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US Republicans and the New Fusionism 美国共和党与新融合主义
Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13341
Edward Ashbee, Alex Waddan
US Republicanism and conservatism were structured around ‘fusionism’ from the 1950s onwards. Disparate ideas and interests were ‘fused’ in a broad coalitional bloc that was based upon a commitment to free markets, moral or cultural traditionalism and a commitment to US national security, as well as global power projection. There have, however, been significant shifts in recent years as many Republicans have turned against the larger corporations which appear to have little loyalty to the US heartland and are, it is said, guilty of embracing ‘woke’ ideology: that ideology has become the focus of cultural conservatism, with wedge issues such as trans‐rights a constant theme. In addition, many Republicans have either embraced or acquiesced in, a conspiracist sub‐culture. If foreign policy is considered, national security has been redefined in more restricted and overtly realist terms. Consequently, there has been a repudiation of earlier neoconservative efforts to spread market democracy. All these strands of thought are tied together by an impatience of, or at times disdain for, the checks and balances that define US political processes. Political actors across almost all sections of the right, but most notably candidates for federal office, have had to restructure their platforms and subscribe to these reconfigurations of Republican thinking and the ‘new fusionism’. Although these ideas have a ‘thin’ character, they represent a significant shift away from the thinking of figures such as former House Speaker, Paul Ryan, Mitt Romney and George W. Bush, who defined conservatism and Republicanism just a few years ago. For the most part, their efforts to roll back federal government entitlement programmes such as Medicare, and create a much leaner state, have been abandoned. The article argues that the new fusionism is becoming increasingly embedded and therefore marks a long‐run shift in Republican thinking that is likely to endure, regardless of Donald Trump's political fortunes.
从 20 世纪 50 年代起,美国共和党和保守主义就围绕 "融合主义 "展开。不同的理念和利益被 "融合 "到一个广泛的联盟集团中,这个集团的基础是对自由市场、道德或文化传统主义的承诺,以及对美国国家安全和全球权力投射的承诺。然而,近年来共和党人的立场发生了重大转变,许多共和党人开始反对大公司,因为这些公司似乎并不忠于美国的中心地带,而且据说还奉行 "觉醒 "意识形态:这种意识形态已成为文化保守主义的焦点,而变性人权利等楔子问题则是其永恒的主题。此外,许多共和党人还接受或默许了一种阴谋论亚文化。如果考虑到外交政策,国家安全已被重新定义为更加狭隘和明显的现实主义。因此,新保守主义早期传播市场民主的努力遭到了否定。所有这些思潮都与对美国政治进程中的制衡机制的不耐烦或蔑视联系在一起。几乎所有右翼政党的政治行动者,尤其是联邦公职候选人,都不得不调整自己的政纲,认同共和党的这些重组思想和 "新融合主义"。尽管这些思想具有 "单薄 "的特点,但与前众议院议长保罗-瑞安(Paul Ryan)、米特-罗姆尼(Mitt Romney)和乔治-W-布什(George W. Bush)等几年前定义保守主义和共和党主义的思想相比,它们代表了一种重大转变。在大多数情况下,他们已经放弃了削减医疗保险(Medicare)等联邦政府福利计划、建立一个更加精简的国家的努力。文章认为,新的融合主义日益深入人心,因此标志着共和党思想的长期转变,无论唐纳德-特朗普的政治命运如何,这种转变都可能持续下去。
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引用次数: 0
Universality: A Battleground for UK Public Service Media in the Platform Age 普遍性:平台时代英国公共服务媒体的战场
Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13342
Dan Martin, Catherine Johnson
This article examines how UK policy makers are redefining the value of universality in the transition from public service broadcasting (PSB) to public service media (PSM). Over the past decade, the UK's media landscape has undergone a significant transformation, driven by the economic, infrastructural and social influence exerted by global platforms. These transforming conditions have profoundly complicated the relationship between PSM and the principle of universality—in particular, the core values of universal access and universal appeal—with potential consequences for the broader legitimacy of the future public service mission. In an age of apparent media abundance, the question of how PSM can effectively reach and engage its audience remains a persistent inquiry. Presenting findings from an analysis of key and contemporary media policy and regulatory documents, this article demonstrates how universality has become a key battleground in current debates around the future of PSM.
本文探讨了英国政策制定者在从公共服务广播(PSB)向公共服务媒体(PSM)过渡的过程中如何重新定义普遍性的价值。过去十年间,在全球平台所施加的经济、基础设施和社会影响的推动下,英国的媒体格局发生了重大转变。这些变革条件使公共服务管理与普遍性原则之间的关系变得极为复杂,特别是普遍获取和普遍吸引力的核心价值,这对未来公共服务使命的广泛合法性具有潜在影响。在媒体明显丰富的时代,公共服务管理如何有效地接触和吸引受众仍然是一个长期的问题。本文通过对重要的当代媒体政策和监管文件的分析,展示了普遍性如何成为当前围绕公共服务媒体未来的争论的一个关键战场。
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引用次数: 0
Impartiality in Public Broadcasting 公共广播的公正性
Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13340
R. Sambrook, Stephen Cushion
Impartiality has been a core principle of public service broadcasting (PSB) in the UK for 100 years. However, it is under growing pressure as audiences increasingly rely on more opinion led content on television and especially online. The hostility towards PSB has been fuelled by politicians and commercial media undermining the value of regulation in the twenty‐first century. The UK regulator, Ofcom, has offered a flexible approach to oversight which the authors argue may have contributed to further confusion over what impartiality is, and its value in a competitive media environment. Greater independence, accountability and transparency—for both broadcasters and regulator—are suggested to be vital to maintaining the value of impartiality in PSB.
100 年来,公正性一直是英国公共服务广播 (PSB) 的核心原则。然而,随着受众越来越依赖于电视、尤其是网络上更多的舆论导向内容,这一原则正面临着越来越大的压力。政客和商业媒体破坏了 21 世纪监管的价值,从而助长了对公共广播事业的敌意。英国监管机构通讯管理局(Ofcom)提供了一种灵活的监督方式,作者认为这可能会进一步混淆什么是公正性,以及公正性在竞争激烈的媒体环境中的价值。作者认为,提高广播公司和监管机构的独立性、问责制和透明度对于维护公共广播事业的公正性至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Staying Power: The Resilience of the Scottish Independence Movement 保持力量:苏格兰独立运动的韧性
Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13338
Lesley Riddoch
This article challenges the narrative that the SNP was mortally wounded by its ‘seismic’ by‐election defeat in Rutherglen and that the victor—Scottish Labour—will inevitably recapture its lost status as Scotland's largest political party in the next general election. There is no question the Rutherglen result was a shock—the first ever by‐election loss for the SNP in the wake of Nicola Sturgeon's surprise resignation, a fractious leadership contest to select her successor, the weariness and policy failures that beset any ruling party after sixteen years in government and the 2022 Supreme Court ruling that effectively banned the Scottish Parliament from holding a lawful referendum. But just as the SNP's earlier invincibility was exaggerated, so too are predictions of its imminent demise. Much depends on whether the party can devise an independence strategy that generates enough belief and excitement to motivate Yes voters, who still constitute roughly half the electorate and two‐thirds of Scots aged 30 and under.
本文对以下说法提出了质疑:苏格兰民族党在卢瑟格伦的 "震撼性 "补选失利使其元气大伤,而胜利者苏格兰工党将不可避免地在下届大选中夺回其失去的苏格兰第一大政党的地位。毫无疑问,卢瑟格伦大选的结果令人震惊--这是苏格兰民族党在尼古拉-斯特金(Nicola Sturgeon)意外辞职后首次在补选中失利,而在此之前,苏格兰民族党为挑选继任者而展开了激烈的领导层竞争,任何执政党在执政 16 年后都会出现疲惫和政策失误,2022 年最高法院的裁决实际上禁止了苏格兰议会举行合法的全民公投。但正如苏格兰民族党早先的不可战胜性被夸大了一样,关于其即将灭亡的预测也被夸大了。这在很大程度上取决于该党能否制定出一项独立战略,以产生足够的信念和激情来激励赞成票选民,而赞成票选民仍占选民总数的一半左右,在 30 岁及以下的苏格兰人中占三分之二。
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引用次数: 0
The Road to Victory Runs Through Scotland? Prospects for Labour in the Post‐Sturgeon Era 通往胜利的道路贯穿苏格兰?后斯特金时代工党的前景
Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13336
Coree Brown Swan
Scottish Labour, once viewed as the most divided party in the UK, appears buoyant, the result of the growing popularity of its leader, Anas Sarwar, a more positive relationship with UK Labour, and most notably, significant gains in the polls. The party has sought to find a centre ground in a political system defined by opposing visions of Scotland's political future, a strategy which has previously left it squeezed between more assertive nationalist and unionist rivals. However, with little prospect of another independence referendum in the near term, this centre ground may yet prove fruitful. The party has an opportunity to position itself as a viable alternative in a dramatically changed political landscape. While Labour's optimism is not unfounded, its polling perhaps speaks more to the weaknesses of its political rivals than the strength of the party itself; and questions persist about Scottish Labour's political vision and constitutional offering in a political system which remains bifurcated.
苏格兰工党曾被视为英国分裂最严重的政党,但如今却显得生机勃勃,这得益于该党领袖阿纳斯-萨尔瓦尔(Anas Sarwar)的声望日益高涨、与英国工党的关系更加积极,以及最值得注意的是,该党在民意调查中取得了显著的进步。该党试图在苏格兰政治未来愿景对立的政治体制中找到一个中心点,这一策略曾使该党被挤压在更加自信的民族主义和工会主义对手之间。然而,由于近期内再次举行独立公投的可能性很小,这种中间立场可能会证明是富有成效的。工党有机会在急剧变化的政治格局中将自己定位为一个可行的选择。虽然工党的乐观并非毫无根据,但其民调结果或许更能说明其政治对手的弱点,而非工党自身的实力;而且在一个仍处于分化状态的政治体制中,苏格兰工党的政治愿景和宪法提议仍存在疑问。
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引用次数: 0
Muting Science: Input Overload Versus Scientific Advice in Swiss Policy Making During the Covid-19 Pandemic. 静音科学:新冠肺炎大流行期间瑞士政策制定中的输入过载与科学建议。
IF 2 Pub Date : 2022-07-01 Epub Date: 2022-05-31 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.13151
Klaus Armingeon, Fritz Sager

This article explores why the Swiss Federal Council and the Swiss Federal Parliament were reluctant to follow the majority views of the scientific epidemiological community at the beginning of the second wave of the Covid-19 pandemic. We propose an institutionalist take on this question and argue that one major explanation could be the input overload that is characteristic of the Swiss federal political system. We define input overload as the simultaneous inputs of corporatist, pluralist, federalist and direct democratic subsystems. Adding another major input-this time from the scientific subsystem-may have threatened to further erode the government's and parliament's discretionary power to cope with the pandemic. We assume that the federal government reduced its input overload by fending off scientific advice.

本文探讨了为什么瑞士联邦委员会和瑞士联邦议会在第二波Covid-19大流行开始时不愿遵循科学流行病学界的多数观点。我们提出一种制度主义的观点来看待这个问题,并认为一个主要的解释可能是瑞士联邦政治体制的特征——输入过载。我们将输入过载定义为社团主义、多元主义、联邦制和直接民主子系统的同时输入。增加另一个主要投入——这次来自科学子系统——可能会进一步削弱政府和议会在应对疫情方面的自由裁量权。我们假设联邦政府通过拒绝科学建议来减少其过度投入。
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引用次数: 0
Parliament's One-Year Review of the Coronavirus Act 2020: Another Example of Parliament's Marginalisation in the Covid-19 Pandemic. 议会对《2020年冠状病毒法》的一年审查:议会在Covid-19大流行中被边缘化的另一个例子
IF 2 Pub Date : 2021-10-01 Epub Date: 2021-08-13 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.13048
Daniella Lock, Pablo Grez Hidalgo, Fiona de Londras

In this article, we consider the one-year review (OYR) by Parliament of temporary powers in the Coronavirus Act 2020 (CVA). The OYR stands as a key concession on the part of the UK government to enable scrutiny of Covid-19 law making, after the CVA was rushed through Parliament at the beginning of the pandemic. The principal argument of this article is that despite appearances, this review was another example of Parliament being marginalised during the Covid-19 pandemic. In particular, there were four obstacles to meaningful scrutiny in the OYR: inadequate parliamentary time scheduled for the review; the 'all-or-nothing' framing of the review; late and inaccurate government reporting prior to the OYR; and the failure to address key issues regarding the operation of the CVA, including major human rights concerns. In light of such obstruction to scrutiny, it is clear that the review represents a broken promise on the part of the current government to Parliament. The review is also part of a broader pattern of marginalising Parliament during the pandemic. In presenting this analysis, we argue that two changes could be made in the upcoming and penultimate review of the CVA in September 2021, in order to enable Parliament to engage in meaningful scrutiny in this review.

在本文中,我们考虑议会对《2020年冠状病毒法》(CVA)中的临时权力进行为期一年的审查。在新冠肺炎疫情爆发之初,国会匆匆通过了《预防肺炎法案》,之后,英国政府做出了关键让步,以便对新冠肺炎立法进行审查。本文的主要论点是,尽管表面上看,这次审查是议会在Covid-19大流行期间被边缘化的另一个例子。特别地,在年检中进行有意义的审查有四个障碍:为审查安排的议会时间不足;审查的“全有或全无”框架;在年度报告之前,政府报告不及时且不准确;以及未能解决与《自愿停战协定》运作有关的关键问题,包括主要的人权问题。鉴于这种对审查的阻碍,很明显,这次审查代表了现任政府对议会的背弃承诺。这次审查也是大流行期间将议会边缘化的更广泛模式的一部分。在提出这一分析时,我们认为,在2021年9月即将进行的第二次审查中,可以对CVA进行两项修改,以使议会能够在这次审查中进行有意义的审查。
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引用次数: 1
Post Brexit and Post-Covid: Reflections on the Contemporary Conservative Party. 后英国脱欧和后新冠肺炎:对当代保守党的反思。
IF 2 Pub Date : 2021-07-01 Epub Date: 2021-06-12 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.13014
Gillian Peele

This article analyses the changing character of the contemporary Conservative Party. It argues that the period since the Brexit referendum has seen the creation of a new politics in which voter alignments have shifted, and that the experience of the Covid pandemic has created a new agenda of issues facing government. Taken together, these developments constitute formidable challenges to the Conservative Party as it seeks to maintain its electoral support and its ability to manage the politics of power.

本文分析了当代保守党的变化特征。它认为,自英国脱欧公投以来,一种新的政治格局已经形成,选民的立场发生了变化,而新冠疫情的经历也为政府面临的问题制定了新的议程。综上所述,这些事态发展对保守党构成了巨大的挑战,因为它正在寻求保持其选举支持和管理权力政治的能力。
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引用次数: 1
English Devolution and the Covid-19 Pandemic: Governing Dilemmas in the Shadow of the Treasury. 英国权力下放与新冠肺炎大流行:财政阴影下的治理困境。
IF 2 Pub Date : 2021-04-01 Epub Date: 2021-04-08 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.12989
Sam Warner, David Richards, Diane Coyle, Martin J Smith

This article explores the question of devolution in the light of the Covid-19 pandemic's impact on English local government. Criticism of the government's handling of the crisis is widespread and tends to focus on the highly centralised nature of the British state. Here, we attribute the challenges faced by regional and local government in responding to the pandemic primarily to the asymmetric nature of power relations that characterise financial planning and control mechanisms, devised and overseen by the Treasury. We argue that the ongoing crisis underlines the need for a democratic form of devolution-including further fiscal powers for regional and local government-to support the economic recovery. In a context of increasing fiscal uncertainty, the Treasury should seek to unlock the existing powers of local leaders by reforming centralised budgetary constraints and taking accountability and monitoring mechanisms closer to citizens.

本文结合新冠肺炎疫情对英国地方政府的影响,探讨权力下放问题。对政府处理危机的批评普遍存在,而且往往集中在英国政府高度集权的本质上。在此,我们将地区和地方政府在应对疫情方面面临的挑战主要归因于权力关系的不对称性质,这种权力关系是由财政部设计和监督的财政规划和控制机制的特征。我们认为,持续的危机强调了民主形式的权力下放的必要性,包括进一步赋予地区和地方政府财政权力,以支持经济复苏。在财政不确定性日益增加的背景下,财政部应寻求通过改革集中式预算约束,以及让问责制和监督机制更贴近公民,来释放地方领导人的现有权力。
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引用次数: 7
Covid-19 and Football: Crisis Creates Opportunity. 2019冠状病毒病与足球:危机创造机遇。
IF 2 Pub Date : 2021-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-02-03 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923X.12961
Kieran Maguire

This article looks at the financial performance and position of English professional football before Covid-19 and the impact that the pandemic has had on the industry. It analyses revenue streams in different divisions, the dependency that clubs have on them and how they have changed as a result of the pandemic. The article also reviews key costs for football clubs, the extent to which they can be reduced, different business models that operate, and possible funding sources for the sport from third parties and within the industry.

本文着眼于2019冠状病毒病之前英国职业足球的财务表现和地位,以及疫情对该行业的影响。它分析了不同部门的收入来源,俱乐部对它们的依赖程度,以及它们如何因疫情而发生变化。本文还回顾了足球俱乐部的主要成本,可以降低的程度,不同的运营商业模式,以及第三方和行业内可能的体育资金来源。
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引用次数: 5
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The Political Quarterly
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