Pub Date : 2024-02-21DOI: 10.1177/00219096241228786
J. Asomah, E. Dim, Yiyan Li
Encouraging the public to report corrupt acts to state authorities is indispensable in combatting corruption. This article uses the Afrobarometer surveys (Rounds 7 and 8) focusing on Ghana to address a key question: Will high corruption tolerance and less trust in government reduce the tendency to report corrupt acts to relevant state authorities without fear? The current work draws on social accountability theory and political settlements framework. Our results indicate that tolerance of corruption does not predict the perceived propensity to report corruption, whereas trust in government is, with high trust increasing the likelihood of reporting corruption. The current work extends the substantiative understanding of the conditions under which respondents believe that ordinary people may or may not report corruption and the implications for strengthening anti-corruption work.
{"title":"What Influences the Propensity to Report Corruption to Relevant State Authorities? Evidence From Ghana","authors":"J. Asomah, E. Dim, Yiyan Li","doi":"10.1177/00219096241228786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241228786","url":null,"abstract":"Encouraging the public to report corrupt acts to state authorities is indispensable in combatting corruption. This article uses the Afrobarometer surveys (Rounds 7 and 8) focusing on Ghana to address a key question: Will high corruption tolerance and less trust in government reduce the tendency to report corrupt acts to relevant state authorities without fear? The current work draws on social accountability theory and political settlements framework. Our results indicate that tolerance of corruption does not predict the perceived propensity to report corruption, whereas trust in government is, with high trust increasing the likelihood of reporting corruption. The current work extends the substantiative understanding of the conditions under which respondents believe that ordinary people may or may not report corruption and the implications for strengthening anti-corruption work.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"2 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140442722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-15DOI: 10.1177/00219096241230501
S. Inaka
The encroachment of certain influential individuals who employ cronyism, patronage, and networking into the recruitment and hiring processes of employees in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a widely discussed issue in media and public discourse. However, it remains an underexplored subject within scholarly research. This paper seeks to address this gap by providing a comprehensive overview of this phenomenon over time. Drawing upon Jamie Peck’s concepts of labour incorporation and labour allocation, while also examining the prevalence of illegality and informality, this study argues that these ‘influential individuals’ or ‘well-connected actors’ have assumed the roles and responsibilities traditionally held by labour market actors and institutions. Consequently, this has exacerbated long-standing malpractices within the Congolese labour market. The interference of these ‘influential individuals’ disrupts the normal functioning of the Congolese labour market, even as proponents of these practices offer justifications for their actions. Employing qualitative interviews and documentary research, this study traces the historical origins of such interference, dating back to the colonial era.
{"title":"Labour Market in Peril: Interference of Influential Individuals in the Integration of Congolese Workers into the Labour Market","authors":"S. Inaka","doi":"10.1177/00219096241230501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096241230501","url":null,"abstract":"The encroachment of certain influential individuals who employ cronyism, patronage, and networking into the recruitment and hiring processes of employees in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a widely discussed issue in media and public discourse. However, it remains an underexplored subject within scholarly research. This paper seeks to address this gap by providing a comprehensive overview of this phenomenon over time. Drawing upon Jamie Peck’s concepts of labour incorporation and labour allocation, while also examining the prevalence of illegality and informality, this study argues that these ‘influential individuals’ or ‘well-connected actors’ have assumed the roles and responsibilities traditionally held by labour market actors and institutions. Consequently, this has exacerbated long-standing malpractices within the Congolese labour market. The interference of these ‘influential individuals’ disrupts the normal functioning of the Congolese labour market, even as proponents of these practices offer justifications for their actions. Employing qualitative interviews and documentary research, this study traces the historical origins of such interference, dating back to the colonial era.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"134 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140455953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-29DOI: 10.1177/00219096231224670
Elly Musafiri, George Gona, K. Ombongi, Aggée M. Shyaka
Scholarly works on the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis have been too generic with minimal focus on institutional violence in the former state institutions, corporate organizations, and administrative units. Therefore, this paper addresses this knowledge gap by focusing on the former state institution— Caisse Sociale du Rwanda (CSR) as a case study. The research adopted a qualitative approach, with primary data being collected through structured and semi-structured interviews, which were administered to 62 participants, and data collection methods were structured and semi-structured interviews, observation methods, and secondary sources. Findings show the institutionalization of violence through different political periods. Legitimizing exclusion in CSR was inseparable from the state’s ethnic divide between the Hutu and Tutsi.
关于 1994 年针对图西族的种族灭绝的学术著作过于笼统，很少关注前国家机构、企业组织和行政单位的机构暴力。因此，本文将前国家机构--卢旺达社会保险局（Caisse Sociale du Rwanda，CSR）作为案例进行研究，以填补这一知识空白。研究采用了定性方法，通过对 62 名参与者进行结构化和半结构化访谈收集主要数据，数据收集方法包括结构化和半结构化访谈、观察法和二手资料来源。研究结果表明，暴力在不同的政治时期被制度化。企业社会责任中的排斥合法化与国家对胡图族和图西族的种族划分密不可分。
{"title":"Institutional Violence: The Road to Genocide in the Former Caisse Sociale du Rwanda","authors":"Elly Musafiri, George Gona, K. Ombongi, Aggée M. Shyaka","doi":"10.1177/00219096231224670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231224670","url":null,"abstract":"Scholarly works on the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis have been too generic with minimal focus on institutional violence in the former state institutions, corporate organizations, and administrative units. Therefore, this paper addresses this knowledge gap by focusing on the former state institution— Caisse Sociale du Rwanda (CSR) as a case study. The research adopted a qualitative approach, with primary data being collected through structured and semi-structured interviews, which were administered to 62 participants, and data collection methods were structured and semi-structured interviews, observation methods, and secondary sources. Findings show the institutionalization of violence through different political periods. Legitimizing exclusion in CSR was inseparable from the state’s ethnic divide between the Hutu and Tutsi.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"24 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140488006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-29DOI: 10.1177/00219096231224676
Anastasia Nuworsu, J. Kosiba, R. A. Lawer
The widespread use of honorifics as a persuasive tool to achieve diverse communicative goals in Ghana has given rise to the necessity to investigate honorific expressions and their influence on sales performance among petty traders in Accra. Using an interpretive method, sampled shoppers and traders from Ghana’s centre of trade – Makola Market – were interviewed to better understand honorifics’ influence on sales. According to the study, honorifics have lost their purpose as a persuasive technique because their use no longer influences shoppers. However, they are still a politeness strategy for attracting the attention of potential shoppers.
{"title":"Understanding Petty Traders’ Use of Honorifics as a Persuasive Tool in Sales","authors":"Anastasia Nuworsu, J. Kosiba, R. A. Lawer","doi":"10.1177/00219096231224676","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231224676","url":null,"abstract":"The widespread use of honorifics as a persuasive tool to achieve diverse communicative goals in Ghana has given rise to the necessity to investigate honorific expressions and their influence on sales performance among petty traders in Accra. Using an interpretive method, sampled shoppers and traders from Ghana’s centre of trade – Makola Market – were interviewed to better understand honorifics’ influence on sales. According to the study, honorifics have lost their purpose as a persuasive technique because their use no longer influences shoppers. However, they are still a politeness strategy for attracting the attention of potential shoppers.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"72 51","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140486474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-29DOI: 10.1177/00219096231224672
B. Sheehy, Sujin Choi, Md. Irfanuzzaman Khan, Bruce Baer Arnold, Yoonmo Sang, Jae-Jin Lee
This study investigates the features of fake news networks and how they spread during the 2020 South Korean election. Using actor–network theory (ANT), we assessed the network’s central players and how they are connected. Results reveal the characteristics of the videoclips and channel networks responsible for the propagation of fake news. Analysis of the videoclip network reveals a high number of detected fake news videos and a high density of connections among users. Assessment of news videoclips on both actual and fake news networks reveals that the real news network is more concentrated. However, the scale of the network may play a role in these variations. Statistics for network centralization reveal that users are spread out over the network, pointing to its decentralized character. A closer look at the real and fake news networks inside videos and channels reveals similar trends. We find that the density of the real news videoclip network is higher than that of the fake news network, whereas the fake news channel networks are denser than their real news counterparts, which may indicate greater activity and interconnectedness in their transmission. We also found that fake news videoclips had more likes than real news videoclips, whereas real news videoclips had more dislikes than fake news videoclips. These findings strongly suggest that fake news videoclips are more accepted when people watch them on YouTube. In addition, we used semantic networks and automated content analysis to uncover common language patterns in fake news, which helps us better understand the structure and dynamics of the networks involved in the dissemination of fake news. The findings reported here provide important insights on how fake news spread via social networks during the South Korean election of 2020. The results of this study have important implications for the campaign against fake news and ensuring factual coverage.
{"title":"Truths and Tales: Understanding Online Fake News Networks in South Korea","authors":"B. Sheehy, Sujin Choi, Md. Irfanuzzaman Khan, Bruce Baer Arnold, Yoonmo Sang, Jae-Jin Lee","doi":"10.1177/00219096231224672","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231224672","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the features of fake news networks and how they spread during the 2020 South Korean election. Using actor–network theory (ANT), we assessed the network’s central players and how they are connected. Results reveal the characteristics of the videoclips and channel networks responsible for the propagation of fake news. Analysis of the videoclip network reveals a high number of detected fake news videos and a high density of connections among users. Assessment of news videoclips on both actual and fake news networks reveals that the real news network is more concentrated. However, the scale of the network may play a role in these variations. Statistics for network centralization reveal that users are spread out over the network, pointing to its decentralized character. A closer look at the real and fake news networks inside videos and channels reveals similar trends. We find that the density of the real news videoclip network is higher than that of the fake news network, whereas the fake news channel networks are denser than their real news counterparts, which may indicate greater activity and interconnectedness in their transmission. We also found that fake news videoclips had more likes than real news videoclips, whereas real news videoclips had more dislikes than fake news videoclips. These findings strongly suggest that fake news videoclips are more accepted when people watch them on YouTube. In addition, we used semantic networks and automated content analysis to uncover common language patterns in fake news, which helps us better understand the structure and dynamics of the networks involved in the dissemination of fake news. The findings reported here provide important insights on how fake news spread via social networks during the South Korean election of 2020. The results of this study have important implications for the campaign against fake news and ensuring factual coverage.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"59 47","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140487137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-29DOI: 10.1177/00219096231225944
S. Bamidele, I. Pikirayi
Millions of displaced persons in sub-Saharan Africa annually take the risk of moving from their communities to the camps and host communities of neighbouring areas. Therefore, the article puts into perspective the danger of forced displacement for sub-Saharan Africa’s young and growing population. With a population of displaced persons estimated at 40.5 million in 2021, of which 50% are below 18 years of age, the sub-Saharan African region is central to any strategy for curbing internal displacement in different African states. Using the welfare state theory as the framework of analysis, this article evaluates all the nuances of internal displacement in sub-Saharan African countries. It highlights the role of the African Union (AU) in supporting countries in the combat against the continuous tragedy of forced displacement. In addition, the article focuses on the failure of the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention), which is a treaty formulated in 2009 and enforced in 2017, to solve the problem. The article, thus, shows that there is a need to strengthen the capacity of state and non-state actors through the AU Kampala Convention, create regional frameworks to control internal displacement and intensify awareness of the dangers of internal displacement. There is also a need to impress on the managers of governance in the sub-Saharan African region that Africa, as the epicentre of displacement, is politically and constitutionally responsible for millions of citizens caught up in the web of internal displacement. However, the apportioning of responsibility to the AU is missing in almost all narratives on internal displacement.
{"title":"African Union Kampala Convention: The Continuing Dialogue on the Protection of Internally Displaced Persons in Sub-Saharan Africa","authors":"S. Bamidele, I. Pikirayi","doi":"10.1177/00219096231225944","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231225944","url":null,"abstract":"Millions of displaced persons in sub-Saharan Africa annually take the risk of moving from their communities to the camps and host communities of neighbouring areas. Therefore, the article puts into perspective the danger of forced displacement for sub-Saharan Africa’s young and growing population. With a population of displaced persons estimated at 40.5 million in 2021, of which 50% are below 18 years of age, the sub-Saharan African region is central to any strategy for curbing internal displacement in different African states. Using the welfare state theory as the framework of analysis, this article evaluates all the nuances of internal displacement in sub-Saharan African countries. It highlights the role of the African Union (AU) in supporting countries in the combat against the continuous tragedy of forced displacement. In addition, the article focuses on the failure of the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention), which is a treaty formulated in 2009 and enforced in 2017, to solve the problem. The article, thus, shows that there is a need to strengthen the capacity of state and non-state actors through the AU Kampala Convention, create regional frameworks to control internal displacement and intensify awareness of the dangers of internal displacement. There is also a need to impress on the managers of governance in the sub-Saharan African region that Africa, as the epicentre of displacement, is politically and constitutionally responsible for millions of citizens caught up in the web of internal displacement. However, the apportioning of responsibility to the AU is missing in almost all narratives on internal displacement.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"227 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140489898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-27DOI: 10.1177/00219096231224680
A. Akinola, Ratidzo Makombe
The immediate post-colonial Africa was hitherto noted for incessant military incursions into politics, but the waves of democratisation that swept through Africa from the late 1970s to the 1990s led to the acceptance of liberal democracy as the most desirable political system. Over the past decade, stakeholders in Africa’s democratisation have had to ask whether democracy is being consolidated on the continent. Despite the promise of democracy, most African countries have failed to attain political development beyond what has become the ‘ritualistic’ conduct of elections and political transitions. The inability to institutionalise democracy has become more evident with several military coup d’états in the past 2 years on the continent. Through unstructured interviews, the article historicises military coups, examines their root and immediate causes and explores whether military coups constitute a democratic reversal in Africa. Indeed, consolidating democracy and restoring civilian governments to power have become cumbersome due to the complicit roles of external actors and foreign powers.
{"title":"Rethinking the Resurgence of Military Coups in Africa","authors":"A. Akinola, Ratidzo Makombe","doi":"10.1177/00219096231224680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231224680","url":null,"abstract":"The immediate post-colonial Africa was hitherto noted for incessant military incursions into politics, but the waves of democratisation that swept through Africa from the late 1970s to the 1990s led to the acceptance of liberal democracy as the most desirable political system. Over the past decade, stakeholders in Africa’s democratisation have had to ask whether democracy is being consolidated on the continent. Despite the promise of democracy, most African countries have failed to attain political development beyond what has become the ‘ritualistic’ conduct of elections and political transitions. The inability to institutionalise democracy has become more evident with several military coup d’états in the past 2 years on the continent. Through unstructured interviews, the article historicises military coups, examines their root and immediate causes and explores whether military coups constitute a democratic reversal in Africa. Indeed, consolidating democracy and restoring civilian governments to power have become cumbersome due to the complicit roles of external actors and foreign powers.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"6 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139592254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-27DOI: 10.1177/00219096231224684
D. Takyiakwaa, P. S. K. Tetteh, K. Asante
Collective action through farmer-based organisations (FBOs) could potentially improve the livelihoods of smallholder farmers by opening up access to credit and inputs, overcoming market constraints, and reducing transaction costs. However, in the absence of strong or well-functioning farmer associations, the cost of market participation is likely to exacerbate economic hardships and inequalities among smallholders. Based on qualitative data from five oil palm growing communities in southwestern Ghana, we observe a general decline in associational life, driven by a breakdown of trust among farmers. The inability of poorer farmers to meet their collective obligations over time has weakened attempts at collective action and encouraged the emergence of highly individualised economic relations in the local agrarian economy. Under these circumstances, cooperation tends to be limited to small groups of better-off farmers who can afford the cost of cooperation. The result is a vicious cycle in which wealth disparities widen because the cost of participating in livelihood-enhancing collective schemes ends up excluding exactly those who need such schemes the most.
{"title":"‘Associations do not survive here’: Inequality, Mistrust and Obstacles to Collective Action in Oil Palm Growing Communities in Ghana","authors":"D. Takyiakwaa, P. S. K. Tetteh, K. Asante","doi":"10.1177/00219096231224684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231224684","url":null,"abstract":"Collective action through farmer-based organisations (FBOs) could potentially improve the livelihoods of smallholder farmers by opening up access to credit and inputs, overcoming market constraints, and reducing transaction costs. However, in the absence of strong or well-functioning farmer associations, the cost of market participation is likely to exacerbate economic hardships and inequalities among smallholders. Based on qualitative data from five oil palm growing communities in southwestern Ghana, we observe a general decline in associational life, driven by a breakdown of trust among farmers. The inability of poorer farmers to meet their collective obligations over time has weakened attempts at collective action and encouraged the emergence of highly individualised economic relations in the local agrarian economy. Under these circumstances, cooperation tends to be limited to small groups of better-off farmers who can afford the cost of cooperation. The result is a vicious cycle in which wealth disparities widen because the cost of participating in livelihood-enhancing collective schemes ends up excluding exactly those who need such schemes the most.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"3 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139592495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-27DOI: 10.1177/00219096231224691
Phillip Thebe
COVID-19 triggered significant emotions and imagination, if not panic, about health and life worldwide as people’s lives were suddenly uncertain. This scenario led some to assess their life circumstances as hopeless, while others continued to see hope on the horizon despite a dreadful disease, consequent lockdowns and especially social distancing. This paper explores African countries’ experiences of hope and hopelessness at the onset of the pandemic from the perspective of 12 PhD students in Hong Kong. The students narrated that despite being hit moderately, their countries sat far behind richer ones in terms of the capacity to handle the epidemic effectively – which somewhat signalled the hopelessness students felt and imagined for such countries. However, their narrations also showed that hope was consequential in people’s everyday responses to the socioeconomic effects of the virus. Their wishes, at the time, were that a vaccine would soon be found and extended to Africa, that Africans would realise the seriousness of the pandemic, and that they could be valuable sources of information and resources to their communities of upbringing.
{"title":"Manifestations of Hope and Hopelessness in the Early Stages of COVID-19 in Africa","authors":"Phillip Thebe","doi":"10.1177/00219096231224691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231224691","url":null,"abstract":"COVID-19 triggered significant emotions and imagination, if not panic, about health and life worldwide as people’s lives were suddenly uncertain. This scenario led some to assess their life circumstances as hopeless, while others continued to see hope on the horizon despite a dreadful disease, consequent lockdowns and especially social distancing. This paper explores African countries’ experiences of hope and hopelessness at the onset of the pandemic from the perspective of 12 PhD students in Hong Kong. The students narrated that despite being hit moderately, their countries sat far behind richer ones in terms of the capacity to handle the epidemic effectively – which somewhat signalled the hopelessness students felt and imagined for such countries. However, their narrations also showed that hope was consequential in people’s everyday responses to the socioeconomic effects of the virus. Their wishes, at the time, were that a vaccine would soon be found and extended to Africa, that Africans would realise the seriousness of the pandemic, and that they could be valuable sources of information and resources to their communities of upbringing.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"2 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139592620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-27DOI: 10.1177/00219096231225956
Richard Serbeh, P. Adjei, D. Forkuor
The unit committee in Ghana’s local government is believed to facilitate participatory development. After decades of practice, there is little research on the unit committee’s role in participatory development. This paper contributes to this research gap by drawing on the experiences of participants sampled from the Kumasi Metropolitan and Ahafo Ano South-west districts. The paper argues that the unit committee–participatory development interface is spatially differentiated. While unit committees promoted instrumental participation in urban localities, their counterparts promoted transformative participation in rural communities. The findings suggest a rethink of the role of sub-district structures to reflect spatial characteristics of their localities.
{"title":"Unit Committees and Participation in Community Development: Does Spatial Location Matter?","authors":"Richard Serbeh, P. Adjei, D. Forkuor","doi":"10.1177/00219096231225956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231225956","url":null,"abstract":"The unit committee in Ghana’s local government is believed to facilitate participatory development. After decades of practice, there is little research on the unit committee’s role in participatory development. This paper contributes to this research gap by drawing on the experiences of participants sampled from the Kumasi Metropolitan and Ahafo Ano South-west districts. The paper argues that the unit committee–participatory development interface is spatially differentiated. While unit committees promoted instrumental participation in urban localities, their counterparts promoted transformative participation in rural communities. The findings suggest a rethink of the role of sub-district structures to reflect spatial characteristics of their localities.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"25 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140493179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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