This special collection examines how immigration and asylum policies have evolved since Britain left the European Union. The referendum was won on the promise of ‘taking back control’, yet, since Brexit, immigration has increased to record levels and the nationalities of people coming to the UK have become more diverse. The increase in immigration was driven by a liberalisation of work and study visas and the creation of new humanitarian schemes. Although some aspects of immigration policy have evolved in a liberal direction, others have become increasingly restrictive. The Conservative government has pursued a draconian agenda on asylum, borders and irregular migration, including a scheme to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, and legislation that effectively abolishes the right to seek asylum in the UK. This introduction argues that recent immigration and asylum policies reflect the ambivalent, unstable and unresolved meanings of Brexit itself.
{"title":"Immigration and Asylum Policy after Brexit: An Introduction","authors":"James Hampshire","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13415","url":null,"abstract":"This special collection examines how immigration and asylum policies have evolved since Britain left the European Union. The referendum was won on the promise of ‘taking back control’, yet, since Brexit, immigration has increased to record levels and the nationalities of people coming to the UK have become more diverse. The increase in immigration was driven by a liberalisation of work and study visas and the creation of new humanitarian schemes. Although some aspects of immigration policy have evolved in a liberal direction, others have become increasingly restrictive. The Conservative government has pursued a draconian agenda on asylum, borders and irregular migration, including a scheme to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, and legislation that effectively abolishes the right to seek asylum in the UK. This introduction argues that recent immigration and asylum policies reflect the ambivalent, unstable and unresolved meanings of Brexit itself.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141374952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Unlike most immigration policy areas amidst Brexit, the government's ‘hostile environment’ approach has changed little since 2014, despite it making no measurable impact on the migration statistics the government prioritises, while landing it in hot water over the Windrush scandal. Why does the hostile environment nevertheless persist? Despite its strong association with today's Conservatives, the hostile environment extends a decades‐long trend of deepening various social systems’ involvement in UK immigration control, creating increasing problems when long‐settled immigrants face suspicion at vulnerable life stages. Yet, the hostile environment provides a way to pursue legitimacy in immigration control given the UK state's particular limitations and pressures: it demonstrates action against ‘illegal immigration’, avoids revealing earlier control lapses and averts difficult reforms, like national identification cards, to monitor the population more thoroughly. The risks of this approach have only increased as Brexit has unsettled migration statuses, yet the hostile environment will likely remain.
{"title":"The Persistence of the Hostile Environment after the Windrush Scandal","authors":"Mike Slaven","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13411","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13411","url":null,"abstract":"Unlike most immigration policy areas amidst Brexit, the government's ‘hostile environment’ approach has changed little since 2014, despite it making no measurable impact on the migration statistics the government prioritises, while landing it in hot water over the Windrush scandal. Why does the hostile environment nevertheless persist? Despite its strong association with today's Conservatives, the hostile environment extends a decades‐long trend of deepening various social systems’ involvement in UK immigration control, creating increasing problems when long‐settled immigrants face suspicion at vulnerable life stages. Yet, the hostile environment provides a way to pursue legitimacy in immigration control given the UK state's particular limitations and pressures: it demonstrates action against ‘illegal immigration’, avoids revealing earlier control lapses and averts difficult reforms, like national identification cards, to monitor the population more thoroughly. The risks of this approach have only increased as Brexit has unsettled migration statuses, yet the hostile environment will likely remain.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141382401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines British immigration policy in the run‐up to and after Brexit. It explains how the Conservatives presided over policies that demonised, demeaned and deported black Britons whilst admitting hundreds of thousands of immigrants they promised to keep out. This happened because of (a) how early postwar nationality policy interacted with subsequent immigration policy and (b) elite ignorance. The ensuing Windrush scandal resulted from the interaction of the British Nationality Act 1948 with Home Secretary Theresa May's hostile environment policy. Meanwhile, since Brexit, net immigration figures have doubled. This is because Conservative Home Secretary Priti Patel ended the free movement of EU citizens and authored a new immigration policy that utterly failed to consider the British economy's dependence on low‐skilled labour. The outcomes reflect profoundly on the British economy, on the history of nationality law, and on immigration policy.
{"title":"Immigration and the Brexit Catastrophe: Empire, Citizenship and Ignorance","authors":"Randall Hansen","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13410","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines British immigration policy in the run‐up to and after Brexit. It explains how the Conservatives presided over policies that demonised, demeaned and deported black Britons whilst admitting hundreds of thousands of immigrants they promised to keep out. This happened because of (a) how early postwar nationality policy interacted with subsequent immigration policy and (b) elite ignorance. The ensuing Windrush scandal resulted from the interaction of the British Nationality Act 1948 with Home Secretary Theresa May's hostile environment policy. Meanwhile, since Brexit, net immigration figures have doubled. This is because Conservative Home Secretary Priti Patel ended the free movement of EU citizens and authored a new immigration policy that utterly failed to consider the British economy's dependence on low‐skilled labour. The outcomes reflect profoundly on the British economy, on the history of nationality law, and on immigration policy.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141265971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, the UK's ‘safe and legal (humanitarian) routes’ are evaluated by examining how they are positioned in the post‐Brexit migration regime, and how these domestic provisions compare to those underwritten by international protections. The Hong Kong British Nationals (Overseas)—HK BN(O)s—and Ukraine visa schemes are an area of focus which, combined, account for the vast majority of those arriving in the UK for the purposes of humanitarian protections since Brexit. Despite being formally presented under the same banner, the schemes have significant differences in terms of eligibility criteria, costs, rights and entitlements. Moreover, on closer inspection, while they share an overarching policy vision informed by foreign policy priorities, these new provisions are underpinned by different genealogies and policy logics. While the HK BN(O) scheme is rooted in the tradition of ancestry visas and colonial entanglements and requires that potential beneficiaries pay for protections, the Ukrainian schemes are more closely aligned with recent refugee resettlement schemes and share with them the push towards greater involvement of private and community stakeholders in humanitarian protection.
{"title":"The UK's ‘Safe and Legal’ Humanitarian Routes: from Colonial Ties to Privatising Protection","authors":"Michaela Benson, Nando Sigona, Elena Zambelli","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13409","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the UK's ‘safe and legal (humanitarian) routes’ are evaluated by examining how they are positioned in the post‐Brexit migration regime, and how these domestic provisions compare to those underwritten by international protections. The Hong Kong British Nationals (Overseas)—HK BN(O)s—and Ukraine visa schemes are an area of focus which, combined, account for the vast majority of those arriving in the UK for the purposes of humanitarian protections since Brexit. Despite being formally presented under the same banner, the schemes have significant differences in terms of eligibility criteria, costs, rights and entitlements. Moreover, on closer inspection, while they share an overarching policy vision informed by foreign policy priorities, these new provisions are underpinned by different genealogies and policy logics. While the HK BN(O) scheme is rooted in the tradition of ancestry visas and colonial entanglements and requires that potential beneficiaries pay for protections, the Ukrainian schemes are more closely aligned with recent refugee resettlement schemes and share with them the push towards greater involvement of private and community stakeholders in humanitarian protection.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141268103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses the impact of the animal rights movement fifty years after the publication of Peter Singer's landmark book Animal Liberation in 1975. Examining the gains and losses of this vibrant social movement, the article takes a broad international perspective and makes the following key arguments: First, despite comprehensive animal welfare policies, state regulation has so far remained rather ineffective in reducing animal suffering, especially in those areas where most animals are being harmed. Second, consumer choices, lifestyles and markets have changed substantially, most importantly reflected in the recent rise of veganism—but only relatively small numbers of people have made the choice to abstain from most or even all animal products. Third, long‐term economic and demographic trends in human society constitute crucial challenges for reducing animal suffering globally. Fourth and lastly, cultured meat may offer significant potential for animal advocates to make future gains if some important obstacles can be overcome.
{"title":"Fifty Years after Peter Singer's Animal Liberation: What has the Animal Rights Movement Achieved so Far?","authors":"Manès Weisskircher","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13404","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the impact of the animal rights movement fifty years after the publication of Peter Singer's landmark book Animal Liberation in 1975. Examining the gains and losses of this vibrant social movement, the article takes a broad international perspective and makes the following key arguments: First, despite comprehensive animal welfare policies, state regulation has so far remained rather ineffective in reducing animal suffering, especially in those areas where most animals are being harmed. Second, consumer choices, lifestyles and markets have changed substantially, most importantly reflected in the recent rise of veganism—but only relatively small numbers of people have made the choice to abstain from most or even all animal products. Third, long‐term economic and demographic trends in human society constitute crucial challenges for reducing animal suffering globally. Fourth and lastly, cultured meat may offer significant potential for animal advocates to make future gains if some important obstacles can be overcome.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141110643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The powerful committee of those not in power","authors":"Richard Briand","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13389","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141120706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In his article in this journal, Michael Jacobs lists the multiple overlapping crises which now affect the world. These include climate change and rising economic inequality. This comment endorses his emphasis on institutions and his call for richer institutional analyses to help develop viable policies to deal with these problems. But, on the other hand, this comment criticises his use of the term ‘neoliberalism’ to identify a major source of our current difficulties. Many ‘neoliberals’ are said to favour market solutions. But the term has become so vague that it is linked to not only economists such as Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek, but also to others who accept some markets in a mixed economy. Opposition to ‘neoliberalism’ then involves a rejection of market reforms in economies such as China and of mixed economies more generally. The word now means so many different things that it has becomes unusable.
{"title":"On Neoliberalism and Institutions: A Response to Michael Jacobs","authors":"Geoffrey M. Hodgson","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13403","url":null,"abstract":"In his article in this journal, Michael Jacobs lists the multiple overlapping crises which now affect the world. These include climate change and rising economic inequality. This comment endorses his emphasis on institutions and his call for richer institutional analyses to help develop viable policies to deal with these problems. But, on the other hand, this comment criticises his use of the term ‘neoliberalism’ to identify a major source of our current difficulties. Many ‘neoliberals’ are said to favour market solutions. But the term has become so vague that it is linked to not only economists such as Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek, but also to others who accept some markets in a mixed economy. Opposition to ‘neoliberalism’ then involves a rejection of market reforms in economies such as China and of mixed economies more generally. The word now means so many different things that it has becomes unusable.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140963252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An analysis of Conservative and Labour Party candidate selections reveals persistent gender disparities, with the Conservative Party nominating a significantly higher proportion of men. While various factors, such as local connections and harassment, abuse and intimidation (HAI) are cited as explanations, they fail to address systemic issues within the Conservative Party's recruitment processes and organisational culture. This article argues that the focus should shift from individual women to party structures and practices that perpetuate gender inequality. Drawing on previous research and empirical evidence, it calls for institutional reforms including the implementation of quotas and greater transparency in candidate selection. Finally, it calls for a gender‐sensitive audit of party culture to address underlying barriers to women's participation in politics.
{"title":"Addressing Barriers to Women's Representation in Party Candidate Selections","authors":"S. Collignon","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13397","url":null,"abstract":"An analysis of Conservative and Labour Party candidate selections reveals persistent gender disparities, with the Conservative Party nominating a significantly higher proportion of men. While various factors, such as local connections and harassment, abuse and intimidation (HAI) are cited as explanations, they fail to address systemic issues within the Conservative Party's recruitment processes and organisational culture. This article argues that the focus should shift from individual women to party structures and practices that perpetuate gender inequality. Drawing on previous research and empirical evidence, it calls for institutional reforms including the implementation of quotas and greater transparency in candidate selection. Finally, it calls for a gender‐sensitive audit of party culture to address underlying barriers to women's participation in politics.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140997950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An Institute for Government (IfG) report on ‘government at the centre’ recommends creating new, rationalist policy machinery (including an inner cabinet) to manage the UK government's four‐year policy programmes—faithfully following how the Cameron‐Clegg coalition operated in 2010–15. That government's disastrous example shows how politically naïve this plan would be. This article draws out its complete infeasibility in late 2024 conditions. The IfG also proposes setting up a new Department for the Civil Service headed by a powerful minister as a counterweight to the Treasury (criticised only for being ‘too good’ and hence over‐dominant). Instead, this article sets out the case for a new and strong Department for Finance, Procurement and Productivity to take responsibility for spending control and other key public management roles, where the Treasury resource management has conspicuously failed in the last decade.
{"title":"Restructuring UK government at the Centre—Why the IfG Commission's Naïve Plan will not Work","authors":"Patrick Dunleavy","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13398","url":null,"abstract":"An Institute for Government (IfG) report on ‘government at the centre’ recommends creating new, rationalist policy machinery (including an inner cabinet) to manage the UK government's four‐year policy programmes—faithfully following how the Cameron‐Clegg coalition operated in 2010–15. That government's disastrous example shows how politically naïve this plan would be. This article draws out its complete infeasibility in late 2024 conditions. The IfG also proposes setting up a new Department for the Civil Service headed by a powerful minister as a counterweight to the Treasury (criticised only for being ‘too good’ and hence over‐dominant). Instead, this article sets out the case for a new and strong Department for Finance, Procurement and Productivity to take responsibility for spending control and other key public management roles, where the Treasury resource management has conspicuously failed in the last decade.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140994990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Farmer protests are currently taking place in many European countries. There are multiple motives behind these, but low prices and incomes are frequently cited. This can be hard to understand, as agricultural incomes in the past three years in the EU have reached their highest ever levels, largely the result of a decline in the number of farms and farmers. Farms are also very heterogeneous. Those farms producing the majority of agricultural output have the necessary scale to provide a decent income, but the majority of farms are not able to remunerate their labour input adequately. The continued existence of a productivity gap between farm and non‐farm sectors suggests farm consolidation will continue, but stronger environmental interventions could ensure this process occurs in a sustainable way.
{"title":"Farmer Protests and Income Developments in the EU","authors":"Alan Matthews","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13396","url":null,"abstract":"Farmer protests are currently taking place in many European countries. There are multiple motives behind these, but low prices and incomes are frequently cited. This can be hard to understand, as agricultural incomes in the past three years in the EU have reached their highest ever levels, largely the result of a decline in the number of farms and farmers. Farms are also very heterogeneous. Those farms producing the majority of agricultural output have the necessary scale to provide a decent income, but the majority of farms are not able to remunerate their labour input adequately. The continued existence of a productivity gap between farm and non‐farm sectors suggests farm consolidation will continue, but stronger environmental interventions could ensure this process occurs in a sustainable way.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140654030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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