UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE) is a comparative newcomer among think tanks and it has produced a wide‐ranging report on the state of the UK economy. It asks whether the UK economy is caught in a ‘doom loop’ where performance is bad, but policy options are constrained by the fiscal position. Unlike some SWOT analyses it looks as strengths as well as weaknesses, but these may favour the more prosperous parts of the UK. The ideas presented could help prevent the UK falling into the doom loop, but politicians tend to favour solutions which have a short‐term payback. We need long‐term thinking.
{"title":"The State We're In","authors":"David Smith","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13373","url":null,"abstract":"UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE) is a comparative newcomer among think tanks and it has produced a wide‐ranging report on the state of the UK economy. It asks whether the UK economy is caught in a ‘doom loop’ where performance is bad, but policy options are constrained by the fiscal position. Unlike some SWOT analyses it looks as strengths as well as weaknesses, but these may favour the more prosperous parts of the UK. The ideas presented could help prevent the UK falling into the doom loop, but politicians tend to favour solutions which have a short‐term payback. We need long‐term thinking.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140252891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article reports the findings from a 2023 survey that invited all MPs to evaluate the performance of postwar prime ministers from Clement Attlee to Liz Truss. It also compares MPs’ responses with those from a similar survey conducted in 2013. Among the MPs who responded in 2023, Margaret Thatcher was ranked as the most successful postwar prime minister, and Truss was ranked as the least successful. The results further suggest that prime ministers’ historical reputations among MPs are relatively sticky, closely associated with their length of tenure in 10 Downing Street, and greatly affected by party loyalties. Lastly, the rankings based on parliamentary opinion in 2023 are broadly comparable with those based on recent surveys of academic and public opinion.
{"title":"The Good, the Not so Good, and Liz Truss: MPs’ Evaluations of Postwar Prime Ministers","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13364","url":null,"abstract":"This article reports the findings from a 2023 survey that invited all MPs to evaluate the performance of postwar prime ministers from Clement Attlee to Liz Truss. It also compares MPs’ responses with those from a similar survey conducted in 2013. Among the MPs who responded in 2023, Margaret Thatcher was ranked as the most successful postwar prime minister, and Truss was ranked as the least successful. The results further suggest that prime ministers’ historical reputations among MPs are relatively sticky, closely associated with their length of tenure in 10 Downing Street, and greatly affected by party loyalties. Lastly, the rankings based on parliamentary opinion in 2023 are broadly comparable with those based on recent surveys of academic and public opinion.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140444823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sinoscepticism is on the rise in British politics. Why is this? And what are the implications? This article shows that Sinoscepticism is not solely a result of the whims of MPs, but also stems from deep‐rooted tensions surrounding Britain's position in global order. Specifically, the British state finds itself on the horns of a dilemma: accept the status quo of staying economically open to China, but face staunch criticism and reprisals both internationally and domestically; or become more hawkish in relations, but risk worsening Britain's imbalanced and underperforming economy. Considering the Conservative Party's longstanding commitment to both the ‘special relationship’ with the US and to business and finance, this predicament is likely to provoke the party. The dilemma is seemingly about relations with one country, but, like Euroscepticism, it has the potential to become a stand‐in for debates over what sort of country the UK should be.
{"title":"Why Sinoscepticism will Remake British Politics","authors":"Liam Stanley","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13367","url":null,"abstract":"Sinoscepticism is on the rise in British politics. Why is this? And what are the implications? This article shows that Sinoscepticism is not solely a result of the whims of MPs, but also stems from deep‐rooted tensions surrounding Britain's position in global order. Specifically, the British state finds itself on the horns of a dilemma: accept the status quo of staying economically open to China, but face staunch criticism and reprisals both internationally and domestically; or become more hawkish in relations, but risk worsening Britain's imbalanced and underperforming economy. Considering the Conservative Party's longstanding commitment to both the ‘special relationship’ with the US and to business and finance, this predicament is likely to provoke the party. The dilemma is seemingly about relations with one country, but, like Euroscepticism, it has the potential to become a stand‐in for debates over what sort of country the UK should be.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139961306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mainstream economic theory and policy have struggled to address (and in some cases have made worse) the multiple economic crises since 2008—global financial crash, austerity, stalled productivity, wage stagnation, rising inequality, inflation, climate and environmental breakdown. At the root of this failure is the ‘ontological individualism’ which underpins neoclassical economic theory: the belief that individual households and firms are sovereign actors. It proposes in its place a premise of ‘ontological institutionism’—the view that economic behaviour is primarily influenced by the institutional structures and rules within which it occurs. Commonplace in other social sciences, this view radically changes economic analysis and policy prescription. Based on an explicit ethical definition of policy objectives, the article offers an ‘institutionally pluralist’ view proposing different kinds of institutions for five different spheres of economic life. Arguing that economic policy should be seen as a process of institutional design (not simply making markets more efficient), it offers some illustrative policy proposals in key fields, from climate change to business investment.
{"title":"After Neoliberalism: Economic Theory and Policy in the Polycrisis1","authors":"Michael Jacobs","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13363","url":null,"abstract":"Mainstream economic theory and policy have struggled to address (and in some cases have made worse) the multiple economic crises since 2008—global financial crash, austerity, stalled productivity, wage stagnation, rising inequality, inflation, climate and environmental breakdown. At the root of this failure is the ‘ontological individualism’ which underpins neoclassical economic theory: the belief that individual households and firms are sovereign actors. It proposes in its place a premise of ‘ontological institutionism’—the view that economic behaviour is primarily influenced by the institutional structures and rules within which it occurs. Commonplace in other social sciences, this view radically changes economic analysis and policy prescription. Based on an explicit ethical definition of policy objectives, the article offers an ‘institutionally pluralist’ view proposing different kinds of institutions for five different spheres of economic life. Arguing that economic policy should be seen as a process of institutional design (not simply making markets more efficient), it offers some illustrative policy proposals in key fields, from climate change to business investment.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139868716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mainstream economic theory and policy have struggled to address (and in some cases have made worse) the multiple economic crises since 2008—global financial crash, austerity, stalled productivity, wage stagnation, rising inequality, inflation, climate and environmental breakdown. At the root of this failure is the ‘ontological individualism’ which underpins neoclassical economic theory: the belief that individual households and firms are sovereign actors. It proposes in its place a premise of ‘ontological institutionism’—the view that economic behaviour is primarily influenced by the institutional structures and rules within which it occurs. Commonplace in other social sciences, this view radically changes economic analysis and policy prescription. Based on an explicit ethical definition of policy objectives, the article offers an ‘institutionally pluralist’ view proposing different kinds of institutions for five different spheres of economic life. Arguing that economic policy should be seen as a process of institutional design (not simply making markets more efficient), it offers some illustrative policy proposals in key fields, from climate change to business investment.
{"title":"After Neoliberalism: Economic Theory and Policy in the Polycrisis1","authors":"Michael Jacobs","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13363","url":null,"abstract":"Mainstream economic theory and policy have struggled to address (and in some cases have made worse) the multiple economic crises since 2008—global financial crash, austerity, stalled productivity, wage stagnation, rising inequality, inflation, climate and environmental breakdown. At the root of this failure is the ‘ontological individualism’ which underpins neoclassical economic theory: the belief that individual households and firms are sovereign actors. It proposes in its place a premise of ‘ontological institutionism’—the view that economic behaviour is primarily influenced by the institutional structures and rules within which it occurs. Commonplace in other social sciences, this view radically changes economic analysis and policy prescription. Based on an explicit ethical definition of policy objectives, the article offers an ‘institutionally pluralist’ view proposing different kinds of institutions for five different spheres of economic life. Arguing that economic policy should be seen as a process of institutional design (not simply making markets more efficient), it offers some illustrative policy proposals in key fields, from climate change to business investment.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139808776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lessons from the Covid‐19 Inquiry for the Civil Service","authors":"Deborah Mabbett","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13360","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140493506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Labour Party's support will likely be crucial to any major change of the voting system in the UK. While Labour has supported first past the post for most of its existence, a resolution was passed at the 2022 party conference calling for Labour to include in its manifesto a commitment to change the voting system to proportional representation after the next election. This resulted from an effective campaign by activists to change the party's policy on electoral reform. The position of the trade unions, often perceived to be conservative on constitutional issues, was particularly important. This article focusses on the campaign to change the opinion of the British trade union movement. It outlines the British trade union movement's historic reservations about electoral reform and then analyses the grassroots effort behind this movement, focussing on the organisation of Make Votes Matter, Labour for a New Democracy, and Politics for the Many. The article concludes by offering insights into the potential long‐term consequences of this campaign and its potential impact on the ideological direction of the Labour Party.
{"title":"Labour, the Unions and Proportional Representation","authors":"Cameron Rhys Herbert","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13361","url":null,"abstract":"The Labour Party's support will likely be crucial to any major change of the voting system in the UK. While Labour has supported first past the post for most of its existence, a resolution was passed at the 2022 party conference calling for Labour to include in its manifesto a commitment to change the voting system to proportional representation after the next election. This resulted from an effective campaign by activists to change the party's policy on electoral reform. The position of the trade unions, often perceived to be conservative on constitutional issues, was particularly important. This article focusses on the campaign to change the opinion of the British trade union movement. It outlines the British trade union movement's historic reservations about electoral reform and then analyses the grassroots effort behind this movement, focussing on the organisation of Make Votes Matter, Labour for a New Democracy, and Politics for the Many. The article concludes by offering insights into the potential long‐term consequences of this campaign and its potential impact on the ideological direction of the Labour Party.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140493817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A love letter to the north London working class","authors":"Ilaria Favretto","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13343","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139531431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The NHS: still worth fighting for, but pick the right battles","authors":"Lyndsey Jenkins","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13355","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139627903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Public ownership has emerged as desirable and achievable in the United Kingdom in the 2020s. The ongoing water crisis in England and concerns about ‘greedflation’ in sectors such as electricity and gas following recent price rises have encouraged interest in public ownership. Informed discussion is compromised, however, by a gap in public knowledge. This partly stems from the distance of time, a generation or more, since publicly owned enterprises operated in these sectors across Britain. We argue that public ownership is best understood in terms of fundamentals. Our proposed typology presents the predominant form of public ownership, nationalisation, as a response to fundamental problems, or devised as more efficient management of fundamental sectors, or established to achieve fundamental citizenship values. The typology is developed in dialogue with historical British experiences, then applied to contemporary examples of Scottish government policy, namely shipbuilding, social care and railways.
{"title":"The Fundamentals of Public Ownership: Learning from UK Historical Experience and Recent Scottish Policy","authors":"Ewan Gibbs, Gerrard McCartney, Jim Phillips","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13348","url":null,"abstract":"Public ownership has emerged as desirable and achievable in the United Kingdom in the 2020s. The ongoing water crisis in England and concerns about ‘greedflation’ in sectors such as electricity and gas following recent price rises have encouraged interest in public ownership. Informed discussion is compromised, however, by a gap in public knowledge. This partly stems from the distance of time, a generation or more, since publicly owned enterprises operated in these sectors across Britain. We argue that public ownership is best understood in terms of fundamentals. Our proposed typology presents the predominant form of public ownership, nationalisation, as a response to fundamental problems, or devised as more efficient management of fundamental sectors, or established to achieve fundamental citizenship values. The typology is developed in dialogue with historical British experiences, then applied to contemporary examples of Scottish government policy, namely shipbuilding, social care and railways.","PeriodicalId":504210,"journal":{"name":"The Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139535015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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