Pub Date : 2024-01-27DOI: 10.1177/00219096231225949
Oudah Yobom, J. Le Gallo
This paper analyzes the climatic factors that affected food security in the West African Sahel in 2001–2017. We estimate the impact of droughts and floods on the four dimensions of food security defined by the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, based on a panel data model controlling for socioeconomic and political factors. Droughts and floods negatively affect food security with floods causing more damage. Since socioeconomic and political factors, especially conflicts, also play an important role, food security in the West African Sahel cannot be explained only by climatic problems, so that coordinated policies must be based on the four dimensions of food security.
{"title":"Food Security and Weather Events: A Multidimensional Analysis in the West African Sahel for 2001–2017","authors":"Oudah Yobom, J. Le Gallo","doi":"10.1177/00219096231225949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231225949","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the climatic factors that affected food security in the West African Sahel in 2001–2017. We estimate the impact of droughts and floods on the four dimensions of food security defined by the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, based on a panel data model controlling for socioeconomic and political factors. Droughts and floods negatively affect food security with floods causing more damage. Since socioeconomic and political factors, especially conflicts, also play an important role, food security in the West African Sahel cannot be explained only by climatic problems, so that coordinated policies must be based on the four dimensions of food security.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"12 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139592583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-25DOI: 10.1177/00219096231225952
Vineeth Thomas, Subal Kumar Bagh
This research article investigates the role and influence of nominated members in the Rajya Sabha, India’s upper house of Parliament. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of representation theory and deliberative democracy, the study examines the contributions and effectiveness of nominated members in shaping legislative discussions and policy decisions. Findings indicate varying levels of engagement among nominated members, with some actively participating and advocating for specific causes. The study highlights the significance of nominating individuals with relevant expertise and diverse interests to enhance inclusivity in parliamentary representation.
{"title":"Role of Nominated Members of Rajya Sabha in Indian Legislative Processes","authors":"Vineeth Thomas, Subal Kumar Bagh","doi":"10.1177/00219096231225952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231225952","url":null,"abstract":"This research article investigates the role and influence of nominated members in the Rajya Sabha, India’s upper house of Parliament. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of representation theory and deliberative democracy, the study examines the contributions and effectiveness of nominated members in shaping legislative discussions and policy decisions. Findings indicate varying levels of engagement among nominated members, with some actively participating and advocating for specific causes. The study highlights the significance of nominating individuals with relevant expertise and diverse interests to enhance inclusivity in parliamentary representation.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"28 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139596126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-09DOI: 10.1177/00219096231224671
Bekri M. Jemal
Within the framework of critical development theory, this article first reviews the African experience of imitating external development models, focusing on the impact of neoliberalism on the continent, and the case for the developmental state. It then examines whether Ethiopia once again is abandoning an isomorphic emulation of a self-proclaimed developmental state by taking a stride toward neoliberalism with the ongoing reform since 2018. This reform, as witnessed by fast-tracked currency devaluation, privatization, and the removal of state subsidies, indicates a policy shift geared toward traditional neoliberal prescriptions. It argues that it is better to cautiously reform the Ethiopian developmental state to introduce exact features of the model instead of prematurely abandoning it for unbridled neoliberalism in the name of a “homegrown economic reform” that turned out to be an IMF/WB-brewed adjustment rather than a homegrown rebalancing.
{"title":"The Conundrum of Imported Models in Africa: A Critical Review of the Ethiopian Developmental State and the Neoliberal-Oriented “Homegrown” Economic Reform","authors":"Bekri M. Jemal","doi":"10.1177/00219096231224671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231224671","url":null,"abstract":"Within the framework of critical development theory, this article first reviews the African experience of imitating external development models, focusing on the impact of neoliberalism on the continent, and the case for the developmental state. It then examines whether Ethiopia once again is abandoning an isomorphic emulation of a self-proclaimed developmental state by taking a stride toward neoliberalism with the ongoing reform since 2018. This reform, as witnessed by fast-tracked currency devaluation, privatization, and the removal of state subsidies, indicates a policy shift geared toward traditional neoliberal prescriptions. It argues that it is better to cautiously reform the Ethiopian developmental state to introduce exact features of the model instead of prematurely abandoning it for unbridled neoliberalism in the name of a “homegrown economic reform” that turned out to be an IMF/WB-brewed adjustment rather than a homegrown rebalancing.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"50 49","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139441923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the lived experiences of Afghan women refugees in Kohat camps in Pakistan. The objective of the study is to understand women’s everyday experiences of discrimination and/or empowerment while living in these camps. Using the thematic analysis (TA), the major themes extracted in this study relate to submissiveness and docility, gender equality and empowerment, and structural inequalities culminating in discrimination. These themes were found to be influential in the lives of Afghan women refugees. Drawing from the discussions surrounding human security, gender security, SDGs 5 (gender equality) and 10 (reduced inequalities), the key findings suggest that women in camps have cocooned lives, and their patriarchal cultural set-up perpetuates gender-spatial segregation which consequently limits women’s opportunities to access and traverse spaces other than their immediate residential location (camps). In addition, they are deprived of seeking education outside the radius of the camps and are not allowed to have mobile phones. Consequently, this limits their worldview. Given these circumstances, it is pertinent to extend facilitation to refugee women in Pakistan within a holistic framework.
{"title":"Human Security and Sustainable Development Goals: The Voices of Afghan Women Refugees in Pakistan","authors":"Najimdeen Bakare, Lubaba Sadaf, Zujaja Wahaj, Kainat Kamal, Sundus Anwar","doi":"10.1177/00219096231219757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231219757","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the lived experiences of Afghan women refugees in Kohat camps in Pakistan. The objective of the study is to understand women’s everyday experiences of discrimination and/or empowerment while living in these camps. Using the thematic analysis (TA), the major themes extracted in this study relate to submissiveness and docility, gender equality and empowerment, and structural inequalities culminating in discrimination. These themes were found to be influential in the lives of Afghan women refugees. Drawing from the discussions surrounding human security, gender security, SDGs 5 (gender equality) and 10 (reduced inequalities), the key findings suggest that women in camps have cocooned lives, and their patriarchal cultural set-up perpetuates gender-spatial segregation which consequently limits women’s opportunities to access and traverse spaces other than their immediate residential location (camps). In addition, they are deprived of seeking education outside the radius of the camps and are not allowed to have mobile phones. Consequently, this limits their worldview. Given these circumstances, it is pertinent to extend facilitation to refugee women in Pakistan within a holistic framework.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"8 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139380787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-06DOI: 10.1177/00219096231215726
F. Tamburini
Since its independence in 1962, Algeria used Islam to strengthen the sense of national identity or as a tool of self-legitimization. The Algerian political elite not only legitimized governments in the shadow of Islam, but institutionalized it through different organisms, represented by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments (Awqaf), the Islamic High Council, and more recent institutions, such as those gravitating around the Great Mosque of Algiers with important cultural, social, and administrative tasks. This bureaucratization of Islam represented the cornerstone of the state fight against radicalization and the crystallization of an Algerian national Islam that has been vital for the stabilization of the country.
{"title":"The Bureaucratization of Islam in Algeria: The State as the Only Controller of Religion","authors":"F. Tamburini","doi":"10.1177/00219096231215726","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231215726","url":null,"abstract":"Since its independence in 1962, Algeria used Islam to strengthen the sense of national identity or as a tool of self-legitimization. The Algerian political elite not only legitimized governments in the shadow of Islam, but institutionalized it through different organisms, represented by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments (Awqaf), the Islamic High Council, and more recent institutions, such as those gravitating around the Great Mosque of Algiers with important cultural, social, and administrative tasks. This bureaucratization of Islam represented the cornerstone of the state fight against radicalization and the crystallization of an Algerian national Islam that has been vital for the stabilization of the country.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"10 17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139380434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-31DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218441
Temesgen Thomas Halabo, Engida Esayas Dube
The ethnic federal system was formally institutionalised in Ethiopia in 1991. This federal system has introduced instrumentalist conceptions of ethnic identity and renegotiation of identity, control of ‘ethnic territory’, and ethnic autonomy. Using the concept of ‘formal ethnicism’ as an analytical frame, the study has analysed identity politics and the minority quest for separate self-rule by taking Kabena People as a case study from the Gurage zone in the period from 1991 to 2022. Methodologically, the study used a qualitative approach and a case study research design. For data collation, both primary and secondary sources were used. This analytical model has been used to analyse how politicised ethnicity in the context of Kabena has led to the renegotiation of identity and a violent quest for separate ethnic autonomy. The study shows that after the formalisation of ethnicity as a leading political order, ethnic identities have been articulated to the extent of inter-group polarization between Gurage and Kabena due to new trends of subsuming a minority group under locally dominant groups without putting relevant institutional mechanism to prevent possible local level marginalization and domination. The findings further reveal that the subsumed status of Kabena has created a fragile and polarized inter-ethnic relation with the dominant Gurage which has been easily changed into inter-ethnic conflict. The key dynamics behind such conflict include competing interests, prolonged contestation, and protracted conflict for separate self-rule at the special woreda level and demand for the ownership of Wolkite town administration, which is the capital city of Gurage zone and located at the historic land of Kabena. The article concludes that the Kabena quest for self-rule took on an ethnic dimension within the context of ethnic politics and formalized ethnicity that hardened inter-group boundaries. Synchronizing the historic trajectory and inter-ethnic relationships with Gurage along with the contemporary scenario; the article tries to shed some light on the dynamics of identity politics, the quest for separate self-rule and control of Wolkite town in the context of Kabena vis-à-vis Gurage, focusing particularly on the post-1991 political order in Ethiopia and its local implications.
{"title":"Politics of Identity and Minority Quest for Self-Rule in Federal Ethiopia: The Case Study of Kabena People in South Central Ethiopia","authors":"Temesgen Thomas Halabo, Engida Esayas Dube","doi":"10.1177/00219096231218441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231218441","url":null,"abstract":"The ethnic federal system was formally institutionalised in Ethiopia in 1991. This federal system has introduced instrumentalist conceptions of ethnic identity and renegotiation of identity, control of ‘ethnic territory’, and ethnic autonomy. Using the concept of ‘formal ethnicism’ as an analytical frame, the study has analysed identity politics and the minority quest for separate self-rule by taking Kabena People as a case study from the Gurage zone in the period from 1991 to 2022. Methodologically, the study used a qualitative approach and a case study research design. For data collation, both primary and secondary sources were used. This analytical model has been used to analyse how politicised ethnicity in the context of Kabena has led to the renegotiation of identity and a violent quest for separate ethnic autonomy. The study shows that after the formalisation of ethnicity as a leading political order, ethnic identities have been articulated to the extent of inter-group polarization between Gurage and Kabena due to new trends of subsuming a minority group under locally dominant groups without putting relevant institutional mechanism to prevent possible local level marginalization and domination. The findings further reveal that the subsumed status of Kabena has created a fragile and polarized inter-ethnic relation with the dominant Gurage which has been easily changed into inter-ethnic conflict. The key dynamics behind such conflict include competing interests, prolonged contestation, and protracted conflict for separate self-rule at the special woreda level and demand for the ownership of Wolkite town administration, which is the capital city of Gurage zone and located at the historic land of Kabena. The article concludes that the Kabena quest for self-rule took on an ethnic dimension within the context of ethnic politics and formalized ethnicity that hardened inter-group boundaries. Synchronizing the historic trajectory and inter-ethnic relationships with Gurage along with the contemporary scenario; the article tries to shed some light on the dynamics of identity politics, the quest for separate self-rule and control of Wolkite town in the context of Kabena vis-à-vis Gurage, focusing particularly on the post-1991 political order in Ethiopia and its local implications.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"103 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139133588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-31DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218443
Yomi Olusegun-Joseph
The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, among other things, has shown how the contemporary global community is inescapably wired to a virtual existentiality for continued human relations and correspondence. This human–digital relationship however spiked an unprecedented wave of global cybercrime during the pandemic’s 2020 upsurge. Reflecting on its (trans)national/situational peculiarities, I argue that Nigerian COVID-19 cybercrime uniquely revealed a heightened feature of deviant urban-youth subculture interrogating the dominant systemic neglect of the youth in Nigeria and its link to European colonialism/contemporary Western neoliberalism. The paper proposes that redressing Nigerian cybercrime would require (among other things) concerted global efforts to reintegrate the urban-youth.
{"title":"Urbanity, Transgressive Digitality, and COVID-19: Hierarchical Cybercrime(s) and the Subaltern Nigerian Urban Youth in a Global Pandemic","authors":"Yomi Olusegun-Joseph","doi":"10.1177/00219096231218443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231218443","url":null,"abstract":"The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, among other things, has shown how the contemporary global community is inescapably wired to a virtual existentiality for continued human relations and correspondence. This human–digital relationship however spiked an unprecedented wave of global cybercrime during the pandemic’s 2020 upsurge. Reflecting on its (trans)national/situational peculiarities, I argue that Nigerian COVID-19 cybercrime uniquely revealed a heightened feature of deviant urban-youth subculture interrogating the dominant systemic neglect of the youth in Nigeria and its link to European colonialism/contemporary Western neoliberalism. The paper proposes that redressing Nigerian cybercrime would require (among other things) concerted global efforts to reintegrate the urban-youth.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"25 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139131479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-29DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218442
Hongmin Fan, Chang Liu, Nan Zhang
The hierarchical and descending trust pattern among Chinese citizens toward governments at all levels, characterized by a stronger trust in the central government and a weaker trust in local governments, often leads to the “Tacitus trap” in local government governance. As a new platform for public participation and local government supervision, can TV political programs improve the trust pattern of “intimate central government and alienate local government,” and achieve a balance of trust between the central and local governments? Using data from the Social Consciousness Survey Data of Netizens 2018, we conducted an empirical analysis of the impact of TV political programs on residents’ trust patterns toward different levels of government. The results of this study show that: first, the opening of TV political programs can significantly narrow the trust gap between the central and local governments. This primarily achieved by significantly increasing the level of trust that residents have in the provincial government. Second, influence mechanism reveals that the introduction of of TV political programs can reduce the residents’ trust gap between central and local governments mainly by bolstering government transparency, fortifying government responsiveness, and boosting residents’ political efficacy. Third, the heterogeneity analysis indicates that TV political programs can significantly improve the trust gap between central and local governments among various groups, including women, youth, democratic party members and the public, high digitalization ability, residents in the east and provincial capital cities. Fourth, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the opening of TV political programs significantly increase residents’ trust in the central government but do not significantly raise residents’ trust in local governments. This may, to some extent, reinforce the trend of “intimate central government and alienate local government” among the public .
{"title":"Can TV Politics Improve the Trust Pattern of “Intimate Central Government and Alienate Local Government”?","authors":"Hongmin Fan, Chang Liu, Nan Zhang","doi":"10.1177/00219096231218442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231218442","url":null,"abstract":"The hierarchical and descending trust pattern among Chinese citizens toward governments at all levels, characterized by a stronger trust in the central government and a weaker trust in local governments, often leads to the “Tacitus trap” in local government governance. As a new platform for public participation and local government supervision, can TV political programs improve the trust pattern of “intimate central government and alienate local government,” and achieve a balance of trust between the central and local governments? Using data from the Social Consciousness Survey Data of Netizens 2018, we conducted an empirical analysis of the impact of TV political programs on residents’ trust patterns toward different levels of government. The results of this study show that: first, the opening of TV political programs can significantly narrow the trust gap between the central and local governments. This primarily achieved by significantly increasing the level of trust that residents have in the provincial government. Second, influence mechanism reveals that the introduction of of TV political programs can reduce the residents’ trust gap between central and local governments mainly by bolstering government transparency, fortifying government responsiveness, and boosting residents’ political efficacy. Third, the heterogeneity analysis indicates that TV political programs can significantly improve the trust gap between central and local governments among various groups, including women, youth, democratic party members and the public, high digitalization ability, residents in the east and provincial capital cities. Fourth, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the opening of TV political programs significantly increase residents’ trust in the central government but do not significantly raise residents’ trust in local governments. This may, to some extent, reinforce the trend of “intimate central government and alienate local government” among the public .","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"83 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139146686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.1177/00219096231218445
Husain Abdulhay
Language, nowadays, as a means of communication, is scrupulously overhauled and dealt with in all disciplines, from social sciences to politics, especially through the lens of critical discourse analysis (CDA), for deciphering encrypted power and prestige encoded by pragmatic features. This study aimed to examine vehicle writings and inscriptions as a discourse form by adopting a discourse-pragmatic analytical approach to extract the key features of language practices of Iranian drivers through the medium of writing. The inscriptions on cars and automobiles were examined for the pragmatic features built on the Gricean model to excavate the existing conversational implicatures and for the critical interpretation through the insight of CDA to unearth the subtle nexus of power, prestige, privilege, control, authority, resistance, dominance, hegemony, inequality and discrimination. The findings uncloaked the evolving turns of Iranian vehicle writings in terms of form and meaning au courant with the quotidian modus operandi. Tradition is seen to be enlaced with a la mode scripts. The traces of power practice in the discourse of the powerless were found as a means of projection on the roads. The blatant instances of flouting maxims were evidenced in all four types of the principles drawn on the criteria.
{"title":"A Discourse Analytic Study of Vehicle Writings in the Iranian Context","authors":"Husain Abdulhay","doi":"10.1177/00219096231218445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231218445","url":null,"abstract":"Language, nowadays, as a means of communication, is scrupulously overhauled and dealt with in all disciplines, from social sciences to politics, especially through the lens of critical discourse analysis (CDA), for deciphering encrypted power and prestige encoded by pragmatic features. This study aimed to examine vehicle writings and inscriptions as a discourse form by adopting a discourse-pragmatic analytical approach to extract the key features of language practices of Iranian drivers through the medium of writing. The inscriptions on cars and automobiles were examined for the pragmatic features built on the Gricean model to excavate the existing conversational implicatures and for the critical interpretation through the insight of CDA to unearth the subtle nexus of power, prestige, privilege, control, authority, resistance, dominance, hegemony, inequality and discrimination. The findings uncloaked the evolving turns of Iranian vehicle writings in terms of form and meaning au courant with the quotidian modus operandi. Tradition is seen to be enlaced with a la mode scripts. The traces of power practice in the discourse of the powerless were found as a means of projection on the roads. The blatant instances of flouting maxims were evidenced in all four types of the principles drawn on the criteria.","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"224 23","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139153017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.1177/00219096231215687
Zemed Degu, Lakhwinder Singh
The purpose of this study is to examine the long-run effect of human capital accumulation on the income distribution of a developing economy such as Ethiopia. The study is based on time series data covering the period from 1980/1981 to 2019/2020. The autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds co-integration test and error correction model approach is employed as a method of econometric estimation. The bounds test revealed a significant and stable long-run equilibrium relationships exist between income inequality (Gini coefficient) and its dynamic regressors of human capital accumulation indicators as well as other explanatory variables. Results of the estimated long-run selected model indicated that secondary and tertiary education attainments as well as total fertility rate have a significant un-equalizing income distribution effect on the country’s economy at the conventional level of significance in the long run. On the contrary, primary education attainment of the labor force has a positive and statistically significant impact on the country’s distribution of income at the standard level of significance. On the contrary, the employment-to-population size ratio has a positive effect, but financial development and institutional and governance quality have an adverse effect on the income distribution of the country in the long run. With respect to the short-run error correction model result, a temporary disequilibrium level of income distribution in the previous period is corrected by approximately 0.9284 in the current period to bring back to a stable long-run equilibrium. Based on these findings, it is important to strengthen and improve the country’s education and health service system for those individuals who are marginalized and deprived from these levels of social services. A few empirical studies on the dynamics between human capital and income distribution have been conducted at cross-country using average years of schooling as a proxy measure of human capital. The novelty of this study is that it examines the relationship between human capital and income distribution at a single country level using the ARDL bounds co-integration and error correction model approach. Furthermore, human capital accumulation is proxied by both education capital (disaggregated by primary, secondary, and tertiary educational attainments) and health capital (life expectancy at birth and total fertility rate) in addition to other relevant explanatory variables for better estimation and policy implications. B23, C22, I14, I24, O15
{"title":"Relationship Between Human Capital and Income Distribution of a Developing Economy: Empirical Evidence From Ethiopia","authors":"Zemed Degu, Lakhwinder Singh","doi":"10.1177/00219096231215687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096231215687","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to examine the long-run effect of human capital accumulation on the income distribution of a developing economy such as Ethiopia. The study is based on time series data covering the period from 1980/1981 to 2019/2020. The autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds co-integration test and error correction model approach is employed as a method of econometric estimation. The bounds test revealed a significant and stable long-run equilibrium relationships exist between income inequality (Gini coefficient) and its dynamic regressors of human capital accumulation indicators as well as other explanatory variables. Results of the estimated long-run selected model indicated that secondary and tertiary education attainments as well as total fertility rate have a significant un-equalizing income distribution effect on the country’s economy at the conventional level of significance in the long run. On the contrary, primary education attainment of the labor force has a positive and statistically significant impact on the country’s distribution of income at the standard level of significance. On the contrary, the employment-to-population size ratio has a positive effect, but financial development and institutional and governance quality have an adverse effect on the income distribution of the country in the long run. With respect to the short-run error correction model result, a temporary disequilibrium level of income distribution in the previous period is corrected by approximately 0.9284 in the current period to bring back to a stable long-run equilibrium. Based on these findings, it is important to strengthen and improve the country’s education and health service system for those individuals who are marginalized and deprived from these levels of social services. A few empirical studies on the dynamics between human capital and income distribution have been conducted at cross-country using average years of schooling as a proxy measure of human capital. The novelty of this study is that it examines the relationship between human capital and income distribution at a single country level using the ARDL bounds co-integration and error correction model approach. Furthermore, human capital accumulation is proxied by both education capital (disaggregated by primary, secondary, and tertiary educational attainments) and health capital (life expectancy at birth and total fertility rate) in addition to other relevant explanatory variables for better estimation and policy implications. B23, C22, I14, I24, O15","PeriodicalId":506002,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian and African Studies","volume":"4 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139148787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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