoning, heuristic–systematic processing, and the anger-activism model, we extend existing work linking anger with misperceptions by specifying three distinct ways anger might contribute to the formation of misperceptions: Increasing reliance on partisan heuristics, influencing political information-seeking behavior, and moderating the influence of partisan media exposure. Analyzing data from an original survey administered nationally via Qualtrics Panels during the first impeachment trial of President Donald Trump in January 2020, results indicate that high-anger partisans were more likely to express belief in claims supportive of their party and critical of the other party, regardless of the veracity of those claims. Further, anger was also linked with greater use of pro-attitudinal information sources and avoidance of counterattitudinal sources, with these differences in partisan media consumption subsequently influencing factual beliefs. However, we found no evidence that anger moderated the relationship between partisan media exposure and factual beliefs. We explore the implications of these findings in a political era defined increasingly by the experience of anger.
根据认知一致性、动机推理、启发式-系统处理和愤怒-行动主义模型等已建立的理论传统,我们扩展了将愤怒与误解联系起来的现有工作,具体说明了愤怒可能导致误解形成的三种不同方式:增加对党派启发式的依赖,影响政治信息寻求行为,以及缓和党派媒体曝光的影响。分析了2020年1月唐纳德·特朗普总统第一次弹劾审判期间由Qualtrics Panels在全国范围内进行的一项原始调查的数据,结果表明,无论这些说法的真实性如何,高愤怒的党派更有可能表达对支持自己政党和批评另一方的言论的信仰。此外,愤怒还与更多地使用支持态度的信息源和避免反对态度的信息源有关,这些党派媒体消费的差异随后影响了事实信念。然而,我们没有发现任何证据表明愤怒调节了党派媒体曝光与事实信念之间的关系。我们探讨了这些发现在一个日益由愤怒经历定义的政治时代的含义。
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引用次数: 2
News for life: improving the quality of journalistic news reporting to prevent suicides 生命新闻:提高新闻报道质量,预防自杀
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac039
Florian Arendt, Antonia Markiewitz, Sebastian Scherr
Despite much theorizing on the quality of journalism, there is limited actual empirical evidence for the effects of improved news quality on societal outcomes. This study provides such evidence for suicide reporting. News quality especially matters in this domain, as low-quality reporting can elicit “copycat” suicides (Werther effect). We developed and disseminated a web-based campaign promoting high-quality suicide reporting, targeting newsrooms in Germany. Twenty-two newsrooms participated. A content analysis (N = 4,015 articles) provided supporting evidence for an increase in high-quality reporting (Study 1). Interrupted time series analyses offered tentative evidence for a reduction in actual suicides (Study 2). Acknowledging limitations in terms of causal interpretations, the findings support the claim that high-quality news can save lives. Similar newsroom interventions run elsewhere may contribute to preventing suicides globally. We discuss the implications, including those of a theoretically meaningful discovery related to the suicide-protective effect’s underlying mechanism, termed the dampening-the-spikes hypothesis.
尽管有很多关于新闻质量的理论,但关于提高新闻质量对社会结果的影响的实际经验证据有限。这项研究为自杀报告提供了这样的证据。在这个领域,新闻质量尤其重要,因为低质量的报道可能引发“模仿”自杀(维特效应)。我们开发并传播了一项基于网络的活动,以德国的新闻编辑室为目标,促进高质量的自杀报道。22家新闻编辑室参与了调查。内容分析(N = 4,015篇文章)为高质量报道的增加提供了支持证据(研究1)。中断时间序列分析为实际自杀的减少提供了初步证据(研究2)。承认因果解释方面的局限性,研究结果支持高质量新闻可以挽救生命的说法。其他地方类似的新闻编辑室干预可能有助于全球预防自杀。我们讨论了其含义,包括那些与自杀保护效应的潜在机制有关的理论意义的发现,称为抑制尖峰假说。
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引用次数: 1
Social media use in the context of the Personal Social Media Ecosystem Framework 个人社交媒体生态系统框架下的社交媒体使用
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-12 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac038
Michael C Carter, Drew P Cingel, Jeanette B Ruiz, Ellen Wartella
The rapid proliferation and maturation of social media platforms have led to numerous challenges in understanding the correlates of social media use among users. To advance this research, the present article proposes a new way to think about social media with the Personal Social Media Ecosystem Framework (PSMEF). This perspective defines social media as a user-centric digital environment made up of a central set of individual, yet interrelated digital spaces (e.g., in-app pages) that are themselves embedded within a broader ecology (e.g., operating system, the Internet, offline contexts). By leveraging the PSMEF and data from focus groups involving adolescent participants (N = 59), we identify a core subset of salient environmental contexts within participants’ PSMEs that can generalize across platforms, which are differentially associated with popular social media platforms. The theoretical and practical implications of this work are discussed.
社交媒体平台的快速扩散和成熟给理解用户之间使用社交媒体的相关性带来了许多挑战。为了推进这一研究,本文提出了一种新的思考社交媒体的方式,即个人社交媒体生态系统框架(PSMEF)。这一观点将社交媒体定义为一个以用户为中心的数字环境,它由一组独立的、相互关联的数字空间(例如,应用程序内页面)组成,这些空间本身嵌入在一个更广泛的生态中(例如,操作系统、互联网、离线环境)。通过利用PSMEF和涉及青少年参与者的焦点小组的数据(N = 59),我们确定了参与者PSMEs中可以跨平台推广的突出环境背景的核心子集,这些核心子集与流行的社交媒体平台有不同的关联。讨论了本研究的理论和实践意义。
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引用次数: 0
How iconic news images travel: republishing and reframing historic photographs in Israeli newspapers 标志性的新闻图像是如何传播的:在以色列报纸上重新出版和重新设计历史照片
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-10-29 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqac036
Sandrine Boudana, Akiba A Cohen, Paul Frosh
Iconic photographs are symbolically dense images characterized by broad circulation over time and recognition by large publics. Following this definition, we track the republication and reframing, over nearly 70 years, of 15 news photographs previously identified as most recognized by the Israeli public. Distinguishing between “discrete icons” (singular photographs of particular scenes) and “aggregate icons” (where several variants of the same event are continually reproduced), our quantitative and qualitative analyses show that iconic images are both resistant to the passing of time and kept in motion through renewed media use. We identify four “iconic modalities,” corresponding to different ways in which iconic status and meanings are achieved, transformed, or denied through republishing and reframing. This concept improves our understanding of iconicity as a fluctuating material and symbolic process, whereby the circulation of images not only produces shifts in meaning, but constructs powerful aggregative frameworks of collective visual memory.
标志性照片是一种符号密集的图像,其特点是随着时间的推移而广泛流传,并得到广大公众的认可。根据这一定义,我们追踪了近70年来以色列公众最认可的15张新闻照片的再版和重构。区分“离散图标”(特定场景的单一照片)和“聚合图标”(同一事件的多个变体不断重复),我们的定量和定性分析表明,图标图像既能抵抗时间的流逝,又能通过更新的媒体使用保持动态。我们确定了四种“标志性模式”,对应于通过重新出版和重构实现、转化或否认标志性地位和意义的不同方式。这一概念提高了我们对象似性作为一种波动的材料和符号过程的理解,图像的循环不仅产生了意义的变化,而且构建了集体视觉记忆的强大聚合框架。
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引用次数: 1
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Journal of Communication
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