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Black issue publics online: securing political knowledge through selective exposure 在线黑人问题公众:通过选择性曝光获取政治知识
1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-30 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad027
Mona S Kleinberg
Abstract Political knowledge is fundamental to democratic politics. I develop a group-centered theory of political knowledge acquisition in the current media environment, which includes both high- and low-choice media, in this article. I argue that group identity prompts selective exposure to media content, which gives rise to specialized group-relevant political knowledge. This specialized knowledge is deeply relevant to the group and cannot be measured with indicators of general political knowledge. I show that selective exposure is the crucial mechanism facilitating specialized knowledge: Both selective exposure to Black-oriented content and use of high-choice media (the Internet) increase group-relevant knowledge among Black issue publics. This research speaks to scholarship examining the role of digital media in democratic politics and illustrates that the affordances of the Internet, and particularly selective exposure, are crucial to marginalized groups, who do not see their interests represented in mainstream media content, but who can access such information online.
摘要政治知识是民主政治的基础。在这篇文章中,我提出了一个以群体为中心的理论,研究当前媒体环境下的政治知识获取,其中包括高选择和低选择的媒体。我认为,群体认同促使人们选择性地接触媒体内容,从而产生与群体相关的专业政治知识。这种专业知识与群体密切相关,不能用一般政治知识的指标来衡量。我表明选择性接触是促进专业知识的关键机制:选择性接触面向黑人的内容和使用高选择媒体(互联网)都增加了黑人问题公众的群体相关知识。这项研究对研究数字媒体在民主政治中的作用的学者进行了探讨,并说明了互联网的功能,特别是选择性曝光,对边缘化群体至关重要,这些群体看不到主流媒体内容代表他们的利益,但他们可以在网上获取这些信息。
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引用次数: 0
Phenomenology of the Turing test: a Levinasian perspective 图灵测试的现象学:列文的观点
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad026
Matthew S Lindia
This article considers the Turing test as a problem of communication, particularly by asking how the language of artificial intelligence (AI) appears to human experience in comparison to the language of the Other. This question is approached through Levinas’ philosophy, by considering the possibility of AI as an absolute alterity, rather than reducing its alterity to the Same. This perspective diverges from traditional accounts of AI, which are more concerned with identifying structures of consciousness in the machine that are analogous to those evident in firsthand experience. This article asks how exactly AI appears to human consciousness, and whether this appearance precludes the appearance of AI as a thinking-being. In the final analysis, the author argues that AI diverges from Levinas’ understanding of alterity, which centers around the exteriority of the Other. The alterity of AI, in contrast, centers around anteriority, defined as the appearance of language's origin-in-itself.
本文将图灵测试视为一个交流问题,特别是通过与他者的语言相比,人工智能(AI)的语言在人类经验中的表现如何。这个问题是通过列维纳斯的哲学来解决的,通过考虑人工智能作为一个绝对的另类的可能性,而不是把它的另类减少到相同。这种观点与人工智能的传统说法不同,后者更关注识别机器中的意识结构,类似于那些在第一手经验中显而易见的结构。这篇文章探讨了人工智能在人类意识中究竟是如何出现的,以及这种出现是否排除了人工智能作为一个有思维的存在的出现。归根到底,作者认为人工智能偏离了列维纳斯对另类的理解,后者以他者的外在性为中心。相比之下,人工智能的另类则围绕着先进性展开,被定义为语言本源的表象。
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引用次数: 0
Race and gender intertwined: why intersecting identities matter for perceptions of incivility and content moderation on social media 种族和性别交织在一起:为什么交叉的身份对社交媒体上的不文明和内容节制的看法很重要
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-12 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad023
Ian Hawkins, Jessica Roden, Miriam Attal, Haleemah Aqel
Social media users often push back against harmful rhetoric with satirical and aggressive counterspeech. How do the interconnected race and gender identities of the person posting counterspeech and the person viewing it impact evaluations of the comment? Across two online experiments, we manipulate the race (Black or White) and gender (man or woman) of an individual whose tweet opposes ignorance about White privilege to examine if identity influences perceptions of incivility and intentions to flag the tweet for removal among Black and White men and women participants. Results demonstrate White men were most likely to find the tweet uncivil and report it, and this was especially the case when the tweet came from a Black woman, regardless of the tone. These studies highlight the importance of recognizing power and intersectionality in social media content moderation and creating policies that counteract the uniquely severe treatment of Black women by White men.
社交媒体用户经常用讽刺和攻击性的反言论来回击有害言论。发表反驳言论的人和观看反驳言论的人相互关联的种族和性别身份如何影响对评论的评估?在两个在线实验中,我们操纵了一个人的种族(黑人或白人)和性别(男性或女性),他的推文反对对白人特权的无知,以检验身份是否会影响黑人和白人男性和女性参与者对不文明行为的看法和标记推文的意图。结果显示,白人男性最有可能发现这条推文不文明,并将其举报,尤其是当这条推文来自黑人女性时,无论语气如何,情况都是如此。这些研究强调了认识到社交媒体内容节制的力量和交叉性,以及制定政策以抵消白人男性对黑人女性的独特严厉对待的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Is artificial intelligence more persuasive than humans? A meta-analysis 人工智能比人类更有说服力吗?一个荟萃分析
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad024
Guanxiong Huang, Sai Wang
The rapid deployment of artificial intelligence (AI) technology has enabled AI agents to take on various roles as communicators, such as virtual assistants, robot journalists, and AI doctors. This study meta-analyzed 121 randomized experimental studies (N = 53,977) that compared the effects of AI and human agency on persuasion outcomes, including perceptions, attitudes, intentions, and behaviors. The results showed that AI agents were as persuasive as humans in terms of overall persuasion outcomes. With regard to different types of outcomes, AI was less effective than humans at shaping behavioral intentions, but did not differ significantly from humans in eliciting perceptions, attitudes, or actual behaviors. Additionally, heterogeneous patterns were observed for different roles of AI communicators, directions of communication, experimental settings, and demographic segments. The implications of these findings for human–machine communication and persuasion in the era of AI are discussed.
随着人工智能(AI)技术的迅速发展,人工智能代理可以扮演虚拟助手、机器人记者、人工智能医生等多种角色。这项研究荟萃分析了121项随机实验研究(N = 53,977),比较了人工智能和人类代理对说服结果的影响,包括感知、态度、意图和行为。结果显示,就整体说服结果而言,人工智能代理与人类一样有说服力。就不同类型的结果而言,人工智能在塑造行为意图方面不如人类有效,但在引发感知、态度或实际行为方面与人类没有显著差异。此外,人工智能传播者的不同角色、传播方向、实验环境和人口细分也存在异质模式。讨论了这些发现对人工智能时代人机沟通和说服的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Curbing the decline of local news by building relationships with the audience 通过与受众建立关系,遏制地方新闻的衰落
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad018
Natalie Jomini Stroud, Emily Van Duyn
In the struggle to find sustainable business models, many local news sites have turned to engaged journalism, which draws from social exchange theory and aims to build relationships with audiences. The causal impact of these initiatives is unclear, but important given that local news sites are critical information sources and face dire economic situations. In this study, 20 news sites were randomly assigned to launch a six-month engaged journalism initiative where journalists reported on audience questions or to continue their current practices. Although not a panacea, over time traffic and subscription data and a two-wave survey of audience members across the sites (n = 3,998) show that the initiative resulted in more subscriptions and more positive audience evaluations. The results highlight the applicability of social exchange theory to questions of local news viability and illustrate that engaged journalism can improve relationships between newsrooms and the communities they serve.
在寻找可持续商业模式的过程中,许多地方新闻网站转向了参与式新闻,这一模式借鉴了社会交换理论,旨在与受众建立关系。这些举措的因果影响尚不清楚,但鉴于地方新闻网站是重要的信息来源,面临严峻的经济形势,这一点很重要。在这项研究中,20家新闻网站被随机分配,开展为期6个月的参与式新闻活动,让记者报道听众的问题,或者继续他们目前的做法。虽然不是万灵药,但随着时间的推移,流量和订阅数据以及对网站受众成员的两波调查(n = 3998)表明,这一举措带来了更多的订阅和更积极的受众评价。研究结果强调了社会交换理论在地方新闻可行性问题上的适用性,并说明了参与式新闻可以改善新闻编辑室与他们所服务的社区之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Modulating moderation: a history of objectionability in Twitter moderation practices 调节适度:推特适度实践中令人反感的历史
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad015
Emillie de Keulenaar, João C Magalhães, Bharath Ganesh
With their power to shape public discourse under unprecedented scrutiny, social media platforms have revamped their speech control practices in recent years by building complex systems of content moderation. The contours of this tectonic shift are relatively clear. Yet, little work has systematically documented, examined, and theorized this process. This article uses digital methods and web history to trace the evolution of objectionable content on Twitter content moderation policies and practices between 2006 and 2022. Its conclusions suggest that, more than abandoning an Americanized view of freedom of speech, Twitter has aimed at building a crisis-resistant speech architecture that can withstand external shocks, criticisms, and shifting speech norms. This kind of modulated moderation, as we term it, hinges on a form of normative plasticity, whose goal is not necessarily adjudicating content as more or less acceptable, but moderating it on the basis of evolving and ever contingent public conceptions of objectionability.
社交媒体平台拥有在前所未有的审查下塑造公共话语的能力,近年来,它们通过建立复杂的内容审核系统,改进了自己的言论控制做法。这种构造转移的轮廓相对清晰。然而,很少有工作系统地记录、检查和理论化这一过程。本文使用数字方法和网络历史来追踪2006年至2022年间Twitter内容审核政策和实践中令人反感的内容的演变。它的结论表明,Twitter的目标不仅仅是放弃美国化的言论自由观,而是建立一个能够抵御外部冲击、批评和不断变化的言论规范的抗危机言论架构。我们所说的这种调节的节制,依赖于一种规范的可塑性,其目标不一定是判定内容是否可接受,而是根据不断演变的、偶然的公众反感性观念对其进行调节。
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引用次数: 2
Computationally modeling mood management theory: a drift-diffusion model of people’s preferential choice for valence and arousal in media 情绪管理理论的计算建模:媒介中人们对效价和唤醒的偏好选择的漂移-扩散模型
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad020
Xuanjun Gong, Richard Huskey, Allison Eden, Ezgi Ulusoy
Mood management theory (MMT) hypothesizes that people select entertainment content to maintain affective homeostasis. However, this hypothesis lacks a formal quantification of each affective attributes’ separate impact on an individual’s media content selection, as well as an integrated cognitive mechanism explaining media selection. Here we present a computational decision-making model that mathematically formalizes this affective media decision-making process. We empirically tested this formalization with the drift-diffusion model using three decision-making experiments. Contrary to MMT, all three studies showed that people prefer negatively valenced and high-arousal media content and that prevailing mood does not shape media selection as predicted by MMT. We also discovered that people are less cautious when choices have larger valence differences. Our results support the proposed mathematical formalization of affective attributes’ influence on media selection, challenge core predictions drawn from MMT, and introduce a new mechanism (response caution) for media selection.
情绪管理理论(MMT)假设人们选择娱乐内容是为了维持情感的内稳态。然而,这一假设缺乏对每种情感属性对个人媒体内容选择的单独影响的正式量化,也缺乏解释媒体选择的综合认知机制。在这里,我们提出了一个计算决策模型,该模型在数学上形式化了这种情感媒体决策过程。我们通过三个决策实验对漂移-扩散模型的形式化进行了实证检验。与MMT相反,这三项研究都表明人们更喜欢负价值和高唤醒的媒体内容,并且主流情绪并不像MMT预测的那样影响媒体选择。我们还发现,当选择的价差较大时,人们就不那么谨慎了。我们的研究结果支持了情感属性对媒体选择影响的数学形式化,挑战了从MMT中得出的核心预测,并引入了一种新的媒体选择机制(反应谨慎)。
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引用次数: 0
Motivations underlying Latino Americans’ group-based social media engagement 拉丁裔美国人基于群体的社交媒体参与背后的动机
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad013
Muniba Saleem, Dana Mastro, Meagan Docherty
Guided by the Social Identity Model of Collective Action, the current research utilizes a three-wave longitudinal study collected pre and post the 2020 U.S. Presidential election to examine the motivations underlying Latino Americans’ group-based social media engagement (N = 1,050). Results revealed that Time 1 group (Latino) identity increased Time 2 perceptions of social media as efficacious in improving group outcomes, which in turn increased Time 3 group-based social media engagement. Although T1 Latino identification was not significantly associated with T2 perceptions of personal or group-based injustice, the former (but not the latter) increased T3 group-based social media engagement. Our findings reflect that marginalized group members engage with social media in part because they believe it is efficacious in improving their disadvantageous group status. This may be an especially attractive strategy for those who face individual experiences of unjust treatment.
在集体行动的社会认同模型的指导下,目前的研究利用2020年美国总统大选前后收集的三波纵向研究来研究拉丁裔美国人基于群体的社交媒体参与的动机(N = 1050)。结果显示,时间1组(拉丁裔)的身份增加了时间2对社交媒体有效改善小组结果的看法,这反过来又增加了时间3组基于社交媒体的参与。虽然T1拉丁裔认同与T2个人或群体不公正的感知没有显著相关,但前者(而不是后者)增加了T3群体的社交媒体参与度。我们的研究结果表明,边缘群体成员使用社交媒体的部分原因是他们认为这能有效地改善他们的弱势群体地位。对于那些个人经历过不公正待遇的人来说,这可能是一个特别有吸引力的策略。
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引用次数: 0
Metrics in action: how social media metrics shape news production on Facebook 行动中的指标:社交媒体指标如何影响Facebook上的新闻生产
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-04-23 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad012
Subhayan Mukerjee, Tian Yang, Yilang Peng
Social media metrics allow media outlets to get a granular, real-time understanding of audience preferences, and may therefore be used to decide what content to prioritize in the future. We test this mechanism in the context of Facebook, by using topic modeling and longitudinal data analysis on a large dataset comprising all posts published by major media outlets used by American citizens (N≈2.23M, 2015–2019). We find that while the overall effect of audience engagement on future news coverage is significant, there is substantial heterogeneity in how individual outlets respond to different kinds of topics. A handful of right-wing media outlets are more likely to respond to audience engagement metrics than other outlets, but with partisan politics topics and not with entertainment-oriented content. Our research sheds new light on how social media platforms have shaped journalistic practices and has implications for the future health of journalism in the United States.
社交媒体指标可以让媒体获得对受众偏好的细致、实时的了解,因此可以用来决定未来优先播放哪些内容。我们在Facebook的背景下测试了这一机制,通过使用主题建模和纵向数据分析的大型数据集,包括美国公民使用的主要媒体发布的所有帖子(N≈2.23M, 2015-2019)。我们发现,虽然受众参与对未来新闻报道的总体影响是显著的,但个别媒体对不同类型主题的反应存在很大的异质性。少数右翼媒体比其他媒体更有可能对受众参与指标做出回应,但它们关注的是党派政治话题,而不是娱乐导向的内容。我们的研究揭示了社交媒体平台是如何塑造新闻实践的,并对美国新闻业的未来健康产生了影响。
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引用次数: 1
Misperceptions in sociopolitical context: belief sensitivity’s relationship with battleground state status and partisan segregation 社会政治背景下的误解:信仰敏感性与战场州地位和党派隔离的关系
IF 7.9 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1093/joc/jqad017
Qin Li, Robert M Bond, R Kelly Garrett
Numerous studies have shown that individuals’ belief sensitivity—their ability to discriminate between true and false political statements—varies according to psychological and demographic characteristics. We argue that sensitivity also varies with the political and social communication contexts in which they live. Both battleground state status of the state in which individuals live and the level of partisan segregation in a state are associated with Americans’ belief sensitivity. We leverage panel data collected from two samples of Americans, one collected in the first half of 2019 and the other during the 2020 U.S. presidential campaign season. Results indicate that the relationship between living in battleground states and belief sensitivity is contingent on political ideology: living in battleground states, versus in Democratic-leaning states, is associated with lower belief sensitivity among conservatives and higher belief sensitivity among liberals. Moreover, living in a less politically segregated state is associated with greater belief sensitivity. These relationships were only in evidence in the election year.
大量的研究表明,个人的信仰敏感性——他们区分政治言论真假的能力——根据心理和人口特征而变化。我们认为,敏感性也随着他们所处的政治和社会交流环境而变化。个人居住的州的“战场州”地位和一个州的党派隔离程度都与美国人的信仰敏感性有关。我们利用了从两个美国人样本中收集的小组数据,一个样本收集于2019年上半年,另一个样本收集于2020年美国总统竞选季节。结果表明,生活在战场州和信仰敏感性之间的关系取决于政治意识形态:生活在战场州,与民主党倾向的州相比,保守派的信仰敏感性较低,自由派的信仰敏感性较高。此外,生活在一个政治隔离程度较低的国家,人们对信仰的敏感度更高。这些关系只有在选举年才显现出来。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Communication
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