Pub Date : 2024-06-14DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257687
B. M. Ajiboye
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC; for every child, every right), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1989 and fully operationalised in 1990, firmly protects the rights of every child under the age of 18 years anywhere on the planet. The UNCRC clearly states that every child has the right to know and be cared for by his or her parents. An international treaty signed by 196 countries, bar the United States, since adoption is the most broadly endorsed children’s rights treaty in history and has helped transform children’s lives around the world. But despite provisions in favour of children’s rights well-articulated in the treaty, poignantly, not every child gets to enjoy the rights stated therein. In Nigeria, so many children are cut short of these rights, even though the nation is an avid signatory to the UNCRC treaty. As an analytical context, a number of teenagers (male and female) numbering more than 1000 living in the major streets of Calabar, Cross River State, Nigeria, conspicuously referred to as Skolombo boys and Lakasera girls of Calabar, are not only rejected, abandoned and sent away by their parents, but are also discriminated against by the entire city on account of false suspicions of wizardry and witchcraft, a modish form of child rights violations and a clear recalcitrant to the UNCRC treaty. It is startling that limited studies have addressed this problem that most fundamentally affects these children. Relying considerably on both primary and secondary data, this article examines the plights of these children, who are left to fend for themselves within a nation that signed on the dotted lines for the child’s right to protection and concurrently allowed them to be treated with ultra-condemnation. The article concludes that without concerted efforts geared to address child rights violations in the form of persistent rejection and discrimination, the cruel experience will eventually force them to strike and become more dangerous than society can handle.
{"title":"Evicted from Home, Unaccommodated in the Street: The Castigatory Experience of Skolombo Boys and Lakasera Girls of Calabar in the Light of UNCRC","authors":"B. M. Ajiboye","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257687","url":null,"abstract":"The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC; for every child, every right), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1989 and fully operationalised in 1990, firmly protects the rights of every child under the age of 18 years anywhere on the planet. The UNCRC clearly states that every child has the right to know and be cared for by his or her parents. An international treaty signed by 196 countries, bar the United States, since adoption is the most broadly endorsed children’s rights treaty in history and has helped transform children’s lives around the world. But despite provisions in favour of children’s rights well-articulated in the treaty, poignantly, not every child gets to enjoy the rights stated therein. In Nigeria, so many children are cut short of these rights, even though the nation is an avid signatory to the UNCRC treaty. As an analytical context, a number of teenagers (male and female) numbering more than 1000 living in the major streets of Calabar, Cross River State, Nigeria, conspicuously referred to as Skolombo boys and Lakasera girls of Calabar, are not only rejected, abandoned and sent away by their parents, but are also discriminated against by the entire city on account of false suspicions of wizardry and witchcraft, a modish form of child rights violations and a clear recalcitrant to the UNCRC treaty. It is startling that limited studies have addressed this problem that most fundamentally affects these children. Relying considerably on both primary and secondary data, this article examines the plights of these children, who are left to fend for themselves within a nation that signed on the dotted lines for the child’s right to protection and concurrently allowed them to be treated with ultra-condemnation. The article concludes that without concerted efforts geared to address child rights violations in the form of persistent rejection and discrimination, the cruel experience will eventually force them to strike and become more dangerous than society can handle.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"11 23","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141340954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-13DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257685
Brian Mandipaza
There is extensive literature on barriers and constraints of Conservation Agriculture (CA) adoption in Zimbabwe, but the impact of local socio-cultural factors on the adoption of this technology for rural farm households has largely been assumed. The research was designed to understand socio-cultural factors that led to dis-adoption and outright rejection of this seemingly appropriate intervention using empirical qualitative data from a case study in Nyanga District. The article found that there is a discernible and significant relationship between farming practise (farmers’ prior experiences, culture, Indigenous knowledge systems and values) arrangements and the abandonment and outright rejection of CA.
关于津巴布韦采用保护性农业（CA）的障碍和限制因素的文献很多，但当地社会文化因素对农村农户采用该技术的影响在很大程度上被认为是假定的。这项研究旨在利用尼扬加区案例研究中的定性经验数据，了解导致不采用或完全拒绝这种看似合适的干预措施的社会文化因素。文章发现，农耕实践（农民先前的经验、文化、土著知识体系和价值观）安排与放弃和完全拒绝 CA 之间存在明显而重要的关系。
{"title":"Misunderstood with No Desire to Be Understood: Socio-Cultural Dimension of Farming and Conservation Agriculture in Zimbabwe","authors":"Brian Mandipaza","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257685","url":null,"abstract":"There is extensive literature on barriers and constraints of Conservation Agriculture (CA) adoption in Zimbabwe, but the impact of local socio-cultural factors on the adoption of this technology for rural farm households has largely been assumed. The research was designed to understand socio-cultural factors that led to dis-adoption and outright rejection of this seemingly appropriate intervention using empirical qualitative data from a case study in Nyanga District. The article found that there is a discernible and significant relationship between farming practise (farmers’ prior experiences, culture, Indigenous knowledge systems and values) arrangements and the abandonment and outright rejection of CA.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"36 25","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141349936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257695
B. Omotosho
Men in old age usually receive less attention than their female counterparts due to physiological, social and cultural influences. Older widowers are not left out of this reality. This study explored the experiences, lifestyles and coping mechanisms of elderly widowers within the family and community networks in selected rural communities in Ekiti State, southwest Nigeria. Findings revealed that living without their spouses was challenging. Notwithstanding, the participants were able to navigate these hurdles through personal commitment to life and the supports. Coping within a patriarchal society is challenging for elderly males; many of them however did not see it as insurmountable.
{"title":"An Exploration of the Experiences, Wellbeing and Survival Tactics of Older Widowers in Ekiti State, Nigeria","authors":"B. Omotosho","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257695","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257695","url":null,"abstract":"Men in old age usually receive less attention than their female counterparts due to physiological, social and cultural influences. Older widowers are not left out of this reality. This study explored the experiences, lifestyles and coping mechanisms of elderly widowers within the family and community networks in selected rural communities in Ekiti State, southwest Nigeria. Findings revealed that living without their spouses was challenging. Notwithstanding, the participants were able to navigate these hurdles through personal commitment to life and the supports. Coping within a patriarchal society is challenging for elderly males; many of them however did not see it as insurmountable.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"133 30","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141351135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257690
Tsung-han Tsai, Chia-hung Tsai
Most of the extant research on the relationship between democratic values and democratic support examine the issue from the perspective of the evolution of democratic culture and institutional learning. These studies conclude that it takes time for people to understand the essence of democracy and to support democracy. We argue that a certain value orientation is crucial to democratic support at some stages of democratic transition. To empirically examine the association between the different dimensions of democratic values and democratic support, we analyzed survey data from 1995 to 2020 in Taiwan. Based on item response theory, we found that, first, throughout that 25-year period, we can distinguish three dimensions of democratic values in Taiwan; second, Taiwanese considered fundamental human rights to be an essential democratic value; and finally, the curvilinear relationship between democratic support and separation of powers implies that Taiwanese people emphasize electoral democracy more than horizontal accountability after democratization is complete.
{"title":"Democratic Values and Democratic Support in Rapidly Consolidated Democracies: The Case of Taiwan, 1995–2020","authors":"Tsung-han Tsai, Chia-hung Tsai","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257690","url":null,"abstract":"Most of the extant research on the relationship between democratic values and democratic support examine the issue from the perspective of the evolution of democratic culture and institutional learning. These studies conclude that it takes time for people to understand the essence of democracy and to support democracy. We argue that a certain value orientation is crucial to democratic support at some stages of democratic transition. To empirically examine the association between the different dimensions of democratic values and democratic support, we analyzed survey data from 1995 to 2020 in Taiwan. Based on item response theory, we found that, first, throughout that 25-year period, we can distinguish three dimensions of democratic values in Taiwan; second, Taiwanese considered fundamental human rights to be an essential democratic value; and finally, the curvilinear relationship between democratic support and separation of powers implies that Taiwanese people emphasize electoral democracy more than horizontal accountability after democratization is complete.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"61 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141350299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-10DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257692
France Maphosa, Latang Sechele, Eve K. Chandaengerwa
One of the recommended interventions against the spread of COVID-19 is ‘social distancing’. This means maintaining a recommended physical distance between people and reducing the number of times people come into close contact with each other. At the same time, the public is being advised to maintain or even increase social contact. Influenced by Georg Simmel’s concept of social geometry, the objective of this paper is to demonstrate that ‘social distancing’ has adverse impacts on sociality. Human beings are inherently social beings and spatial proximity enhances the intensity and quality of their interaction. By creating physical separation, ‘social distancing’ is leading to social isolation and attendant psychosocial problems. This was a desk study based on a review of the literature, media reports and personal observations. The paper presents evidence of the adverse impacts of ‘social distancing’ on human sociality from Botswana and Zimbabwe. The paper concludes that while ‘social distancing’ is a practical way of containing the spread of the COVID-19 virus, it has significant adverse impacts on sociality, resulting in the loss of community. We recommend the promotion of offline and online social media platforms to enable people to interact without co-presence.
{"title":"The social impacts of ‘social distancing’ on sociality in the context of COVID-19: Applying Simmel’s concept of social geometry","authors":"France Maphosa, Latang Sechele, Eve K. Chandaengerwa","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257692","url":null,"abstract":"One of the recommended interventions against the spread of COVID-19 is ‘social distancing’. This means maintaining a recommended physical distance between people and reducing the number of times people come into close contact with each other. At the same time, the public is being advised to maintain or even increase social contact. Influenced by Georg Simmel’s concept of social geometry, the objective of this paper is to demonstrate that ‘social distancing’ has adverse impacts on sociality. Human beings are inherently social beings and spatial proximity enhances the intensity and quality of their interaction. By creating physical separation, ‘social distancing’ is leading to social isolation and attendant psychosocial problems. This was a desk study based on a review of the literature, media reports and personal observations. The paper presents evidence of the adverse impacts of ‘social distancing’ on human sociality from Botswana and Zimbabwe. The paper concludes that while ‘social distancing’ is a practical way of containing the spread of the COVID-19 virus, it has significant adverse impacts on sociality, resulting in the loss of community. We recommend the promotion of offline and online social media platforms to enable people to interact without co-presence.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"104 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141362243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-05DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257689
Nothile P. Ndimande
Henri Lefebvre’s spatial triad is used to investigate the lived experiences of on-campus students at the University of Zululand. The study argues that campus students appropriated and disrupted campus spaces to create new ones. This is reflected, among other things, in relationships, living arrangements and campus cultures. This is a qualitative study in which data were gathered through semi-structured interviews. According to the study, campus students’ daily activities have played a role in rearranging and building relationships, but the students themselves are impotent and unable to influence the change in campus living conditions, making campus residences spaces of power and powerlessness.
{"title":"A Lefebvrean Analysis of the Lived Experiences of the On-Campus Students at the University of Zululand","authors":"Nothile P. Ndimande","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257689","url":null,"abstract":"Henri Lefebvre’s spatial triad is used to investigate the lived experiences of on-campus students at the University of Zululand. The study argues that campus students appropriated and disrupted campus spaces to create new ones. This is reflected, among other things, in relationships, living arrangements and campus cultures. This is a qualitative study in which data were gathered through semi-structured interviews. According to the study, campus students’ daily activities have played a role in rearranging and building relationships, but the students themselves are impotent and unable to influence the change in campus living conditions, making campus residences spaces of power and powerlessness.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"48 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141381792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-05DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257691
Tavengwa Gwekwerere, T. Nenjerama
Although Emmerson Mnangagwa’s replacement of Robert Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe prompted celebration among Zimbabweans when it happened, his tenure is hamstrung by contested political legitimacy. At the centre of perceptions of Mnangagwa as politically illegitimate is the location of his presidency in the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) coup of November 2017 and his failure to win resoundingly in the presidential elections of July 2018 and August 2023. To mitigate this political conundrum, Zimbabwean song artists whose creative vision aligns with the worldview and priorities of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) emerged with a song repertoire in which Mnangagwa’s major political rival, Nelson Chamisa, is otherised as a politically immature alternative and a puppet of western countries. While numerous post-2017 ZANU-PF musical artists have contributed to this song repertoire, Chief Shumba Hwenje is the most prolific among them. This article uses purposively sampled Chief Shumba Hwenje’s post-2017 ZANU-PF songs to discuss the ways in which their representations of Chamisa as a politically immature alternative to Mnangagwa and a puppet of western countries constitute part of the matrix by which ‘Second Republic’/‘New Dispensation’ ZANU-PF has negotiated political legitimacy for Mnangagwa and maintained power since Mugabe’s ouster. It appropriates postcolonial critical conceptions of stereotype as a discursive strategy that mediates the construction of the other as knowable, prone to exaggeration and predictable to unravel how Chamisa’s framing in the post-2017 Chief Shumba Hwenje song speaks to the staying power of Mugabe-era methods of managing political (il)legitimacy through discursive (mis)representation of opponents. The article goes beyond traditional conceptions of power as legislative, judicial and executive to reveal how cultural economies of (mis)representation are also instructive in making sense of political developments in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe.
{"title":"Othering the Alternative: Nelson Chamisa in the Post-2017 Chief Shumba Hwenje Song","authors":"Tavengwa Gwekwerere, T. Nenjerama","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257691","url":null,"abstract":"Although Emmerson Mnangagwa’s replacement of Robert Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe prompted celebration among Zimbabweans when it happened, his tenure is hamstrung by contested political legitimacy. At the centre of perceptions of Mnangagwa as politically illegitimate is the location of his presidency in the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) coup of November 2017 and his failure to win resoundingly in the presidential elections of July 2018 and August 2023. To mitigate this political conundrum, Zimbabwean song artists whose creative vision aligns with the worldview and priorities of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) emerged with a song repertoire in which Mnangagwa’s major political rival, Nelson Chamisa, is otherised as a politically immature alternative and a puppet of western countries. While numerous post-2017 ZANU-PF musical artists have contributed to this song repertoire, Chief Shumba Hwenje is the most prolific among them. This article uses purposively sampled Chief Shumba Hwenje’s post-2017 ZANU-PF songs to discuss the ways in which their representations of Chamisa as a politically immature alternative to Mnangagwa and a puppet of western countries constitute part of the matrix by which ‘Second Republic’/‘New Dispensation’ ZANU-PF has negotiated political legitimacy for Mnangagwa and maintained power since Mugabe’s ouster. It appropriates postcolonial critical conceptions of stereotype as a discursive strategy that mediates the construction of the other as knowable, prone to exaggeration and predictable to unravel how Chamisa’s framing in the post-2017 Chief Shumba Hwenje song speaks to the staying power of Mugabe-era methods of managing political (il)legitimacy through discursive (mis)representation of opponents. The article goes beyond traditional conceptions of power as legislative, judicial and executive to reveal how cultural economies of (mis)representation are also instructive in making sense of political developments in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"4 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141382232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-05DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257688
Aisi Zhang
China constitutionally remains a unitary state, but it has been stuck in a continuous loop of centralization and decentralization throughout its history. In the pre-Xi era, the communist regime relied heavily on the Chinese Communist Party’s policies to regulate power dynamics between the central and the local. Since Xi assumed power in 2012, the Constitution has turned into a tool used by the party-state to strengthen central control over local agents. Both the new anti-corruption and legislative review systems have been established in the 2018 Constitutional Amendment to help the center monitor and discipline local authorities more effectively.
{"title":"China’s Central-Local Relations: “Constitutional Vacuum” Revisited","authors":"Aisi Zhang","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257688","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257688","url":null,"abstract":"China constitutionally remains a unitary state, but it has been stuck in a continuous loop of centralization and decentralization throughout its history. In the pre-Xi era, the communist regime relied heavily on the Chinese Communist Party’s policies to regulate power dynamics between the central and the local. Since Xi assumed power in 2012, the Constitution has turned into a tool used by the party-state to strengthen central control over local agents. Both the new anti-corruption and legislative review systems have been established in the 2018 Constitutional Amendment to help the center monitor and discipline local authorities more effectively.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"13 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141382690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-02DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257694
Birhanu Bitew
This paper examines how anti-Amhara ethnonationalists have constructed derogatory epithets to rationalise their mistreatment of Amhara, and delves into how Amhara nationalists endeavour to reclaim these epithets by imbuing them with positive connotations, contrasting with what the former has attached to them. It is a qualitative study that draws data from interviews with leaders of Amhara-based political parties, scholars, and victims of genocide, as well as review of social media content and scholarly literature. Foucault’s concept of reverse discourse, which entails resistance to prevailing discourse without altering the language and categories of the dominant group, was employed as an analytical tool. The findings reveal that ethnonationalist movements, emerging since the 1970s, utilised the imagery of ‘Amhara as enemy’ to spur political mobilisation. They construct disparaging epithets like neftegna (gun-holder) and timkhtegna (chauvinist) to justify their mistreatment of Amhara. This led to widespread killings and evictions of the people. In response, Amhara youths have formed a resistance movement since 2015. They strive to mobilise the populace by repurposing these derogatory labels as a tactic to resist discursive defamation and genocidal acts.
{"title":"Identity Construction, Reverse Discourse and the Amhara Nationalism in Ethiopia","authors":"Birhanu Bitew","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257694","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257694","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines how anti-Amhara ethnonationalists have constructed derogatory epithets to rationalise their mistreatment of Amhara, and delves into how Amhara nationalists endeavour to reclaim these epithets by imbuing them with positive connotations, contrasting with what the former has attached to them. It is a qualitative study that draws data from interviews with leaders of Amhara-based political parties, scholars, and victims of genocide, as well as review of social media content and scholarly literature. Foucault’s concept of reverse discourse, which entails resistance to prevailing discourse without altering the language and categories of the dominant group, was employed as an analytical tool. The findings reveal that ethnonationalist movements, emerging since the 1970s, utilised the imagery of ‘Amhara as enemy’ to spur political mobilisation. They construct disparaging epithets like neftegna (gun-holder) and timkhtegna (chauvinist) to justify their mistreatment of Amhara. This led to widespread killings and evictions of the people. In response, Amhara youths have formed a resistance movement since 2015. They strive to mobilise the populace by repurposing these derogatory labels as a tactic to resist discursive defamation and genocidal acts.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"6 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141273536","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-02DOI: 10.1177/00219096241257686
Rishiraj Sen, S. Jha
This paper intends to scrutinise the anti-feminist leanings and misogynist outlook of the Hindutva ideology prevalent in the current socio-political and religious scenario of India. Gendered and sexualised disinformation and virtual violence are used as a prominent tool to attack the autonomy of women’s bodies by labelling them as sexually and socially immoral and thus further disapproving the credibility of their political opinions. Through specific case analysis, the paper explores the ongoing procedure to mute women in the digital space by the Hindutva ideologues.
{"title":"Women Under Hindutva: Misogynist Memes, Mock-Auction and Doxing, Deepfake-Pornification and Rape Threats in Digital Space","authors":"Rishiraj Sen, S. Jha","doi":"10.1177/00219096241257686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241257686","url":null,"abstract":"This paper intends to scrutinise the anti-feminist leanings and misogynist outlook of the Hindutva ideology prevalent in the current socio-political and religious scenario of India. Gendered and sexualised disinformation and virtual violence are used as a prominent tool to attack the autonomy of women’s bodies by labelling them as sexually and socially immoral and thus further disapproving the credibility of their political opinions. Through specific case analysis, the paper explores the ongoing procedure to mute women in the digital space by the Hindutva ideologues.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"46 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141274029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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