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Territory, rights, and migrant justice: Undocumented first amendment rights, or the deterritorialization of rights access 领土、权利和移民司法:无证第一修正案权利,或权利获取的非领土化
Pub Date : 2024-02-08 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241230958
Jacob P. Chamberlain
This paper analyzes the work of the powerful migrant rights organization Migrant Justice, as they exemplify ways in which migrant activists in the U.S. today are challenging the socio-political confines of bordered state territory and are pushing the landscape of rights access in new directions. This work utilizes a year-long ethnography conducted with Migrant Justice as they faced intense targeting and surveillance from immigration authorities, including the use of a covert informant, in response to their successful labor and human rights organizing in the state of Vermont. This work in particular details Migrant Justice’s First Amendment rights lawsuit against the federal government in response to this targeting. Here, Migrant Justice directly challenged the federal government in a groundbreaking lawsuit that saw federal immigration authorities forced to acknowledge constitutional rights for undocumented migrant activists. In this confluence of opposing forces, we of course see egregious abuses against migrant actors, but we also see exemplifications of new and progressively powerful forms of resistance that are posing a specific challenge to the state’s bordered and territorially based limitations on human and civil rights. This work utilizes Stuart Elden’s conception of territory—as a process and a praxis of control—to understand migrant resistance to state-sanctioned exclusion and exploitation and the ways in which these challenges to state power are creating new spaces for political belonging. An analysis in this way allows us to see the work of Migrant Justice as that which increasingly deterritorializes relationships between residents and state power—an undoing of spatial limitations on rights and belonging. Throughout this work, the concept of deterritorialization as a form of migrant resistance is unpacked and defined to understand the full potentials of migrant activism today.
本文分析了强大的移民权利组织 "移民正义"(Migrant Justice)的工作,因为他们是当今美国移民活动家挑战州界社会政治束缚、推动权利获得新方向的典范。这项工作利用了与移民正义组织长达一年的人种学研究,当时他们正面临移民当局的严密盯梢和监视,包括使用秘密线人,以应对他们在佛蒙特州成功的劳工和人权组织活动。本作品特别详细介绍了移民正义组织针对联邦政府的这种针对行动提起的第一修正案权利诉讼。在这起开创性的诉讼中,移民正义组织直接挑战联邦政府,迫使联邦移民当局承认无证移民活动家享有宪法权利。在这种对立力量的交汇中,我们当然看到了针对移民行动者的恶劣侵权行为,但我们也看到了新的、逐渐强大的反抗形式的范例,这些反抗形式对国家基于边界和地域对人权和公民权利的限制提出了具体的挑战。这项工作利用斯图尔特-埃尔登(Stuart Elden)的领土概念--作为控制的过程和实践--来理解移民对国家认可的排斥和剥削的反抗,以及这些对国家权力的挑战如何为政治归属创造新的空间。通过这种方式的分析,我们可以将移民正义的工作视为日益将居民与国家权力之间的关系去领土化--消除对权利和归属的空间限制。在整部作品中,"去领土化 "概念作为一种移民反抗形式得到了解读和定义,从而理解了当今移民行动主义的全部潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Territory, rights, and migrant justice: Undocumented first amendment rights, or the deterritorialization of rights access 领土、权利和移民司法:无证第一修正案权利,或权利获取的非领土化
Pub Date : 2024-02-08 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241230958
Jacob P. Chamberlain
This paper analyzes the work of the powerful migrant rights organization Migrant Justice, as they exemplify ways in which migrant activists in the U.S. today are challenging the socio-political confines of bordered state territory and are pushing the landscape of rights access in new directions. This work utilizes a year-long ethnography conducted with Migrant Justice as they faced intense targeting and surveillance from immigration authorities, including the use of a covert informant, in response to their successful labor and human rights organizing in the state of Vermont. This work in particular details Migrant Justice’s First Amendment rights lawsuit against the federal government in response to this targeting. Here, Migrant Justice directly challenged the federal government in a groundbreaking lawsuit that saw federal immigration authorities forced to acknowledge constitutional rights for undocumented migrant activists. In this confluence of opposing forces, we of course see egregious abuses against migrant actors, but we also see exemplifications of new and progressively powerful forms of resistance that are posing a specific challenge to the state’s bordered and territorially based limitations on human and civil rights. This work utilizes Stuart Elden’s conception of territory—as a process and a praxis of control—to understand migrant resistance to state-sanctioned exclusion and exploitation and the ways in which these challenges to state power are creating new spaces for political belonging. An analysis in this way allows us to see the work of Migrant Justice as that which increasingly deterritorializes relationships between residents and state power—an undoing of spatial limitations on rights and belonging. Throughout this work, the concept of deterritorialization as a form of migrant resistance is unpacked and defined to understand the full potentials of migrant activism today.
本文分析了强大的移民权利组织 "移民正义"(Migrant Justice)的工作,因为他们是当今美国移民活动家挑战州界社会政治束缚、推动权利获得新方向的典范。这项工作利用了与移民正义组织长达一年的人种学研究,当时他们正面临移民当局的严密盯梢和监视,包括使用秘密线人,以应对他们在佛蒙特州成功的劳工和人权组织活动。本作品特别详细介绍了移民正义组织针对联邦政府的这种针对行动提起的第一修正案权利诉讼。在这起开创性的诉讼中,移民正义组织直接挑战联邦政府,迫使联邦移民当局承认无证移民活动家享有宪法权利。在这种对立力量的交汇中,我们当然看到了针对移民行动者的恶劣侵权行为,但我们也看到了新的、逐渐强大的反抗形式的范例,这些反抗形式对国家基于边界和地域对人权和公民权利的限制提出了具体的挑战。这项工作利用斯图尔特-埃尔登(Stuart Elden)的领土概念--作为控制的过程和实践--来理解移民对国家认可的排斥和剥削的反抗,以及这些对国家权力的挑战如何为政治归属创造新的空间。通过这种方式的分析,我们可以将移民正义的工作视为日益将居民与国家权力之间的关系去领土化--消除对权利和归属的空间限制。在整部作品中,"去领土化 "概念作为一种移民反抗形式得到了解读和定义,从而理解了当今移民行动主义的全部潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Collecting, assembling, ordering: Border politics and the invisible data work of asylum 收集、组合、排序:边境政治和无形的庇护数据工作
Pub Date : 2024-02-06 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241230189
Lucrezia Canzutti, Claudia Aradau
This article proposes to understand the ‘invisible data work’ that asylum seekers must do to put together a ‘credible’ asylum application. While the intersections between asylum and work have typically been analysed in relation to access to employment and labour conditions, we attend to the work of collecting, assembling, and ordering different forms of analogue and digital data inherent to the asylum process. Building on feminist interdisciplinary debates on work and drawing on a selection of asylum appeals from Italy and the UK, we argue that seeking asylum entails extensive and continual invisible work that requires significant resources, effort, skills and time. Attending to these forms of invisible work is crucial to understanding the challenges of seeking asylum beyond the migration journey and the implications of performing ‘invisible data work’ unaided and unequipped. It also counters problematic depictions of asylum seekers as passive subjects who are ‘just waiting’ for a decision to be made. Finally, rendering the collection and assemblage of data as ‘invisible work’ rather than just ‘doings’ has political implications for understanding the resources, responsibilities and resistance to the border politics of making precarious subjects.
本文旨在了解寻求庇护者为提出 "可信的 "庇护申请而必须完成的 "无形的数据工作"。庇护与工作之间的交集通常从获得就业和劳动条件的角度进行分析,而我们关注的是庇护过程中所固有的收集、组合和排序不同形式的模拟和数字数据的工作。在女权主义跨学科工作辩论的基础上,并借鉴意大利和英国的部分庇护申请,我们认为寻求庇护需要大量持续的无形工作,需要大量的资源、精力、技能和时间。关注这些形式的隐形工作,对于理解寻求庇护的挑战、移民旅程之外的挑战以及在没有辅助和装备的情况下从事 "隐形数据工作 "的影响至关重要。它还反驳了将寻求庇护者描述为 "只是在等待 "做出决定的被动主体的问题。最后,将数据的收集和组合视为 "无形的工作",而不仅仅是 "做",这对理解资源、责任和抵制边境政治的 "不稳定主体 "具有政治意义。
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引用次数: 0
Collecting, assembling, ordering: Border politics and the invisible data work of asylum 收集、组合、排序:边境政治和无形的庇护数据工作
Pub Date : 2024-02-06 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241230189
Lucrezia Canzutti, Claudia Aradau
This article proposes to understand the ‘invisible data work’ that asylum seekers must do to put together a ‘credible’ asylum application. While the intersections between asylum and work have typically been analysed in relation to access to employment and labour conditions, we attend to the work of collecting, assembling, and ordering different forms of analogue and digital data inherent to the asylum process. Building on feminist interdisciplinary debates on work and drawing on a selection of asylum appeals from Italy and the UK, we argue that seeking asylum entails extensive and continual invisible work that requires significant resources, effort, skills and time. Attending to these forms of invisible work is crucial to understanding the challenges of seeking asylum beyond the migration journey and the implications of performing ‘invisible data work’ unaided and unequipped. It also counters problematic depictions of asylum seekers as passive subjects who are ‘just waiting’ for a decision to be made. Finally, rendering the collection and assemblage of data as ‘invisible work’ rather than just ‘doings’ has political implications for understanding the resources, responsibilities and resistance to the border politics of making precarious subjects.
本文旨在了解寻求庇护者为提出 "可信的 "庇护申请而必须完成的 "无形的数据工作"。庇护与工作之间的交集通常从获得就业和劳动条件的角度进行分析,而我们关注的是庇护过程中所固有的收集、组合和排序不同形式的模拟和数字数据的工作。在女权主义跨学科工作辩论的基础上,并借鉴意大利和英国的部分庇护申请,我们认为寻求庇护需要大量持续的无形工作,需要大量的资源、精力、技能和时间。关注这些形式的隐形工作,对于理解寻求庇护的挑战、移民旅程之外的挑战以及在没有辅助和装备的情况下从事 "隐形数据工作 "的影响至关重要。它还反驳了将寻求庇护者描述为 "只是在等待 "做出决定的被动主体的问题。最后,将数据的收集和组合视为 "无形的工作",而不仅仅是 "做",这对理解资源、责任和抵制边境政治的 "不稳定主体 "具有政治意义。
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引用次数: 0
New energy vehicles and the political geoecology of China’s Ecological Civilisation 新能源汽车与中国生态文明的政治地缘生态学
Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241231683
Pablo I Ampuero-Ruiz
Ecological Civilisation has been China’s policy concept to frame its environmental sustainability strategy. While it lacks a clear definition, its multiple practices show a reliance on the development and implementation of technologies that reduce pollution levels and beautify the country. One of those technologies are New Energy Vehicles (NEV), which stand at the centre of an e-mobility transition across urban China. I engage with the growing debate on China’s Ecological Civilisation and e-mobility transition by reflecting on the critical junctions between this policy concept and the NEV industry. I suggest that the New Energy requirements of China’s Ecological Civilisation rely on power relations that enhance state capacity domestically and transnationally. In this sense, the pursuit of New Energy to build China’s Ecological Civilisation relies on moral and sovereign forms of power. In a context of increasing tensions between China and countries in the North Atlantic, my contribution shows that these forms of power enhance China’s state capacity through its economic infrastructure, re-producing old dependencies and inequalities.
生态文明是中国制定环境可持续发展战略的政策理念。虽然这一概念缺乏明确的定义,但其多种实践表明,它依赖于开发和实施可降低污染水平和美化国家的技术。其中一项技术就是新能源汽车(NEV),它是中国城市电动交通转型的核心。我通过反思这一政策理念与新能源汽车产业之间的关键节点,参与了有关中国生态文明和电动交通转型的日益激烈的讨论。我认为,中国生态文明对新能源的要求依赖于在国内和跨国范围内增强国家能力的权力关系。从这个意义上说,追求新能源以建设中国生态文明依赖于道德和主权形式的权力。在中国与北大西洋国家关系日益紧张的背景下,我的论文表明,这些权力形式通过其经济基础设施增强了中国的国家能力,重新产生了旧的依赖和不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Contested port cities: Logistical frictions and civic mobilization in Genoa and Venice 有争议的港口城市:热那亚和威尼斯的物流摩擦与公民动员
Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241231684
Francesca Savoldi
This article examines the increasingly conflictual relationship between ports and their surrounding communities at a time of wide-reaching infrastructural expansion. It highlights how the centralization of power and logistical gigantism produce deterritorializing frictions, decoupling inhabitants from their territories and creating the conditions for social contestation. It calls for a rethinking of the role of communities in contemporary port-city governance, with an emphasis on imaginaries of re-territorialization produced through social mobilization. I frame the increasing contestation in port cities through a critical approach to logistics, arguing that citizen engagement holds the potential to drastically readdress the port-city relationship. It examines the cases of Genoa and Venice using ethnographic methods and reconstructs a historically in-depth counter-narrative of interactions between port, city and citizen. I contextualize specific frictions between port and city through the rise in social mobilizations. The article shows how social mobilization challenges the status quo in different ways, producing changes and illuminating pathways toward more sustainable forms of coexistence between ports and cities.
本文探讨了在广泛的基础设施扩张时期,港口与其周边社区之间日益冲突的关系。文章强调了权力集中化和物流巨型化是如何产生 "去领土化 "的摩擦,使居民与其领土脱钩,并为社会竞争创造条件的。它呼吁重新思考社区在当代港口城市治理中的作用,并强调通过社会动员产生的再领土化想象。我通过一种批判性的物流方法来描述港口城市中日益加剧的争论,认为公民参与有可能极大地重新解决港口与城市之间的关系。文章采用人种学方法研究了热那亚和威尼斯的案例,并重新构建了港口、城市和市民之间互动的历史性反叙事。我通过社会动员的兴起对港口与城市之间的具体摩擦进行了背景分析。文章展示了社会动员如何以不同的方式挑战现状,产生变化,并为港口与城市之间更可持续的共存形式指明道路。
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引用次数: 0
New energy vehicles and the political geoecology of China’s Ecological Civilisation 新能源汽车与中国生态文明的政治地缘生态学
Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241231683
Pablo I Ampuero-Ruiz
Ecological Civilisation has been China’s policy concept to frame its environmental sustainability strategy. While it lacks a clear definition, its multiple practices show a reliance on the development and implementation of technologies that reduce pollution levels and beautify the country. One of those technologies are New Energy Vehicles (NEV), which stand at the centre of an e-mobility transition across urban China. I engage with the growing debate on China’s Ecological Civilisation and e-mobility transition by reflecting on the critical junctions between this policy concept and the NEV industry. I suggest that the New Energy requirements of China’s Ecological Civilisation rely on power relations that enhance state capacity domestically and transnationally. In this sense, the pursuit of New Energy to build China’s Ecological Civilisation relies on moral and sovereign forms of power. In a context of increasing tensions between China and countries in the North Atlantic, my contribution shows that these forms of power enhance China’s state capacity through its economic infrastructure, re-producing old dependencies and inequalities.
生态文明是中国制定环境可持续发展战略的政策理念。虽然这一概念缺乏明确的定义,但其多种实践表明,中国依赖于开发和实施可降低污染水平和美化国家的技术。其中一项技术就是新能源汽车(NEV),它是中国城市电动交通转型的核心。通过反思这一政策理念与新能源汽车产业之间的关键节点,我参与了有关中国生态文明和电动交通转型的日益激烈的讨论。我认为,中国生态文明对新能源的要求依赖于在国内和跨国范围内增强国家能力的权力关系。从这个意义上说,追求新能源以建设中国生态文明依赖于道德和主权形式的权力。在中国与北大西洋国家关系日益紧张的背景下,我的论文表明,这些权力形式通过其经济基础设施增强了中国的国家能力,重新产生了旧的依赖和不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Contested port cities: Logistical frictions and civic mobilization in Genoa and Venice 有争议的港口城市:热那亚和威尼斯的物流摩擦与公民动员
Pub Date : 2024-02-05 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241231684
Francesca Savoldi
This article examines the increasingly conflictual relationship between ports and their surrounding communities at a time of wide-reaching infrastructural expansion. It highlights how the centralization of power and logistical gigantism produce deterritorializing frictions, decoupling inhabitants from their territories and creating the conditions for social contestation. It calls for a rethinking of the role of communities in contemporary port-city governance, with an emphasis on imaginaries of re-territorialization produced through social mobilization. I frame the increasing contestation in port cities through a critical approach to logistics, arguing that citizen engagement holds the potential to drastically readdress the port-city relationship. It examines the cases of Genoa and Venice using ethnographic methods and reconstructs a historically in-depth counter-narrative of interactions between port, city and citizen. I contextualize specific frictions between port and city through the rise in social mobilizations. The article shows how social mobilization challenges the status quo in different ways, producing changes and illuminating pathways toward more sustainable forms of coexistence between ports and cities.
本文探讨了在广泛的基础设施扩张时期,港口与其周边社区之间日益冲突的关系。文章强调了权力集中化和物流巨型化是如何产生 "去领土化 "的摩擦,使居民与其领土脱钩,并为社会竞争创造条件的。它呼吁重新思考社区在当代港口城市治理中的作用,并强调通过社会动员产生的再领土化想象。我通过一种批判性的物流方法来描述港口城市中日益加剧的争论,认为公民参与有可能极大地重新解决港口与城市之间的关系。文章采用人种学方法研究了热那亚和威尼斯的案例,并重新构建了港口、城市和市民之间互动的历史性反叙事。我通过社会动员的兴起对港口与城市之间的具体摩擦进行了背景分析。文章展示了社会动员如何以不同的方式挑战现状,产生变化,并为港口与城市之间更可持续的共存形式指明道路。
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引用次数: 0
Is it worth a punt on pensions? A case study of three municipalities’ use of pension obligation bonds 养老金值得一搏吗?三个城市使用养老金义务债券的案例研究
Pub Date : 2024-02-02 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241230961
Mark Davidson
Cities now commonly engage with financial actors, tools, and markets to manage their budgets and associated activities. The growing significance of finance within urban governance is connected by some scholars to the latter’s increasingly speculative character. One area of urban governance where financial tools are now commonly used for speculative ends are public pensions. Across the United States, many state and local governments face large unfunded pension liabilities. In some cases, this has led them to issue pension obligation bonds to reduce their unfunded liabilities. This paper examines the extent of recent pension obligation bond issuance and develops a comparative case study of three Massachusetts municipalities. The research results show that the speculative content of pension obligation bonds varies, even across three Massachusetts municipalities. By using pension obligation bonds, all three case study cities have exposed themselves to different levels of financial risk and have given themselves a long-term governance challenge by installing a speculative financial tool within their budgeting.
现在,城市通常会利用金融参与者、工具和市场来管理其预算和相关活动。一些学者认为,金融在城市治理中日益重要的地位与后者日益投机的特点有关。在城市治理中,公共养老金就是金融工具被普遍用于投机目的的一个领域。在美国,许多州和地方政府都面临着巨额的养老金负债。在某些情况下,这导致他们发行养老金义务债券,以减少资金无着落的负债。本文研究了近期养老金义务债券的发行情况,并对马萨诸塞州的三个城市进行了比较案例研究。研究结果表明,即使是马萨诸塞州的三个城市,养老金义务债券的投机内容也各不相同。通过使用养老金义务债券,所有三个案例研究城市都面临着不同程度的财务风险,并通过在预算编制中安装投机性财务工具,给自己带来了长期治理挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Is it worth a punt on pensions? A case study of three municipalities’ use of pension obligation bonds 养老金值得一搏吗?三个城市使用养老金义务债券的案例研究
Pub Date : 2024-02-02 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241230961
Mark Davidson
Cities now commonly engage with financial actors, tools, and markets to manage their budgets and associated activities. The growing significance of finance within urban governance is connected by some scholars to the latter’s increasingly speculative character. One area of urban governance where financial tools are now commonly used for speculative ends are public pensions. Across the United States, many state and local governments face large unfunded pension liabilities. In some cases, this has led them to issue pension obligation bonds to reduce their unfunded liabilities. This paper examines the extent of recent pension obligation bond issuance and develops a comparative case study of three Massachusetts municipalities. The research results show that the speculative content of pension obligation bonds varies, even across three Massachusetts municipalities. By using pension obligation bonds, all three case study cities have exposed themselves to different levels of financial risk and have given themselves a long-term governance challenge by installing a speculative financial tool within their budgeting.
现在,城市通常会利用金融参与者、工具和市场来管理其预算和相关活动。一些学者认为,金融在城市治理中日益重要的地位与后者日益投机的特点有关。在城市治理中,公共养老金就是金融工具被普遍用于投机目的的一个领域。在美国,许多州和地方政府都面临着巨额的养老金负债。在某些情况下,这导致他们发行养老金义务债券,以减少资金无着落的负债。本文研究了近期养老金义务债券的发行情况,并对马萨诸塞州的三个城市进行了比较案例研究。研究结果表明,即使是马萨诸塞州的三个城市,养老金义务债券的投机内容也各不相同。通过使用养老金义务债券,所有三个案例研究城市都面临着不同程度的财务风险,并通过在预算编制中安装投机性财务工具,给自己带来了长期治理挑战。
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引用次数: 0
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Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space
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