Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.383
Olga Fernandez Soriano, Francisco Ordoñez
The aim of this paper is to analyze a type of Spanish (and Romance) complex locative non-directional prepositional expressions taking a genitive complement, like encima/cerca de (“on top/near of”). We will center our attention on an alternation that has gone unnoticed by most theoretical and descriptive grammars: this genitive complement may appear as an argument of the main predicate and show dative case (se sentó encima de Juan, “(S)he sat on top of Juan” > se le sentó encima, “Lit. (S)he DAT sat on top”). Most of these complex PPs may correspond to what has been called ‘Axial Parts’ (Svenonius 2006, 2008), but the paradigm extends to other cases. Based on work by Larson and Samiian (2021) on the typology of nominalization in prepositions in Iranian Persian, we show that the common property of these prepositional expressions is that they contain a nominal element: a relational noun or a nominalized preposition. Apart from the dative alternation, one of the properties shown by complex locative prepositions in Spanish is that a stressed postnominal possessive is allowed, which can be masculine or feminine, giving rise to dialectal variation: detrás mío/mía, Lit. “behind mine”, cerca mío/mía, Lit. “near mine”. We will show that what determines the gender of the possessive is the nominalizer and the level of grammaticalization of the nominal head.
本文旨在分析一类带有属格补语的西班牙语（和罗曼语）复合定位非定向介词表达式，如 encima/cerca de（"在上面/在附近"）。我们将把注意力集中在大多数理论语法和描述语法都没有注意到的一个交替现象上：这个属格补语可以作为主谓语的参数出现，并显示助动词性（se sentó encima de Juan，"（S）he sat on top of Juan">se le sentó encima，"Lit. (S)he DAT sat on top"）。这些复杂 PP 中的大多数可能对应于所谓的 "轴心部分"（Svenonius，2006 年，2008 年），但这一范式也扩展到其他情况。基于 Larson 和 Samiian（2021 年）对伊朗波斯语介词中的名词化类型学的研究，我们证明这些介词表达式的共同属性是包含一个名词性元素：关系名词或名词化介词。除了助动词交替外，西班牙语中的复合定位介词所表现出的特性之一是允许使用受强调的名后所有格，它可以是阳性的，也可以是阴性的，这就产生了方言差异：detrás mío/mía，Lit.在我后面"，"在我附近"。"靠近我的"。我们将说明，决定占有词性别的是名词性动词和名词性词头的语法化程度。
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Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.386
María Victoria Pavón, Avel.lina Suñer
In this paper we study a case of diachronic and diaphasic variation consisting in a subordination strategy for expressing immediate succession present in the cultivated narrative language of Classical Spanish. This strategy is based on verbal doubling (V-doubling), a pattern also found in some contemporary Atlantic creole languages. We analyze the elements that constitute this type of sequences and examine the similarities and differences between the constructions of Classical Spanish and those of the Creoles. We also compare the constructions of Classical Spanish with similar structures without V-doubling, present in all periods of Spanish, in order to detail the link of V-doubling with focalization of the end of the first event. The strategy analyzed was a transitory way to cover the absence of subordinators expressing immediate succession in an unambiguous way during the chronological period in which it existed.
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Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.381
M. Mare, Enrique Pato
This paper discusses morphological alternations in the so-called strong preterits in Spanish. The starting point is the variation phenomenon known as Analogical Strong Preterits, which is characterized by the formation of 3PL on the basis of 3SG, adding the exponent /n/: dij-o-n, instead of general dije-ro-n ‘they said’. Although this is the way in which the 3PL is obtained in the rest of the paradigm, Spanish preterits regularly present the segment -ro- at the left of -n. The varieties with Analogical Strong Preterits preserve the segment -ro- in all the other verbs (canta-ro-n ‘they sang’), but shows this particular form in the case of strong preterits. Within the framework of Distributed Morphology, we explore the morphological alternations found in relation to verbal stems (dec-/dij- for √SAY) and functional morphology (-ro/-o for T/Pers). Our approach focuses on the properties of Vocabulary Items and the locality of terminal nodes for vocabulary insertion, avoiding thus any kind of post-syntactic operation.
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Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.379
Andrés Saab
Baker & Kramer (2018) suggests that the distribution of clitic doubling in Spanish follows from Weak Crossover. Thus, the fact that in accusative clitic doubling bare wh-phrases cannot be doubled (e.g., *¿A quién lo viste? ‘Who did you see?’) is explained by the same reason that explains a standard WCO violation (e.g., *?¿A quién vio su madre? ‘Who did her mother see?’). If this in on the right track, then, accusative doubling clitics must be considered plain pronouns. The fact that the distribution of dative clitic doubling is wider than accusative clitic doubling, allowing, for instance, the doubling of bare wh-phrases (e.g., ¿A quién le diste un libro? ‘Who did you give a book?’), is, consequently, taken by Baker & Kramer as evidence that dative doubling clitics cannot be pronouns, but mere agreement markers. In this reply, I show, mainly based on data from Rioplatense Spanish, that both conclusions are incorrect. Baker & Kramer’s suggestion regarding accusative doubling both overgenerates and undergenerates. What regulates the distribution of doubling clitics in Rioplatense Spanish and beyond is the inflectional makeup of objects. Concretely, direct objects are doubled whenever they bear a [person] feature (Di Tullio et al 2019), whereas indirect objects are doubled by the mere presence of a [D]-feature (Pujalte & Saab 2018). Yet, despite this difference, both are probes for A-movement and predicate-makers at LF, i.e., neither plain pronouns nor mere agreement markers.
Baker & Kramer（2018）认为，西班牙文中助词加倍的分布源自弱交叉（Weak Crossover）。因此，在指称状语叠加中，裸wh-短语不能被叠加（例如，*¿A quién lo viste? 'Who did you see?'）这一事实的原因与解释标准的WCO违规（例如，*?¿A quién vio su madre?'她妈妈看到谁了？） 如果这是在正确的轨道上，那么，指代词双关语必须被视为普通代词。因此，Baker & Kramer 认为，助词加倍的分布比指称加倍的分布更广，例如，允许裸wh-短语的加倍（例如，¿A quién le diste un libro? 'Who did you give a book?'），这一事实证明助词加倍的助词不可能是代词，而只是约定标记。在本回答中，我将主要根据里奥普拉坦语西班牙语的数据来说明这两个结论都是不正确的。Baker & Kramer 关于语气助词加倍的建议既产生得过多，也产生得过少。在 Rioplatense 西班牙语及其他语言中，调节加倍语气词分布的是宾语的词性构成。具体来说，直接宾语只要带有[人]的特征就会加倍（Di Tullio et al 2019），而间接宾语只要带有[D]的特征就会加倍（Pujalte & Saab 2018）。然而，尽管存在这种差异，两者都是低频 A 动作和谓语制造者的探究对象，即既不是普通的代词，也不是单纯的一致标记。
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Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.380
J. Villa-García
Inverting wh-exclamative sentences with an overt complementizer in languages like Spanish pose a serious challenge to traditional accounts of obligatory subject-verb inversion. Such analyses assume either T-to-C movement or Spec,TP as an A-bar position capable of hosting wh-phrases and subjects alike. The optional presence of a complementizer in the head of CP in exclamatives prevents the verb from moving to CP, which argues against an analysis of inversion wherein the verb moves to Cº. Regarding the Spec,TP-as-an-A-bar-position account, if the wh-phrase sits in Spec,TP and competes with the subject for that position, the presence of a complementizer below wh-phrases in exclamatives is then rather mysterious, since que ‘that’ is standardly assumed to signal the presence of CP structure –not IP/TP structure. However, for those cases in which the complementizer occurs, a combined approach consisting of a modification of the Spec,TP-as-an-A-bar-position account which assumes further movement of the exclamative wh-phrase to a CP-related/left-peripheral projection headed by the complementizer is shown to be empirically superior to the competing proposals on the market. Furthermore, dialect data show that the presence of que is sensitive to the type of exclamative phrase in its specifier. The inverting exclamative data with overt que also indicate that it is the full projection consisting of the exclamative wh-phrase in the specifier plus the overt complementizer in the head that needs to be adjacent to the verb in such environments.
在西班牙语等语言中，带有明显补语的wh-exclamative句子倒装对强制性主谓倒装的传统说法提出了严峻的挑战。这些分析假定 T 到 C 的移动或 Spec,TP 作为 A 杆位置，能够容纳 wh 短语和主语。在感叹词中，CP 头可选择性地存在补语，这就阻止了动词向 CP 移动，从而否定了动词向 Cº 移动的倒置分析。关于 "Spec,TP-as-an-A-bar-position "的说法，如果wh-phrase位于Spec,TP中并与主语竞争该位置，那么感叹词中wh-phrase下面补语的存在就相当神秘了，因为que'that'被标准地假定为CP结构--而非IP/TP结构--存在的信号。然而，对于那些出现补语的情况，一种由 Spec、TP-as-an-A-bar-position 说法修改而成的综合方法（该方法假定感叹词wh-phrase 进一步移动到以补语为首的 CP 相关/左边缘投射）在经验上优于市场上的竞争方案。此外，方言数据显示，阙的存在对其指明语中感叹短语的类型很敏感。带有明显阙的倒装感叹词数据还表明，在这种环境下，需要与动词相邻的是完整的投影，它由位于状语中的感叹wh短语和位于句首的明显补语组成。
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Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.389
Javier Ormazabal, Juan Romero
In this article, following Ormazabal & Romero (2022) insights, a modular approach to agreement variation is proposed where syntactic relations are uniform, dialectal variation is determined in morphology, and extragrammatical modules deal with sociolinguistic variation. While dialectal variation is systematic, dependent on hierarchical relations, and occurs within linguistic communities; sociolinguistic agreement variation is arbitrary, linearly determined, and subject to socioeconomic and educational pressures.
{"title":"The modularty of agreement variation","authors":"Javier Ormazabal, Juan Romero","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.389","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, following Ormazabal & Romero (2022) insights, a modular approach to agreement variation is proposed where syntactic relations are uniform, dialectal variation is determined in morphology, and extragrammatical modules deal with sociolinguistic variation. While dialectal variation is systematic, dependent on hierarchical relations, and occurs within linguistic communities; sociolinguistic agreement variation is arbitrary, linearly determined, and subject to socioeconomic and educational pressures.","PeriodicalId":503145,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"24 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141349856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.388
Gonzalo Escribano
This paper focuses on the study of a particular phenomenon of variation related to the distribution of Spanish copulas: the (in)compatibility of event nouns with predication structures where the copula estar and an evaluative adjective are combined. Some structures, such as La boda estuvo preciosa (‘The wedding wasESTAR beautiful’) are present across all Spanish varieties, contrasting with examples such as La tormenta estuvo horrible (‘The storm wasESTAR horrible’), that are attested only in certain specific varieties, and that could be considered an instance of so-called innovative uses of estar. We give here a first picture of the extension of this phenomenon. Secondly, we develop the relevant distinction within the domain of event nouns that is needed to give an accurate explanation of the facts under examination. Finally, we show how these facts fit within the overall picture of copulative variation in Spanish, thus making a significant contribution to our broad understanding of Spanish copulas.
本文的重点是研究与西班牙语共轭词分布有关的一种特殊变异现象：事件名词与共轭词 estar 和评价性形容词相结合的谓词结构的（不）兼容性。有些结构，如 La boda estuvo preciosa（"婚礼美极了"），在所有西班牙语变体中都存在，而 La tormenta estuvo horrible（"暴风雨糟透了"）等例子只有在某些特定的变体中才出现，这可以被视为 estar 的所谓创新用法。在此，我们将对这一现象的外延作初步描绘。其次，我们在事件名词的领域内进行了相关的区分，这是准确解释所研究的事实所必需的。最后，我们展示了这些事实是如何与西班牙语中的连词变化的整体情况相适应的，从而为我们广泛理解西班牙语连词做出了重要贡献。
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Pub Date : 2024-06-07DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.403
Gabrielle R. Isgar, Antje Muntendam, Lara Reglero
This paper explores a newly identified contrastive topic configuration in Spanish. Coined by de Andrade (2018) for Galician and European Portuguese, the D(emonstrative)-construction features a left-dislocated topic and d(emonstrative)-pronoun resumptive. This study investigates whether the D-construction exists in Spanish, and if so, with which syntactic properties. We administered an acceptability judgment task on the D-construction, Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD), Hanging Topic Left Dislocation (HTLD) and Focus Fronting (FF) to Spanish speakers. The task tested the role of the left-dislocate, case connectivity, subject-verb inversion, embedding, recursivity, and sensitivity to island constraints. Simple instances of the D-construction received consistently high ratings, demonstrating that it exists in Spanish. There was individual variation regarding the role of the left-dislocate and case connectivity. The D-construction did not require subject-verb inversion, was non-recursive and demonstrated selective island sensitivity. Findings for CLLD, HTLD and FF were mostly in line with previous literature. The D-construction did not exactly pattern with CLLD, HTLD, nor FF; it is characterized by a unique set of syntactic properties. We propose that both left-dislocated elements are base-generated at Spec, TopP: the fronted DP is a hanging topic, and its resumptive d-pronoun is linked to a clitic within the main clause via an A'-chain.
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Pub Date : 2024-06-07DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.394
Klaus von Heusinger, Tiago Augusto Duarte, Marco García
Spanish, like many other Romance and non-Romance languages, shows Differential Object Marking (DOM), i.e., some direct objects are morphologically marked by the prepositional marker a ‘to’, while others remain unmarked. The literature has proposed different sentential parameters in order to capture this variation (Fábregas 2013, among others), including topicality (see Leonetti 2004, Iemmolo 2010, among others). In addition, Laca (1995: 82f.) has argued that DOM also depends on discourse properties. She assumes that in Spanish the use of DOM with an indefinite direct object signals that more information about this object referent is to be expected in the upcoming discourse (see also Comrie 1981/1989). First empirical evidence for this hypothesis comes from DOM in Romanian (Chiriacescu & von Heusinger 2010). In this paper we explore the hypothesis that, in Spanish, human indefinite direct objects with DOM show more forward-looking potential than those without DOM. We present original results from two corpus studies and two paragraph continuation tasks. The corpus studies provide support for the discourse effect of DOM, while the paragraph continuation tasks do not, which might be due to the particular design of our experimental items. We evaluate the different parameters that contribute to the discourse prominence of a direct object with DOM and those that might mask such effects. We conclude that there is evidence that DOM contributes to discourse prominence, but that further studies are necessary.
与许多其他罗曼语和非罗曼语一样，西班牙语也有 "差别宾语标记"（DOM），即有些直接宾语在形态上用介词标记 a "到 "来标记，而有些则没有标记。为了捕捉这种差异，文献提出了不同的句法参数（Fábregas，2013 年等），包括话题性（见 Leonetti，2004 年；Iemmolo，2010 年等）。此外，Laca（1995：82f.）认为 DOM 还取决于话语属性。她假定，在西班牙语中，使用带有不定直接宾语的 DOM 表示在接下来的话语中会有更多关于该宾语所指的信息（另见 Comrie 1981/1989）。这一假设的第一个实证来自罗马尼亚语中的 DOM（Chiriacescu & von Heusinger，2010 年）。在本文中，我们探讨了这样一个假设：在西班牙语中，有 DOM 的人称不定直接宾语比没有 DOM 的人称不定直接宾语更具有前瞻性。我们介绍了两项语料库研究和两项段落续写任务的原始结果。语料库研究为 DOM 的话语效应提供了支持，而段落续写任务则没有，这可能是由于我们实验项目的特殊设计造成的。我们评估了不同的参数，这些参数有助于提高直接宾语在 DOM 中的话语显著性，也有助于掩盖这种效应。我们的结论是，有证据表明 DOM 有助于话语突出，但还需要进一步的研究。
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Pub Date : 2024-05-13DOI: 10.5565/rev/isogloss.329
Antonio Leal, Maria Lobo, P. Silvano
Previous literature on the typology of gerund clauses in Portuguese has overlooked a peculiar type of clauses which are always introduced by como (‘as’) and display an array of characteristics that set them apart from all other gerund clauses (and from other, somehow similar, constructions in different languages). In this paper, we provide an in-depth syntactic and semantic characterisation of these como-gerund clauses and the contexts in which they arise, highlighting their similarities and differences regarding other constructions, namely resultative and depictive secondary predicates. We put forward a proposal to deal with their syntactic configurations and the restrictions they exhibit. We also propose that como is obligatory in these clauses because it marks a type-shift operation, which gives como gerund clauses a predicative interpretation, usually found in the nominal domain.
以往有关葡萄牙语动名词从句类型学的文献忽略了一种特殊的从句类型，这种从句总是由 como（'as'）引入，并显示出一系列有别于所有其他动名词从句（以及不同语言中的其他类似结构）的特征。在本文中，我们深入分析了这些 como-gerund 从句的句法和语义特征以及它们出现的语境，强调了它们与其他结构（即结果和描写性次要谓词）的异同。我们提出了处理这些句法结构及其限制条件的建议。我们还提出，como 在这些从句中是强制性的，因为它标志着一种类型转换操作，这使得 como 动名词从句具有谓语解释，而谓语解释通常出现在名词域。
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