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Resolving Teesta River Conflicts: Harnessing Institutional Solutions for Cross-Border Water Cooperation 解决 Teesta 河冲突:利用机构解决方案促进跨境水资源合作
Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218436
Kajol Gupta
This research delves into the enduring Teesta River water-sharing dispute between India and Bangladesh, highlighting the pivotal role of institutions, with insights gleaned from international experiences. It comprehensively reviews the historical evolution, notably the Farakka Barrage and key treaties in 1977 and 1996, illuminating the dispute’s deep-rooted origins. The study investigates the unresolved Teesta River conflict, rooted in pre-partition concerns and divergent water allocation demands. By analysing decades of negotiations and the involvement of joint commissions and technical groups, it contributes vital insights into effective conflict resolution mechanisms within shared river systems, offering significant understanding of India–Bangladesh relations.
本研究深入探讨了印度和孟加拉国之间旷日持久的蒂埃斯塔河水资源共享争端,强调了制度的关键作用,并从国际经验中汲取了深刻见解。研究全面回顾了历史演变,特别是法拉卡拦河坝以及 1977 年和 1996 年的重要条约,揭示了争端的深层根源。本研究调查了尚未解决的泰斯特河冲突,其根源在于分治前的担忧和不同的水分配要求。通过分析数十年来的谈判以及联合委员会和技术小组的参与,该研究对共享河流系统内有效的冲突解决机制提出了重要见解,为了解印度和孟加拉国的关系提供了重要依据。
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引用次数: 0
Between Colonial and Revolutionary Heritage: Contemporary Political Urban Landscape of São Tomé 殖民与革命遗产之间:圣多美当代政治城市景观
Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218439
Krzysztof Górny
This article tackles the subject of political urban landscape of São Tomé, the capital city of São Tomé and Príncipe. Its aim is to characterise the urban landscape of this city, which has not been previously extensively explored in international literature, in terms of political and historical aspects. As demonstrated by the results of the conducted field research, the contemporary landscape of São Tomé is a system of intertwined components, related to various eras in the islands’ history. On one hand, there are still many traces of Portuguese colonial heritage; on the other hand, there are also plenty of symbolic elements associated with the period of Marxist dictatorship of 1975–1991.
本文探讨的主题是圣多美和普林西比首都圣多美的城市政治景观。文章旨在从政治和历史方面描述这座城市的城市景观特征,此前国际文献并未对其进行广泛探讨。实地研究结果表明,圣多美和普林西比的当代景观是一个相互交织的系统,与岛屿历史上的各个时代相关。一方面,葡萄牙殖民遗产仍有许多痕迹;另一方面,也有许多与 1975-1991 年马克思主义独裁统治时期相关的象征性元素。
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引用次数: 0
Tribal Education in India – Reviewing the Progress and the Way Forward 印度的部落教育--回顾进展与前进之路
Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231219759
V. Sucharita
The present paper critically reviews various educational interventions and the resultant trends in the participation and learning outcomes in the domain of tribal education in India. A review of the existing policies on formal education suggests that there have not been clear-cut policy provisions for the education of tribal children aligning with their socio-cultural needs. They are often clubbed with other disadvantaged groups, wherein they are perceived as mere beneficiaries of various government schemes and incentives. Given the profound diversity of the tribal groups, a ‘one size fits all’ approach may not work, which obliterates their identity and blurs the cultural differences. The interventions too have primarily focused on their assimilation with the mainstream society than towards inclusion. The paper also discusses various forms of exclusion and marginalization of tribal children in schools and delineates possible pathways for building more inclusive and democratic educational ecosystems.
本文批判性地回顾了印度部落教育领域的各种教育干预措施以及由此产生的参与和学习成果趋势。对现有正规教育政策的审查表明,对部落儿童的教育没有明确的政策规定来满足他们的社会文化需求。他们往往与其他弱势群体混为一谈,被认为只是各种政府计划和激励措施的受益者。鉴于部落群体的深刻多样性,"一刀切 "的方法可能行不通,这会抹杀他们的特性,模糊文化差异。干预措施的重点也主要是将他们与主流社会同化,而不是实现包容。本文还讨论了学校中排斥和边缘化部落儿童的各种形式,并为建立更具包容性和民主的教育生态系统描绘了可能的途径。
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引用次数: 0
The Gender Dilemmas of Kupindira Among the Ndau People of South-Eastern Zimbabwe 津巴布韦东南部恩道族人库平迪拉的性别困境
Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231215714
T. Muyambo
This article problematises gender and ethical issues surrounding kupindira, as an infertility management measure, among the Ndau of south-eastern Zimbabwe. This phenomenological qualitative study utilised interviews and observations to collect data from 20 participants who comprised both the old and the young, male and female. Some of the findings revealed that while the kupindira practice saves marriages, it promotes gender inequalities and is characterised by ethical dilemmas. Using cultural hermeneutics, the article concludes that while kupindira forms part of Ndau traditions on infertility, it must be reconstructed to make it a safe practice for human flourishing.
这篇文章探讨了津巴布韦东南部恩达乌人(Ndau)围绕库宾迪拉(kupindira)这一不孕症治疗措施的性别和伦理问题。这项现象学定性研究通过访谈和观察收集了 20 名参与者的数据,其中既有老人也有年轻人,既有男性也有女性。部分研究结果表明,虽然库宾迪拉习俗可以挽救婚姻,但它也助长了性别不平等,并存在伦理困境。文章利用文化诠释学得出结论:虽然库平迪拉是恩达乌族不孕不育传统的一部分,但必须对其进行重建,使其成为促进人类繁荣的安全习俗。
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引用次数: 0
Street Vendors Using Smartphones for Digital Payments: A Qualitative Study of Digital Opportunities and Inequalities From Kashmir Region in India 街头小贩使用智能手机进行数字支付:印度克什米尔地区的数字机遇与不平等定性研究
Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218437
Ikhlaq Ul Rehman Mir, M. I. Wani
There are around 4.9 million street vendors in India, a large part of the country’s informal sector workforce. Linked to India’s focus on digital economy and promotion of digital transactions, there is growing popularity of mobile payment (m-payment) applications or m-wallets such as PhonePe, Google Pay, Paytm, Bhim, and so on. This is also the case with street vendors, and the sight of a street vendor with a QR barcode for accepting payments is not uncommon. How do street vendors make sense of smartphone-based transactions in their lives? In qualitative interviews with street vendors in Srinagar city in Kashmir region in India, a complex picture emerged. Street vendors were mostly illiterate or had limited education, but were quickly adopting m-payments. For online transactions, QR barcode stickers were mostly displayed on carts of street vendors in Kashmir. However, at the same time, vendors had little or no understanding of these m-payment apps. They had limited language skills and had to take help of literate friends or family members to check transactions or to get over difficulties in operation. The use of these m-payment apps or m-wallet smartphone applications introduced new opportunities associated with digital payments. However, gaps in digital skills are pronounced, and remained a major challenge for the street vendors. During the course of fieldwork in Srinagar (2022–2023), we also observed that m-payment companies introduced technological solutions such as speaker-based instant audio confirmations for payments such as Paytm Soundbox and PhonePe Smartspeaker. This is indicative of the continuous tracking of the informal sector usage by such companies, and clearly they are aware and receptive of such gaps. However, market-linked technological solutions only address operational gaps, and do not address the underlying causes, including illiteracy, and knowledge or skill gaps. Such observations can be helpful in planning and implementation of government policies for street vendors in India.
印度约有 490 万街头小贩,占该国非正规部门劳动力的很大一部分。随着印度对数字经济的重视和数字交易的推广,移动支付(m-payment)应用或移动钱包(m-wallet),如 PhonePe、Google Pay、Paytm、Bhim 等,越来越受到人们的欢迎。街头小贩也是如此,街头小贩拿着二维码接受付款的情况并不少见。街头小贩在生活中如何理解基于智能手机的交易?在对印度克什米尔地区斯利那加市街头小贩的定性访谈中,我们看到了一幅复杂的图景。街头小贩大多是文盲或受教育程度有限,但他们很快就采用了移动支付。为了进行在线交易,克什米尔地区街头小贩的手推车上大多贴有 QR 条形码贴纸。但与此同时,小贩们对这些移动支付应用程序了解甚少或一无所知。他们的语言能力有限,不得不借助识字的朋友或家人的帮助来检查交易或克服操作中的困难。这些移动支付应用程序或移动钱包智能手机应用程序的使用带来了与数字支付相关的新机遇。然而,数字技能方面的差距非常明显,仍然是街头小贩面临的主要挑战。在斯利那加(2022-2023 年)进行实地考察期间,我们还注意到移动支付公司推出了一些技术解决方案,如基于扬声器的即时音频支付确认,如 Paytm Soundbox 和 PhonePe Smartspeaker。这表明这些公司在持续跟踪非正规部门的使用情况,显然它们意识到并接受这些差距。然而,与市场挂钩的技术解决方案只能解决操作上的差距,并不能解决包括文盲、知识或技能差距在内的根本原因。这些意见有助于印度政府规划和实施针对街头小贩的政策。
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引用次数: 0
Considering How India’s Middle East Policy Has Changed and Remained Consistent Since 2019 Under Modi Government 思考印度的中东政策自 2019 年以来在莫迪政府领导下如何变化并保持一致
Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218446
Abbas Ahmad Rather
The review of India’s Middle East strategy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has garnered attention. Modi’s outreach to Israel, including a historic 2017 visit, departs from India’s traditional pro-Arab and pro-Palestine stance. His subsequent visits to the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar, and Oman engage major regional players. Does this foreshadow a foreign policy shift? Can Modi’s preferences explain this shift? This paper aims to extract insights on Modi’s influence on this policy evolution. Drawing from foreign policy studies, it questions prevailing interpretations, suggesting a noteworthy change in India’s stance in the Middle East.
印度总理纳伦德拉-莫迪(Narendra Modi)领导下的印度中东战略审查备受关注。莫迪对以色列的外联活动,包括2017年的历史性访问,偏离了印度传统的亲阿拉伯和亲巴勒斯坦立场。他随后对阿拉伯联合酋长国、沙特阿拉伯、伊朗、卡塔尔和阿曼的访问与主要地区参与者进行了接触。这是否预示着外交政策的转变?莫迪的偏好能否解释这种转变?本文旨在深入探讨莫迪对这一政策演变的影响。本文从外交政策研究中汲取灵感,对普遍的解释提出质疑,认为印度在中东的立场发生了值得注意的变化。
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引用次数: 0
The Compromised Strongman: Interrelationship of Strongman Politics, Radical Rights, and Nationalism in Contemporary Bangladesh 妥协的强人:当代孟加拉国强人政治、激进权利和民族主义的相互关系
Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218444
Md. Samzir Ahmed
The strongman is the single key approach to studying the democratic status, the rise of radical rights, and the questions on nationalism in present-day Bangladesh. Occupying the office since 2008, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina took a sharp turn in 2014 to become a strongman leader of the country, and a successful strongman regime has been created in the process. Since then, the strongman government has made quite a few populist compromises with the radical right groups, which then, in turn, gave birth to a distinct kind of strongmanship: the compromised strongman. This historical research through secondary data analyses finds that a nationalist identity split between a linguistic and a religious, national consciousness has played the role of the major catalyst in the political outcome of the country, and an apparent compromise between the two groups representing the secular and the religious blocks, contrary to common sense, paved the way for the strongman politics in Bangladesh.
强人是研究当今孟加拉国民主状况、激进权利崛起和民族主义问题的唯一关键方法。孟加拉国总理谢赫-哈西娜自2008年上任以来,在2014年急转直下,成为国家的强人领袖,并在此过程中成功建立了强人政权。此后,强人政府与激进右翼团体做出了不少民粹主义妥协,进而催生了一种独特的强人主义:妥协强人。本历史研究通过二手数据分析发现,语言和宗教民族意识之间的民族主义认同分裂在国家的政治结果中起到了主要催化剂的作用,而代表世俗和宗教两大阵营的两个团体之间的明显妥协与常识相反,为孟加拉国的强人政治铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 0
Press and Politics: Contributions of Sol Plaatje to South African Journalism 新闻与政治Sol Plaatje 对南非新闻业的贡献
Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218447
Abiodun Salawu
The article looks into the journalism of Solomon Thekisho Plaatje (popularly known as Sol Plaatje) and his contributions to the early South African black press and politics. Sol Plaatje remains one of South Africa’s most important political and literary figures. He was a pioneer of black press in South Africa. He was a spokesman of his people and an opinion leader among them. He was the first Secretary of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) which later became the African National Congress (ANC), the current ruling political party in South Africa. His services to war correspondents as secretary, typist or interpreter and ‘liaison officer’ (to war correspondent Vere Stent) laid the foundation for his careers in journalism and writing. Plaatje edited/published a number of Setswana/English newspapers such as Koranta ea Becoana ( Bechuana Gazette), Tsala ea Becoana ( Bechuana Friend) which later became Tsala ea Batho ( Friend of the People) and Our Heritage. He also wrote regularly for English language newspapers such as Star, Pretoria News, Cape Times, Cape Argus and Diamond Fields Advertiser. The study seeks to find out the interplay between Sol Plaatje’s journalism and politics and his contributions to South African journalism as a pioneer of the black press. The study adopts the historical research method. Data gathered for the study were qualitatively analysed. Sol Plaatje’s kind of journalism was developmental as it was geared towards defending his people and re-orientating them to better ideals while at the same time trying to build cohesion with the white populace. The study is a contribution to the reconstruction of media history in the post-apartheid South Africa.
这篇文章探讨了所罗门-特基肖-普拉杰(Solomon Thekisho Plaatje,俗称索-普拉杰)的新闻工作以及他对早期南非黑人新闻界和政治界的贡献。Sol Plaatje 仍是南非最重要的政治和文学人物之一。他是南非黑人新闻界的先驱。他是黑人的代言人和舆论领袖。他是南非土著国民大会(SANNC)的第一任秘书,该党后来成为非洲人国民大会(ANC),即南非目前的执政党。他曾为战地记者担任秘书、打字员或口译员以及 "联络官"(战地记者维尔-斯坦特的联络官),这些经历为他的新闻和写作生涯奠定了基础。Plaatje 编辑/出版了许多塞茨瓦纳语/英语报纸,如《Koranta ea Becoana》(《Bechuana 公报》)、《Tsala ea Becoana》(《Bechuana 之友》)(后改为《Tsala ea Batho》(《人民之友》)和《我们的遗产》)。他还经常为《星报》、《比勒陀利亚新闻》、《开普时报》、《开普阿格斯报》和《钻石场广告报》等英文报纸撰稿。本研究试图找出索尔-普拉特杰的新闻与政治之间的相互作用,以及他作为黑人新闻先驱对南非新闻业的贡献。本研究采用历史研究法。对研究收集的数据进行了定性分析。Sol Plaatje 的新闻事业是发展性的,因为它旨在捍卫他的人民,重新引导他们树立更好的理想,同时努力与白人民众建立凝聚力。本研究有助于重构种族隔离后南非的媒体史。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Performing Memories and Weaving Archives: Creolized Cultures Across the Indian Ocean 书评:表演记忆和编织档案:跨越印度洋的克里奥尔文化
Pub Date : 2023-12-27 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231221906
Shankhadeep Chattopadhyay
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引用次数: 0
Deconstructing Cardboard Muslim Man: Masculinity Continuum and Women’s Economic Empowerment in Bangladesh 解构纸板穆斯林男人:男子气概的连续性与孟加拉国妇女的经济赋权
Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1177/00219096231215722
Marcela Ondekova, Olive McCarthy, C. Power
This paper analyses the construction of Muslim masculinities and their positioning towards women’s economic empowerment through a life history method applied to examine the lives of 12 purposely selected Bangladeshi Muslim men. The analysis of the men’s accounts positioned the narrators on a masculinity continuum, which incorporates three fluid masculinity markers – Antagonists, Allies and Advocates. The paper challenges the notion of one specific hegemonic masculinity, although some common features were identified, such as dominance of the male breadwinner and situatedness within heteronormativity. The narrators demonstrated a strong inter-generational shift towards rejection of violence and preference for peaceful intrahousehold relationships, even among Antagonists. The proximity of Ally masculinities to Advocates and their relational interests create strong potential for strategic engagement and guiding Ally men to adopt more progressive masculinities.
本文通过对特意挑选的 12 名孟加拉国穆斯林男子的生活史进行研究,分析了穆斯林男子气概的构建及其对妇女经济赋权的定位。对男性叙述的分析将叙述者定位在男子气概的连续统一体上,其中包含三个流动的男子气概标记--对抗者、同盟者和倡导者。本文对一种特定霸权男性气质的概念提出了质疑,尽管也发现了一些共同特征,如男性养家糊口者的主导地位和异性恋中的地位。叙述者表现出一种强烈的代际转变,即摒弃暴力,倾向于和平的家庭内部关系,即使是在对抗者中也是如此。盟友男性特征与倡导者及其关系利益的接近,为战略参与和引导盟友男性采用更进步的男性特征创造了巨大的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Asian and African Studies
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