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Integrated Monetary and Financial Policies for Small Open Economies 小型开放经济体的综合货币和金融政策
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA21802
Suman S. Basu, Emine Boz, Gita Gopinath, Francisco Roch, D. Filiz Unsal

We develop a tractable small-open-economy framework to characterize the constrained efficient use of the monetary policy rate, foreign exchange (FX) intervention, capital controls, and domestic macroprudential measures. The model features dominant currency pricing, positive premia on local currency debt arising from financiers' portfolio constraints, and occasionally-binding external and domestic borrowing constraints. We characterize the conditions under which the traditional prescription—relying solely on the policy rate and exchange rate flexibility—remains sufficient, even in the presence of externalities. By contrast, to manage noise trader flows into and out of the local currency debt market, FX intervention and in some cases capital inflow taxes should be used instead of the traditional prescription. Moreover, if a country faces a mix of local currency premia and external borrowing constraints, we establish that certain regulations to limit FX mismatch may alleviate the external borrowing constraint but exacerbate the local currency premia. Finally, we show that capital controls may dominate domestic macroprudential measures in cases when external shocks trigger stress in domestic housing markets.

我们开发了一个易于处理的小型开放经济框架,以表征货币政策利率、外汇(FX)干预、资本管制和国内宏观审慎措施的有限有效使用。该模型的特点是占主导地位的货币定价,由金融家的投资组合约束产生的本币债务的正溢价,以及偶尔具有约束力的外部和国内借款约束。我们描述了即使在存在外部性的情况下,传统的处方——仅仅依赖于政策利率和汇率灵活性——仍然足够的条件。相比之下,为了管理嘈杂的交易员流入和流出本币债务市场,应该使用外汇干预,在某些情况下还应该使用资本流入税,而不是传统的处方。此外,如果一个国家面临本币溢价和外部借款约束的混合,我们确定限制外汇错配的某些法规可能会缓解外部借款约束,但会加剧本币溢价。最后,我们表明,在外部冲击引发国内房地产市场压力的情况下,资本管制可能主导国内宏观审慎措施。
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引用次数: 0
Reply to: Comments on “Presidential Address: Identity Politics” 回复:关于“总统演讲:身份政治”的评论
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA24596
Nicola Gennaioli, Guido Tabellini
<p><span>We thank</span> Ernesto dal Bó and Francesco Trebbi for their thoughtful comments, which allow us to clarify some important aspects of our work.</p><p>Trebbi points out that several recent contributions have studied the role of changing salience weights in multidimensional voting models, “without the need of forgoing voter rationality.” We agree that the questions of how politicians manipulate voters' attention on alternative issues, and with what consequences, are of primary importance, and those papers are important contributions. But we view our departure from the assumption of voter rationality as a step forward, not as a drawback.</p><p>Political scientists have long argued that the assumption of rational voters is unrealistic, and economists are also coming around to this view. A large body of work shows that voters have significant misperceptions of reality, strongly correlated with their political and social affiliations (<span>Flynn, Nyhan, and Reifler</span> (<span>2017</span>), <span>Alesina, Miano, and Stantcheva</span> (<span>2020</span>)). The question is not how to reconcile this with voters' rationality, but what is the best account for observed voters' beliefs.</p><p>The standard approach to voters' misperceptions emphasizes information acquisition (<span>Levy and Razin</span> (<span>2019</span>)). On the one hand, voters with different partisan affiliations select exposure to different news sources. On the other hand, their processing of new information is distorted by cognitive biases, such as correlation neglect, selection bias, confirmation bias, or motivated cognition. Yet, political beliefs seldom react to informational treatments (<span>Flynn, Nyhan, and Reifler</span> (<span>2017</span>)), and more knowledgeable individuals sometimes have more distorted beliefs over controversial political issues than less knowledgeable ones (<span>Kahan</span> (<span>2015</span>)).</p><p>Our approach points to the importance of social context, rather than new information, in the formation of political beliefs. A salient social conflict can <i>itself</i> cause voters to view society as “us versus them,” prompting voters to identify with the groups they belong to. When this happens, voters slant their beliefs toward their ingroup stereotype. But, as shown by <span>Bordalo, Coffman, Gennaioli, and Shleifer</span> (<span>2016</span>), stereotypes exaggerate group differences. As a result, increasing the salience of a social conflict raises polarization, even without providing any new information.</p><p>Trebbi asks who leads polarization: voters or parties? We don't think that polarization only originates in the electorate. Rather, we think that it reflects the interaction between voters and parties. This interaction also plays out in the amplification of shocks like international trade and immigration, which in our paper drive a shift of polarization from economic to cultural issues and the associated party realignment. In our model
我们感谢埃内斯托·达尔Bó和弗朗西斯科·特雷比的周到评论,这些评论使我们能够澄清我们工作的一些重要方面。Trebbi指出,最近有几篇文章研究了多维投票模型中显著性权重变化的作用,“而不需要放弃选民的理性”。我们同意,政治家如何操纵选民对其他问题的注意力,以及会产生什么后果,这些问题至关重要,这些论文是重要的贡献。但我们认为,脱离选民理性假设是一种进步,而不是一种缺点。长期以来,政治学家一直认为,理性选民的假设是不现实的,经济学家也逐渐接受了这一观点。大量研究表明,选民对现实存在严重的误解,这与他们的政治和社会关系密切相关(Flynn, Nyhan, and Reifler (2017), Alesina, Miano, and Stantcheva(2020))。问题不在于如何使这与选民的理性相协调,而在于如何最好地解释观察到的选民的信念。选民误解的标准方法强调信息获取(Levy和Razin(2019))。一方面,不同党派的选民选择接触不同的新闻来源。另一方面,他们对新信息的处理受到认知偏差的扭曲,如相关性忽视、选择偏差、确认偏差或动机认知。然而,政治信仰很少对信息治疗做出反应(Flynn, Nyhan, and Reifler(2017)),知识渊博的人有时比知识渊博的人对有争议的政治问题有更多的扭曲信仰(Kahan(2015))。我们的方法指出,在政治信念形成过程中,社会背景的重要性,而不是新信息的重要性。一个突出的社会冲突本身会导致选民将社会视为“我们对他们”,促使选民认同他们所属的群体。当这种情况发生时,选民会将他们的信念倾向于他们的内部群体刻板印象。但是,正如Bordalo, Coffman, Gennaioli和Shleifer(2016)所表明的那样,刻板印象夸大了群体差异。因此,即使没有提供任何新的信息,增加社会冲突的显著性也会加剧两极分化。特雷比问道,是谁导致了两极分化:选民还是政党?我们不认为两极分化只源于选民。相反,我们认为这反映了选民和政党之间的相互作用。这种相互作用也在国际贸易和移民等冲击的放大中发挥作用,在我们的论文中,这些冲击推动了从经济问题到文化问题的两极分化以及相关的政党重组。在我们的模型中,政治宣传可以完全负责选民的刻板印象,从而扭曲选民的信念。我们将在4.4节讨论这一点。如果选民更关注来自他们传统上喜欢的政党的信息,而不是来自对手的信息,那么两党都认为加强群体刻板印象和扭曲选民的信念是最理想的。在形式上,他们从基线提出参数包括,在这种情况下,信念将不受宣传的扭曲。此外,选民越是两极分化,政党推动选民极端主义的动机就越强。因此,选民和政党的两极分化具有重要的互补性。选民的两极分化使得政党在政策选择上更加分歧。但分歧越大的政党就有更强的动机分化选民。一个重要的问题是为什么政党会两极分化。大多数关于供给驱动的两极分化的文献都将其归因于政治人士的内在动机(他们的意识形态)。因此,最近政党两极分化的加剧可以用更具意识形态的政治领导层来解释。相反,我们假设一些社会群体更多地关注传统上代表他们的政党。因此,不同的政党并不寻求吸引相同的摇摆选民,而是针对不同的选区。这就是为什么他们的选票最大化策略是分化,而不是趋同,并使选民两极分化。两极分化的宣传使内部选民更加忠诚,尽管它可能使一些选民疏远对手。从这个角度来看,政党极端主义的增加也可能是由于社交媒体的扩散,这使得政治家能够更准确地瞄准他们的选区。Trebbi提到的关于“供给驱动”极化的有趣实证论文在这个问题上是沉默的。他们发现,在立法机构投票和候选人的政策定位中,党派控制是造成两极分化的主要原因,而且这种两极分化的比例越来越大。但是政党领导人的动机是什么呢?它们可能纯粹是意识形态的,也可能完全是机会主义的,就像我们的做法一样。 几篇实证论文通过评估向中间靠拢以吸引摇摆选民与动员极端选民之间选票份额的权衡,探讨了推动政党两极分化的原因,无论是意识形态上的障碍还是选民的分裂。结果喜忧参半。一些论文发现,分歧受到选民的惩罚(如Hall (2015));另一些人则发现,动员核心选民可以获得更大的选举收益(Bonica, Rhee, and Studen(2025))。其他人则研究了选举前政治沟通是否会变得或多或少两极化,结果也是双向的。因此,我们同意Trebbi的观点,即推动最近政治两极分化激增的机制仍然没有定论。但供给驱动的两极分化可能有很多原因,不应自动归咎于更多意识形态上的政治障碍。Dal Bó提出了一些关于政治宣传效果的有趣问题。我们的广泛观点是,宣传通过增强社会冲突的突出性来改变信念,加剧两极分化,而不一定向选民提供新的信息。在本文中,我们研究了一种特定的机制:在给定的“身份制度”中,强调在特定问题上的外群体与内群体分歧的宣传强化了区分对立社会群体的刻板印象,使信仰更加极端。例如,在一场以移民为重点的竞选活动中,将移民描绘成罪犯而不是难民会强化右翼的刻板印象,从而强化保守派选民对移民的反对。但其他机制也是可能的。宣传还可以增加政治的一个特定维度的相对突出性,引发对一方或另一方有利的身份转变。例如,提高堕胎的重要性可能会导致许多选民认同他们的宗教价值观并使其两极分化。随之而来的再分配冲突减少,有利于迎合少数富人的右翼政党。关键的力量是,在这两个例子中,宣传通过增加冲突的突出性来发挥作用,在“身份制度”内部或之间。除了宣传之外,选民的身份认同也可以通过政府的政策行动来操纵。Dal Bó提供了一些与Trebbi提出的观点有关的例子,即身份与文化之间的类比。文化和经济学研究强调,文化特征以及选民的偏好是内生的,可以由政策和制度塑造。例如,降低绿色能源的相对成本也会改变口味,使选民和消费者更加环保,从而促进绿色转型(Besley和Persson(2023))。同样,取消对行政部门的制衡削弱了公民资本,使选民更能容忍腐败或更不愿意为民主而战(Persson和Tabellini(2021))。文化,就像身份一样,是一个国家变量,可以被现任者策略性地操纵。然而,文化进化和内生社会认同之间存在着一些重要的差异。首先,文化朝着与更高福利相关的特征发展。由于每个人的相对适合度一般都是一样的,文化进化是一种趋向统一的力量。相比之下,在我们的方法中,身份反映了冲突的突出性,而不是相对适应性,它加剧了两极分化,而不是趋同。刻板印象会把对立的群体推向不可调和的模式。如果气候变化的日益突出本身使一些群体低估了人为因素,而另一些群体高估了绿色政策的好处,那么分歧就会不断升级,从而阻碍政策妥协。第二,社会心理学的实验证据表明,身份的转变可以迅速发生,而文化特征通常是缓慢的。社会身份具有更大的可塑性,这意味着操纵它的政治动机要比操纵文化的动机强得多。第三,身份认同会受到政治宣传的影响。相反,相对适应度是通过改变经济或社会环境的政策行动来改变的。这种区别也很重要,因为政府和反对派都可以利用宣传手段,而政策和制度只能由当政者来改变。社会认同理论为思考政治信仰的原因和后果以及政治行为者如何塑造政治信仰提供了一个新的框架。有许多悬而未决的问题值得进一步调查。我们希望我们的论文能够提高他们的知名度,吸引人们对这一有前途的研究方向的关注。
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引用次数: 0
The Social Tax: Redistributive Pressure and Labor Supply 社会税:再分配压力与劳动力供给
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA21078
Eliana Carranza, Aletheia Donald, Florian Grosset-Touba, Supreet Kaur

In low-income communities in both rich and poor countries, redistributive transfers within kin and social networks are frequent. Such arrangements may distort labor supply—acting as a “social tax” that dampens the incentive to work. We document that across countries, from the United States to Côte d'Ivoire, low-income groups report strong pressure to share earned income with others; in addition, social groups that undertake more interpersonal transfers work fewer hours. Using a field experiment, we enable piece-rate factory workers in Côte d'Ivoire to shield income using blocked savings accounts over 9 months. Workers may only deposit earnings increases, relative to baseline, mitigating income effects on labor supply. Offering Private accounts raises work attendance by 6.5% and earnings by 9.4%. These treatment effects are concentrated among workers who report higher redistributive pressure at baseline. To obtain further suggestive evidence on mechanisms, in a supplementary experiment, we vary whether blocked accounts are private or known to the worker's network. When accounts are private, take-up is substantively higher (60% vs. 14%), with a resultant 8.8% higher earnings. Outgoing transfers do not decline, indicating no loss in redistribution. The welfare benefits of informal redistribution may come at a cost, depressing labor supply and productivity.

在富国和穷国的低收入社区,亲属和社会网络内部的再分配转移经常发生。这样的安排可能会扭曲劳动力供给——就像一种“社会税”,抑制了工作的动力。我们发现,从美国到Côte科特迪瓦,各国低收入群体都面临着与他人分享收入的巨大压力;此外,承担更多人际转移的社会群体工作时间更短。通过实地试验,我们使Côte科特迪瓦计件工厂工人能够使用冻结储蓄账户保护9个月以上的收入。相对于基线,工人可能只会增加存款收入,从而减轻收入对劳动力供给的影响。提供私人账户可以提高6.5%的出勤率和9.4%的收入。这些治疗效果集中在报告基线时再分配压力较高的工人身上。为了获得关于机制的进一步暗示性证据,在补充实验中,我们改变了被封锁的账户是私人的还是为员工网络所知的。当账户是私人账户时,使用率要高得多(60% vs. 14%),因此收益要高出8.8%。向外转移没有减少,表明再分配没有损失。非正式再分配带来的福利可能是有代价的,它会抑制劳动力供给和生产率。
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter of Econometrica Vol. 93 Iss. 6 《计量经济学》第93卷第6期
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA936FM
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引用次数: 0
A Comment on: “Presidential Address: Identity Politics” by Nicola Gennaioli and Guido Tabellini 评尼古拉·根奈奥利和圭多·塔贝里尼的《总统演讲:身份政治
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA24038
Francesco Trebbi
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引用次数: 0
Consumer Surplus From Suppliers: How Big Is It and Does It Matter for Growth? 来自供应商的消费者剩余:有多大?它对增长有影响吗?
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA22672
David Baqaee, Ariel Burstein, Cédric Duprez, Emmanuel Farhi

Consumer surplus, the area between the demand curve and the price, plays a key role in many models of trade and growth. Quantifying it typically requires estimating and extrapolating demand curves. This paper provides an alternative approach to measuring consumer surplus by focusing on firms as consumers of inputs. We show that the elasticity of a downstream firm's marginal cost to supplier additions and separations measures the downstream firm's consumer surplus relative to its input costs. Using Belgian data and instrumenting for changes in supplier access, we find that for every 1% of suppliers gained or lost, the marginal cost of downstream firms falls or rises by roughly 0.3%. Our estimates are directly informative about the strength of love-of-variety effects and the gains from movements along quality ladders. We use our microeconomic estimates of consumer surplus to assess the macroeconomic importance of supplier additions and separations in a growth accounting framework. We find that supplier churn plausibly accounts for about half of aggregate productivity growth.

消费者剩余,即需求曲线和价格之间的面积,在许多贸易和增长模型中起着关键作用。量化它通常需要估计和推断需求曲线。本文通过关注企业作为投入的消费者,提供了一种衡量消费者剩余的替代方法。我们证明了下游企业边际成本对供应商增加和分离的弹性衡量了下游企业相对于其投入成本的消费者剩余。利用比利时的数据和供应商准入变化的工具,我们发现,每增加或减少1%的供应商,下游公司的边际成本就会下降或上升大约0.3%。我们的估计直接提供了关于多样性之爱效应的强度和沿着质量阶梯运动的收益的信息。我们使用消费者剩余的微观经济估计来评估增长会计框架中供应商增加和分离的宏观经济重要性。我们发现,供应商流失似乎占总生产率增长的一半左右。
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引用次数: 0
Search Frictions and Product Design in the Municipal Bond Market 市政债券市场的搜索摩擦与产品设计
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA21277
Giulia Brancaccio, Karam Kang

This paper shows that product design shapes search frictions and that intermediaries leverage this channel to increase their rents in the context of the U.S. municipal bond market. The majority of bonds are designed via negotiation between a local government and its underwriter. They are then traded in a decentralized market, where the underwriter often also acts as an intermediary. Exploiting variations in state regulations that limit government officials' conflicts of interest, we provide evidence that the underwriter benefits from designing and trading complex bonds, which induces an increase in search frictions. Interestingly, a simpler bond may not necessarily benefit the government, as bond complexity affords flexibility in debt repayment. Motivated by these findings, we build and estimate a model of bond origination and trading to quantify the welfare implications of a policy mandating bond standardization.

本文表明,在美国市政债券市场的背景下,产品设计塑造了搜索摩擦,中介机构利用这一渠道增加租金。大多数债券是通过地方政府与其承销商之间的谈判设计的。然后在去中心化的市场上进行交易,在这个市场上,承销商通常也充当中介。利用限制政府官员利益冲突的各州法规的变化,我们提供证据表明,承销商从设计和交易复杂债券中获益,这导致了搜索摩擦的增加。有趣的是,简单的债券未必对政府有利,因为债券的复杂性提供了偿还债务的灵活性。受这些发现的启发,我们建立并估计了一个债券起源和交易模型,以量化强制债券标准化的政策对福利的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Marginal Reputation 边际的声誉
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA23782
Daniel Luo, Alexander Wolitzky

We study reputation formation where a long-run player repeatedly observes private signals and takes actions. Short-run players observe the long-run player's past actions but not her past signals. The long-run player can thus develop a reputation for playing a distribution over actions, but not necessarily for playing a particular mapping from signals to actions. Nonetheless, we show that the long-run player can secure her Stackelberg payoff if distinct commitment types are statistically distinguishable and the Stackelberg strategy is confound-defeating. This property holds if and only if the Stackelberg strategy is the unique solution to an optimal transport problem. If the long-run player's payoff is supermodular in one-dimensional signals and actions, she secures the Stackelberg payoff if and only if the Stackelberg strategy is monotone. Applications include deterrence, delegation, signaling, and persuasion. Our results extend to the case where distinct commitment types may be indistinguishable, but the Stackelberg type is salient under the prior.

我们研究长期玩家反复观察私人信号并采取行动的声誉形成过程。短期玩家观察长期玩家过去的行为,而不是她过去的信号。因此,长期玩家可以通过玩行动的分布而获得声誉,但不一定是玩从信号到行动的特定映射。尽管如此,我们表明,如果不同的承诺类型在统计上是可区分的,并且Stackelberg策略是击败混淆的,那么长期参与者可以确保她的Stackelberg收益。当且仅当Stackelberg策略是最优运输问题的唯一解时,此性质成立。如果长期参与者的收益在一维信号和行动中是超模的,那么当且仅当Stackelberg策略是单调的,她就能获得Stackelberg收益。应用包括威慑、授权、信号和说服。我们的结果扩展到不同的承诺类型可能难以区分的情况,但Stackelberg类型在先验条件下显着。
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引用次数: 0
Competing Platforms and Transport Equilibrium 竞争平台与运输平衡
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA21773
Nicola Rosaia

I study whether platform competition in app-based transportation generates waste and whether consolidating competing networks would improve efficiency. I build a spatial model of a ride-hailing market where competing platforms set prices strategically and estimate it using detailed data from two major platforms in New York City. Comparing the status quo to simulated counterfactuals, I find that: (i) platform market power and the fragmentation of users across networks cause a $176 million annual loss in social welfare and waste 21% of driver-generated traffic; (ii) a platform merger would trade off gains from pooling all users into a single network against harms from greater market power, reducing traffic by 8% but lowering consumer surplus by $77 million per year due to a 4% price hike; and (iii) interoperability regulations would bring these gains without undermining competition, reducing wasteful traffic by 6% while raising consumer surplus by $63 million per year.

我研究基于app的交通中平台竞争是否会产生浪费,以及整合竞争网络是否会提高效率。我建立了一个叫车市场的空间模型,在这个模型中,竞争平台有策略地设定价格,并使用纽约市两个主要平台的详细数据对其进行估算。将现状与模拟的反事实进行比较,我发现:(I)平台市场力量和跨网络用户的碎片化导致社会福利每年损失1.76亿美元,浪费了21%的司机产生的交通;(ii)平台合并将权衡将所有用户集中到一个网络中的收益与更大的市场力量带来的危害,减少8%的流量,但由于价格上涨4%,消费者剩余每年减少7700万美元;(iii)互操作性法规将在不破坏竞争的情况下带来这些收益,减少6%的浪费流量,同时每年增加6300万美元的消费者剩余。
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引用次数: 0
Transparency and Percent Plans 透明度和百分比计划
IF 7.1 1区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.3982/ECTA18385
Adam Kapor

Transparency versus opacity is an important dimension of college admission policy. Colleges may gain useful information from a holistic review of applicants' materials, but in doing so may contribute to uncertainty that discourages potential applicants with poor information. This paper investigates the impacts of admissions transparency in the context of Texas' Top Ten Percent Plan, using survey and administrative data from Texas and a model of college applications, admissions, enrollment, grades, and persistence. I estimate that two thirds of the plan's 9.1 point impact on top-decile students' probability of attending a flagship university was due to information rather than mechanical effects. Students induced to enroll are more likely to come from low-income high schools, and academically outperform the students that they displace. These effects would be larger if complemented by financial-aid information, and are driven by transparency, not misalignment between the rules used for automatic and discretionary admissions.

透明与不透明是大学录取政策的一个重要方面。大学可能会从对申请人材料的全面审查中获得有用的信息,但这样做可能会造成不确定性,从而使信息不足的潜在申请人望而却步。本文利用来自德克萨斯州的调查和行政数据,以及大学申请、录取、入学、成绩和持久性的模型,研究了德克萨斯州“前10%计划”背景下招生透明度的影响。我估计,该计划对前十分之一学生进入一流大学的概率产生了9.1分的影响,其中三分之二是由于信息而非机械效应。被诱导入学的学生更有可能来自低收入高中,他们在学业上的表现超过了被他们取代的学生。如果辅以经济援助信息,并由透明度驱动,而不是自动录取和自由录取规则之间的不一致,这些影响将会更大。
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引用次数: 0
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Econometrica
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