Pub Date : 2024-02-01DOI: 10.1177/23996544241231244
Eugene J McCann
{"title":"Gratitude and greetings as editors depart and others arrive","authors":"Eugene J McCann","doi":"10.1177/23996544241231244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241231244","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"31 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139966898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-25DOI: 10.1177/23996544241229920
M. Venhovens
This article explores the ruination of homes and infrastructure in the Gal(i) district of the contemporary de-facto state of Abkhazia. After the 1992–1993 conflict, over 200,000 ethnic Georgians were forcefully displaced, making the roughly 40,000 ethnic Georgians who stayed behind as an unwanted minority. Like the demographics, the landscape changed significantly. The homes became ruins, and the infrastructure fell apart. Since the recognition of Abkhazia by the Russian Federation in 2008, there has been significant rebuilding in Abkhazia, but the Gal(i) district has often been left out of this process. This article argues, that within the context of the concept of de facto-ness, the process of ruination in the Gal(i) district is a material demonstration of the post-conflict Abkhazian social hierarchy and a result of the political reality, and not simply decay over time. It argues that the material environment in the Gal(i) district is a tangible spectacle of the uncertainty that comes with being a post-conflict de facto state, and furthermore illustrates the socio-political situation of the Gal(i) population within the de facto Republic of Abkhazia.
{"title":"De facto standstill: Ruination and deterioration in the Abkhazian borderlands","authors":"M. Venhovens","doi":"10.1177/23996544241229920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241229920","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the ruination of homes and infrastructure in the Gal(i) district of the contemporary de-facto state of Abkhazia. After the 1992–1993 conflict, over 200,000 ethnic Georgians were forcefully displaced, making the roughly 40,000 ethnic Georgians who stayed behind as an unwanted minority. Like the demographics, the landscape changed significantly. The homes became ruins, and the infrastructure fell apart. Since the recognition of Abkhazia by the Russian Federation in 2008, there has been significant rebuilding in Abkhazia, but the Gal(i) district has often been left out of this process. This article argues, that within the context of the concept of de facto-ness, the process of ruination in the Gal(i) district is a material demonstration of the post-conflict Abkhazian social hierarchy and a result of the political reality, and not simply decay over time. It argues that the material environment in the Gal(i) district is a tangible spectacle of the uncertainty that comes with being a post-conflict de facto state, and furthermore illustrates the socio-political situation of the Gal(i) population within the de facto Republic of Abkhazia.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"26 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139597188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-23DOI: 10.1177/23996544241229553
Freek van der Vet
War always harms the environment. As the fog of war produces unreliable data, it also obstructs our capacity to monitor those harms. While some call for more data collection to advance a clear narrative of the origins of environmental harm, sociologists of risk and professional risk assessors find that the urgency of environmental hazards depends not on data alone but on who has the authority to define those risks. Without a clear understanding of how environmental experts engage in the socio-political struggles over the interpretations of risk during armed conflict, we may undervalue, first, how assessments and adequate action remain practically and politically difficult, and second, how data may be misused. Drawing on interviews with environmental experts and reports, I examine the politics of environmental expert knowledge on conflict pollution in the war in Donbas (2014–2022), a region hosting over 4500 hazardous industrial enterprises. By going beyond technological evidence collection, the article broadens our understanding of the obstacles of knowledge production and the attribution of environmental harm in highly politicized and violent contexts. Based on insights from environmental politics, the article finds that experts manage three issues undermining the reliability of environmental risks in an active warzone: pre-existing industrial pollution, environmental damage spread across government and non-government-controlled territories, and disinformation.
{"title":"A polluting war: Risk, experts, and the politics of monitoring wartime environmental harm in Eastern Ukraine","authors":"Freek van der Vet","doi":"10.1177/23996544241229553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241229553","url":null,"abstract":"War always harms the environment. As the fog of war produces unreliable data, it also obstructs our capacity to monitor those harms. While some call for more data collection to advance a clear narrative of the origins of environmental harm, sociologists of risk and professional risk assessors find that the urgency of environmental hazards depends not on data alone but on who has the authority to define those risks. Without a clear understanding of how environmental experts engage in the socio-political struggles over the interpretations of risk during armed conflict, we may undervalue, first, how assessments and adequate action remain practically and politically difficult, and second, how data may be misused. Drawing on interviews with environmental experts and reports, I examine the politics of environmental expert knowledge on conflict pollution in the war in Donbas (2014–2022), a region hosting over 4500 hazardous industrial enterprises. By going beyond technological evidence collection, the article broadens our understanding of the obstacles of knowledge production and the attribution of environmental harm in highly politicized and violent contexts. Based on insights from environmental politics, the article finds that experts manage three issues undermining the reliability of environmental risks in an active warzone: pre-existing industrial pollution, environmental damage spread across government and non-government-controlled territories, and disinformation.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"123 41","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139605450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-22DOI: 10.1177/23996544241226813
Ekta Oza, Philippa Williams, Lipika Kamra
This paper examines the sociodigital experiences of political and religious minorities in contemporary India to understand matters of voice and power, as well as feelings of belonging, identity and citizenship. It builds out from research conducted in New Delhi between February and June 2019 during and after the Indian national elections and focuses on WhatsApp as an everyday space where Hindu nationalism is (re)produced and articulated through memes, forwarded messages, videos and political talk. In the shadow of right-wing nationalisms, it examines how civic and political relationships are being transformed. Drawing on experiences and narratives of political and religious minorities we contend that the ‘digital denizen’ represents a new digital-political subject, one who is increasingly outcaste within a global conjuncture of exclusionary politics, technological affordances and local histories of power and coercion. Digital denizenship represents the regression of citizenship which connects ways of acting and articulating within intimate and digital storytelling infrastructures shaped by the articulation and defence of ‘truth’. We show how being a digital denizen means recognising, anticipating and navigating the oppressive expressive power of exclusionary sociodigital practices in order to quietly resist difference, disorientation, danger and unbelonging in everyday life.
{"title":"Digital denizenship: Hindu nationalist architectures of digital closings and unbelonging in India","authors":"Ekta Oza, Philippa Williams, Lipika Kamra","doi":"10.1177/23996544241226813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241226813","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the sociodigital experiences of political and religious minorities in contemporary India to understand matters of voice and power, as well as feelings of belonging, identity and citizenship. It builds out from research conducted in New Delhi between February and June 2019 during and after the Indian national elections and focuses on WhatsApp as an everyday space where Hindu nationalism is (re)produced and articulated through memes, forwarded messages, videos and political talk. In the shadow of right-wing nationalisms, it examines how civic and political relationships are being transformed. Drawing on experiences and narratives of political and religious minorities we contend that the ‘digital denizen’ represents a new digital-political subject, one who is increasingly outcaste within a global conjuncture of exclusionary politics, technological affordances and local histories of power and coercion. Digital denizenship represents the regression of citizenship which connects ways of acting and articulating within intimate and digital storytelling infrastructures shaped by the articulation and defence of ‘truth’. We show how being a digital denizen means recognising, anticipating and navigating the oppressive expressive power of exclusionary sociodigital practices in order to quietly resist difference, disorientation, danger and unbelonging in everyday life.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"63 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139606698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-21DOI: 10.1177/23996544241226807
Chiara Valli, Kristian Olesen, Peter Parker
Policy mobility literature invites us to consider the power-laden processes of how urban policies are exported, mimicked, and transformed in different urban contexts. However, recent critique has highlighted the need for a fuller understanding of urban policy context to understand where and when policies come to be implemented in new settings and how they are transformed. The purpose of this study is to explore understandings of urban policy context in a comparative study of policy mobility, and specifically relations between internationally packaged concepts, local pilot projects and national level actors. We develop a framework for understanding these relations in policy mobility based on case studies of BID policy development in Sweden and Denmark drawing on both Policy Mobility literature and a Multiple Streams Approach. The main finding is that local pilots play a key role in translating packaged policy concepts but also serve as ‘proof of concept’ for further institutionalization. The way these pilots are discursively situated in relation to ‘problems’ is therefore of central importance for further implementation. Furthermore, the study highlights the role of policy entrepreneurs that connect local pilots (and discursive problems) with national level actors, and political opportunities.
{"title":"Solutions in search of a problem: Opening policy windows for Business Improvement Districts in the Nordic countries","authors":"Chiara Valli, Kristian Olesen, Peter Parker","doi":"10.1177/23996544241226807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241226807","url":null,"abstract":"Policy mobility literature invites us to consider the power-laden processes of how urban policies are exported, mimicked, and transformed in different urban contexts. However, recent critique has highlighted the need for a fuller understanding of urban policy context to understand where and when policies come to be implemented in new settings and how they are transformed. The purpose of this study is to explore understandings of urban policy context in a comparative study of policy mobility, and specifically relations between internationally packaged concepts, local pilot projects and national level actors. We develop a framework for understanding these relations in policy mobility based on case studies of BID policy development in Sweden and Denmark drawing on both Policy Mobility literature and a Multiple Streams Approach. The main finding is that local pilots play a key role in translating packaged policy concepts but also serve as ‘proof of concept’ for further institutionalization. The way these pilots are discursively situated in relation to ‘problems’ is therefore of central importance for further implementation. Furthermore, the study highlights the role of policy entrepreneurs that connect local pilots (and discursive problems) with national level actors, and political opportunities.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139610450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-20DOI: 10.1177/23996544241227159
Jamie Peck, Chris Meulbroek, Dimitar Anguelov
The paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the five annual policy addresses of Hong Kong’s chief executive, Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-Ngor, whose term of office (2017–2022) spanned the most tumultuous episode in the modern history of the territory, one bisected by an extended season of street protests and the subsequent imposition of a national security law. Read as an authorized, real-time transcript of governmental rationalizations and responses, delivered in the first-person voice of Hong Kong’s most senior politician, the annual policy addresses narrate a crisis-mediated shift from a postcolonial redoubt of liberal capitalism to an outpost of China’s national-security state. Although the “one country, two systems” formula enshrined in Hong Kong’s Basic Law retains its official status, a distinct transformation is evident, from the evocation of “two systems” as a wedge against one-country assimilation, to an apparently new normal based on the principles of securitized, “one-country” integration. In the process, the chief executive increasingly embraced the received discourses and sanctioned priorities of the Chinese Communist Party in her depictions of a “New Paradigm” for the governance of Hong Kong, founded on the “steer of the Central Government” with the “cooperation” of the government of the Special Administrative Region.
{"title":"Hong Kong’s new normal: Remaking authorized discourses of “special administration,” 2017–2022","authors":"Jamie Peck, Chris Meulbroek, Dimitar Anguelov","doi":"10.1177/23996544241227159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241227159","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the five annual policy addresses of Hong Kong’s chief executive, Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-Ngor, whose term of office (2017–2022) spanned the most tumultuous episode in the modern history of the territory, one bisected by an extended season of street protests and the subsequent imposition of a national security law. Read as an authorized, real-time transcript of governmental rationalizations and responses, delivered in the first-person voice of Hong Kong’s most senior politician, the annual policy addresses narrate a crisis-mediated shift from a postcolonial redoubt of liberal capitalism to an outpost of China’s national-security state. Although the “one country, two systems” formula enshrined in Hong Kong’s Basic Law retains its official status, a distinct transformation is evident, from the evocation of “two systems” as a wedge against one-country assimilation, to an apparently new normal based on the principles of securitized, “one-country” integration. In the process, the chief executive increasingly embraced the received discourses and sanctioned priorities of the Chinese Communist Party in her depictions of a “New Paradigm” for the governance of Hong Kong, founded on the “steer of the Central Government” with the “cooperation” of the government of the Special Administrative Region.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"8 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139524006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-20DOI: 10.1177/23996544241226855
Ricardo Martinez, Tim Bunnell
Even though the expanding relevance of city diplomacy has unsettled the traditional state-centered conceptualization of international politics, the growing transnational dynamism of city governments is still embedded in, and structurally constrained by, a state-centric international polity. We exemplify this through consideration of Singapore’s exceptionalism as a city-state, and what this means for its capacity for global self-promotion as an urban policy model. When the city-state selectively decides to engage among ‘peer cities’ in city-based institutional venues like city networks, it does so within a hierarchical logic dominated by the political authority and decision-making powers that derive from its capacity for and interest in entertaining relations with other sovereign nation-states. Through a counterfactual logic, Singapore’s outstanding transnational urban position reveals the current constraints of city diplomacy, as other merely city-level governments are compelled to join forces transnationally within a logic framed in terms of (lack of) access to state-centric institutional venues and resources. For the overwhelming majority of city governments, in contrast to Singapore, city networks are obligatory passage points to bypass traditional policy scales. Extending a theoretical bridge between the bodies of literature on urban policy mobilities and city networks, the article excavates Singapore’s ‘privileged’ position to deepen our understanding of the relationship between the city and the state. In doing so, we situate and provide a corrective to overstated narratives of the international rise of cities in the larger contemporary picture of global governance.
{"title":"National sovereignty across city networks: Singapore and the diplomacy of a global city-state","authors":"Ricardo Martinez, Tim Bunnell","doi":"10.1177/23996544241226855","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241226855","url":null,"abstract":"Even though the expanding relevance of city diplomacy has unsettled the traditional state-centered conceptualization of international politics, the growing transnational dynamism of city governments is still embedded in, and structurally constrained by, a state-centric international polity. We exemplify this through consideration of Singapore’s exceptionalism as a city-state, and what this means for its capacity for global self-promotion as an urban policy model. When the city-state selectively decides to engage among ‘peer cities’ in city-based institutional venues like city networks, it does so within a hierarchical logic dominated by the political authority and decision-making powers that derive from its capacity for and interest in entertaining relations with other sovereign nation-states. Through a counterfactual logic, Singapore’s outstanding transnational urban position reveals the current constraints of city diplomacy, as other merely city-level governments are compelled to join forces transnationally within a logic framed in terms of (lack of) access to state-centric institutional venues and resources. For the overwhelming majority of city governments, in contrast to Singapore, city networks are obligatory passage points to bypass traditional policy scales. Extending a theoretical bridge between the bodies of literature on urban policy mobilities and city networks, the article excavates Singapore’s ‘privileged’ position to deepen our understanding of the relationship between the city and the state. In doing so, we situate and provide a corrective to overstated narratives of the international rise of cities in the larger contemporary picture of global governance.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"8 31","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139523799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-16DOI: 10.1177/23996544231223618
Neil J Barnett, A. Giovannini, Steven Griggs
This article analyses the everyday practices of ‘doing’ socio-spatial relations, drawing upon a series of in-depth interviews with local authority chief officers from across the UK. It argues that for chief officers ‘thinking spatially’ is played out in and through the practice of leadership on the move as they navigate the multiple spaces and temporalities that constitute the landscape of local government. Such leadership on the move resonates in part with predominant explanations of boundary spanning in studies of public governance. But importantly, boundary spanning suffers, our evidence suggests, from a temporal deficit, a ‘thin’ account of time which fails to address the constitutive function of boundaries and the complex politics of fluidity and fixity that follow. Articulating a ‘thicker’ approach to time, we argue that chief officers experience everyday socio-spatial relations less as boundary spanners and more as serial adaptors, who persistently reproduce sedimented boundaries and perform different modes of governance as they move from one arena to another. Serial adaptation, we conclude, challenges the potential managerialist bias of boundary spanning, in which the quest for harmonisation and unity masks over the irreducible complex reality of fragmentation and political conflict within which chief officers move.
{"title":"Serial adapters? Local government chief officers and the navigation of space and time","authors":"Neil J Barnett, A. Giovannini, Steven Griggs","doi":"10.1177/23996544231223618","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231223618","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the everyday practices of ‘doing’ socio-spatial relations, drawing upon a series of in-depth interviews with local authority chief officers from across the UK. It argues that for chief officers ‘thinking spatially’ is played out in and through the practice of leadership on the move as they navigate the multiple spaces and temporalities that constitute the landscape of local government. Such leadership on the move resonates in part with predominant explanations of boundary spanning in studies of public governance. But importantly, boundary spanning suffers, our evidence suggests, from a temporal deficit, a ‘thin’ account of time which fails to address the constitutive function of boundaries and the complex politics of fluidity and fixity that follow. Articulating a ‘thicker’ approach to time, we argue that chief officers experience everyday socio-spatial relations less as boundary spanners and more as serial adaptors, who persistently reproduce sedimented boundaries and perform different modes of governance as they move from one arena to another. Serial adaptation, we conclude, challenges the potential managerialist bias of boundary spanning, in which the quest for harmonisation and unity masks over the irreducible complex reality of fragmentation and political conflict within which chief officers move.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"46 33","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139528168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-12DOI: 10.1177/23996544241226920
Mojgan Taheri Tafti
This paper contributes to the literature on the relationships between the state and other actors around the politics of the extraction of value from urban developments by focusing on one planning institution in the Tehran metropolitan area, the Tehran Point 5 Committee (TPC). Drawing from studies on state capture, the paper shows how this planning institution, initially established to make spatial plans flexible and implementable through deliberating on zoning relief requests, has been captured by strong political actors and their networks of front companies. By collecting and analyzing quantitative and qualitative data on the decisions of this institution from 2009 to 2019 and the corresponding spatial pattern of the projects with granted zoning relief, I examine how these actors cluster around the TPC to shape, expand, and exploit opportunities from urban development to their benefit while harming the public good. I argue that the explanatory frameworks of neoliberalism, elite informality, and corruption fail to adequately account for the political drivers that undergird the operation of this institution. The paper draws attention to the susceptibility of the planning systems, in particular those components with discretionary powers, to be a target of state capture under circumstances of political distortions, due to the role they can play in extracting and distributing significant economic returns from urban development.
{"title":"Capturing planning: Politics of land based accumulation in Tehran","authors":"Mojgan Taheri Tafti","doi":"10.1177/23996544241226920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241226920","url":null,"abstract":"This paper contributes to the literature on the relationships between the state and other actors around the politics of the extraction of value from urban developments by focusing on one planning institution in the Tehran metropolitan area, the Tehran Point 5 Committee (TPC). Drawing from studies on state capture, the paper shows how this planning institution, initially established to make spatial plans flexible and implementable through deliberating on zoning relief requests, has been captured by strong political actors and their networks of front companies. By collecting and analyzing quantitative and qualitative data on the decisions of this institution from 2009 to 2019 and the corresponding spatial pattern of the projects with granted zoning relief, I examine how these actors cluster around the TPC to shape, expand, and exploit opportunities from urban development to their benefit while harming the public good. I argue that the explanatory frameworks of neoliberalism, elite informality, and corruption fail to adequately account for the political drivers that undergird the operation of this institution. The paper draws attention to the susceptibility of the planning systems, in particular those components with discretionary powers, to be a target of state capture under circumstances of political distortions, due to the role they can play in extracting and distributing significant economic returns from urban development.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":"44 22","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139533366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-01-12DOI: 10.1177/23996544241226852
Tania Bonilla Mena
The pandemic exacerbated the already inequitable conditions to which Venezuelan migrants are exposed in Latin America. Influenced by global policies of public health control, the Ecuadorian government imposed numerous constraints on internal and external mobilities to reinforce its restrictive shift of at least the past decade, thereby limiting migrant regularization and curtailing the guarantee of the right to seek refuge. In line with Hyndman and Giles’ concepts of the embodied feminist geopolitics of waiting and (im)mobilities this article examines how, in the context of restrictive state policies, social hostility and nationalism, heightened by a public health discourse emphasizing the threat of contagion embodied in migrants and a new border regime scenario, Venezuelan migrant women have deployed multiple strategies of self-care to preserve their lives. Such strategies including reverse migration to their home country, even when it meant returning to places that are even more precarious but perhaps safer for them. It also explores how Ecuador’s institutional responses to the pandemic affected Venezuelan migrants and their action capacity.
{"title":"“Sentir su camino”: (Im)mobilities in the return of Venezuelan migrant women during the pandemic in Ecuador","authors":"Tania Bonilla Mena","doi":"10.1177/23996544241226852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544241226852","url":null,"abstract":"The pandemic exacerbated the already inequitable conditions to which Venezuelan migrants are exposed in Latin America. Influenced by global policies of public health control, the Ecuadorian government imposed numerous constraints on internal and external mobilities to reinforce its restrictive shift of at least the past decade, thereby limiting migrant regularization and curtailing the guarantee of the right to seek refuge. In line with Hyndman and Giles’ concepts of the embodied feminist geopolitics of waiting and (im)mobilities this article examines how, in the context of restrictive state policies, social hostility and nationalism, heightened by a public health discourse emphasizing the threat of contagion embodied in migrants and a new border regime scenario, Venezuelan migrant women have deployed multiple strategies of self-care to preserve their lives. Such strategies including reverse migration to their home country, even when it meant returning to places that are even more precarious but perhaps safer for them. It also explores how Ecuador’s institutional responses to the pandemic affected Venezuelan migrants and their action capacity.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":" 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139624963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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