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Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space最新文献

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Latin American female migrants’ negotiation of sex work, international borders and internal barriers in Istanbul 拉丁美洲女性移民在伊斯坦布尔就性工作、国际边界和内部障碍进行的谈判
Pub Date : 2024-06-14 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241260592
G. Lenti, Bernardo López Marín
Based on participant observation, numerous informal conversations and ten semi-structured interviews, this paper explores the complexities of Latin American female migrants’ mobility towards Europe via Turkey. By analyzing ethnographic data accounting for their life stories, interactions with ‘traffickers’, experiences in Istanbul, and the difficulties to reach their destinations, it deconstructs dominant perspectives about human trafficking and sex work. Their narratives dislocate mainstream discourses that homogenize international migration under institutional categories, predetermined experiences and subjectivized ontologies. Upon arrival, unforeseen circumstances truncated previous plans, encapsulating them within Turkish borders where finding means to survive and continue moving turned challenging. Meanwhile, they must deal with internal barriers, including gender relations, gender-based violence and sociocultural, linguistic, economic, political and legislative hindrances that exacerbate precarity and risks. These journeys can become entangled with sex work, either induced or independently exercised with the intention of opposing immobilizing border regimes. Despite exposure to violence and abuse, these women continuously negotiate their own subjectivities, while dealing with unfamiliar and hostile settings, demonstrating tenacious expressions of subjective and collective agency that assist them in surviving and pursuing their life projects.
本文以参与观察、大量非正式谈话和十次半结构化访谈为基础,探讨了拉美女性移民经土耳其流向欧洲的复杂性。通过分析有关她们的生活故事、与 "人贩子 "的互动、在伊斯坦布尔的经历以及到达目的地的困难等人种学数据,本文解构了有关人口贩运和性工作的主流观点。她们的叙述颠覆了主流话语,主流话语将国际移民同质化,将其归入机构类别、预先确定的经历和主观化的本体论。抵达土耳其后,不可预见的情况打断了她们之前的计划,将她们限制在土耳其边界内,在那里寻找生存和继续迁移的手段变得极具挑战性。同时,她们还必须应对内部障碍,包括性别关系、基于性别的暴力以及社会文化、语言、经济、政治和立法方面的障碍,这些障碍加剧了不稳定性和风险。这些旅途可能会与性工作纠缠在一起,或被诱导,或独立从事性工作,目的是反对固定的边境制度。尽管遭受暴力和虐待,但这些妇女在面对陌生和充满敌意的环境时,仍不断就自己的主体性进行谈判,顽强地表达主观能动性和集体能动性,帮助她们生存下来,并追求自己的人生目标。
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引用次数: 0
Humanitarian border: Reprise. Anti-human trafficking discourses and security practices at the southern Italian border 人道主义边界:再现。意大利南部边境打击人口贩运的论述与安全实践
Pub Date : 2024-06-13 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241259576
Jacopo Anderlini
The article analyses the friction between anti-human trafficking discourse and border practices in the context of EU migration management: the narrative of protecting migrants from human traffickers, evoked by law enforcement actors, merges with a discourse criminalizing migration, discerning between the migrant as a passive victim – the asylum seeker –the “economic migrant” and the ruthless smuggler. Practices and procedures at the border aim primarily at classifying migrants within these categories, in fact identifying potentially dangerous subjects for the country of arrival. The case study is the Southern European border in Sicily, and the operations enacted by law enforcement actors and EU agencies within the hotspot facilities. Moving from the ethnographic fieldwork I conducted on this context since 2016, witnessing disembarkations and border procedures and getting access to the hotspot structures of Lampedusa and Pozzallo in 2021, the article analyses the transformation of the border apparatus and of contemporary governance of mobility. What delineates is a revival of the humanitarian border, where anti-human trafficking discourses are evoked to legitimize exclusionary border procedures and practices.
文章分析了欧盟移民管理背景下打击人口贩运的论述与边境实践之间的摩擦:执法人员提出的保护移民免受人口贩运者侵害的论述与将移民定罪的论述相融合,将移民区分为被动受害者--寻求庇护者--"经济移民 "和冷酷无情的偷渡者。边境上的做法和程序主要是为了将移民归入这些类别,实际上是为抵达国确定潜在的危险对象。案例研究的对象是位于西西里岛的南欧边境,以及执法人员和欧盟机构在热点设施内开展的行动。文章从我自 2016 年以来在这一背景下开展的人种学实地调查出发,目睹了登岸和边境程序,并在 2021 年进入了兰佩杜萨和波扎洛的热点机构,分析了边境机构和当代流动性治理的转变。文章分析了边境机构和当代流动性治理的转变,指出了人道主义边境的复兴,在这种情况下,反人口贩运的论调被唤起,使排斥性的边境程序和做法合法化。
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引用次数: 0
Contesting housing commodification and financialization through bridging: Experiences from Mexico and Brazil 通过搭桥来对抗住房商品化和金融化:墨西哥和巴西的经验
Pub Date : 2024-06-13 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241262170
Patricia Basile, Alejandra Reyes
The appropriation of the housing sector by global finance has transformed housing policies worldwide while leading to new opportunities for capital accumulation. Financialized models have also become increasingly prevalent in the Global South, promoting mortgage and household debt and stark housing commodification impacting lower-middle-income communities and residents. Yet, despite adversity, housing social movements have worked to challenge some of these trends in struggles for housing justice and de-financialization. This study examines the organizing work of such housing struggles in Mexico and Brazil in the face of varied commodification and financialization processes through the analytical framework of bridging. Bridging as a strategy entails social movements’ dynamic relationships and practices in challenging and altering housing commodification and financialization processes in relation to changing political environments. Housing movements integrate reactive responses to immediate threats with proactive strategies for long-term structural change, emphasizing the importance of multifaceted approaches in addressing housing financialization. Bridging between invented and invited spaces of action showcases how housing movements adjust to evolving circumstances and establish new counter-hegemonic arenas to advance their objectives and ideas. Bridging scales enables further reach of demands and visibility, creating the possibility of challenging the distances inherent to financialization networks. The accomplishments, constraints, and paths of housing organizing for de-financialization provide critical lessons about the co-constitutive nature of social mobilization, housing policies, and the financial market.
全球金融对住房部门的占有改变了全世界的住房政策,同时也为资本积累带来了新的机遇。金融化模式在全球南部也日益盛行,助长了抵押贷款和家庭债务,住房商品化对中低收入社区和居民造成了严重影响。然而,尽管面临逆境,住房社会运动在争取住房公正和去金融化的斗争中,努力挑战其中的一些趋势。本研究通过 "搭桥 "的分析框架,研究了墨西哥和巴西在面对各种商品化和金融化进程时,此类住房斗争的组织工作。衔接作为一种策略,包含了社会运动在挑战和改变住房商品化和金融化过程中与不断变化的政治环境之间的动态关系和实践。住房运动将对直接威胁的被动反应与长期结构变革的主动战略相结合,强调了多层面方法在解决住房金融化问题中的重要性。在被发明的行动空间和被邀请的行动空间之间架起桥梁,展示了住房运动如何适应不断变化的环境,并建立新的反霸权舞台,以推进其目标和理念。在不同规模之间架起桥梁,能够进一步扩大需求和知名度,为挑战金融化网络固有的距离创造了可能性。为去金融化而组织的住房运动所取得的成就、制约因素和发展道路,为社会动员、住房政策和金融市场的共同构成性质提供了重要的经验。
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引用次数: 0
The architecture of dispossession: On the dark side of architecture and art in transforming original spaces and displacing people 剥夺的建筑:建筑和艺术在改变原有空间和驱赶人们方面的阴暗面
Pub Date : 2024-06-12 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241259312
Yosef Jabareen
This paper interrogates and problematizes the intimate role of architecture in the dispossession and displacement of people. It explores the case of Ayn Hawd, a dispossessed Palestinian village that was transformed into an Israeli Artists colony in 1951. It found that architecture is deeply involved in executing, facilitating, legitimizing, and aestheticizing the violent act of dispossessing people. I theorize this as architecture of dispossession, a coherent aesthetic, economic, and political regime of practices, in which a social reality is manipulated and transformed spatially to construct a new, spectacular and imaginary, reality in the dispossessed space. The architecture of dispossession involves three distinct yet interrelated logics: political, economic, and aesthetic. The logic of accumulation by dispossession involves the seizure of the dispossessed’s property as assets used for the purpose of profit. It can take place in various ways, including privatization, the commodification of cultural forms, and dispossession. The logic of the exclusion of presence focuses on both the actual exclusion of a group of persons and the subjective or “existential” effects, intended or not, on the dispossessed, experienced as a loss not just of property and belonging but of their identity, form of life, or “being” as such; a kind of existential or ontological negation. Finally, an aesthetic logic of dispossession is a use of art and architecture to describe the dispossession in ways that legitimize it by representing or dissimulating it so that it can be advertised and appreciated as something more and other than the violence it involves. There is an important role for architectural criticism in showing not only that some population has been excluded, but how this is rationalized and legitimated in the ways the new forms and uses are constructed, described, represented, or advertised.
本文对建筑在人们被剥夺财产和流离失所的过程中所扮演的重要角色进行了探讨,并提出了问题。它探讨了 Ayn Hawd 的案例,这是一个被剥夺财产的巴勒斯坦村庄,1951 年被改造成以色列艺术家殖民地。研究发现,建筑深度参与了剥夺人民财产的暴力行径的执行、促进、合法化和审美化。我将其理论化为 "剥夺财产的建筑",这是一种连贯的美学、经济和政治实践制度,在这种制度中,社会现实在空间上被操纵和改造,以在被剥夺财产的空间中构建一种新的、壮观的和想象的现实。剥夺建筑涉及三种不同但又相互关联的逻辑:政治、经济和美学。通过剥夺进行积累的逻辑包括没收被剥夺者的财产,将其作为用于盈利目的的资产。这种逻辑有多种方式,包括私有化、文化形式商品化和剥夺。排斥存在的逻辑既关注对一群人的实际排斥,也关注有意或无意对被剥夺者造成的主观或 "存在 "影响,这种影响不仅是财产和归属的损失,也是他们身份、生活形式或 "存在 "本身的损失;是一种存在论或本体论的否定。最后,剥夺的美学逻辑是利用艺术和建筑来描述剥夺的方式,通过表现或消解剥夺来使其合法化,从而使其能够被宣传和欣赏为比其所涉及的暴力更多或更另类的东西。建筑批评的一个重要作用是,不仅要表明一些人被排斥在外,而且要表明新形式和新用途的构建、描述、表现或宣传方式是如何将其合理化和合法化的。
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引用次数: 0
WITHDRAWAL – Administrative Duplicate Publication: Critical political geographies of slow violence and resistance 撤回 - 行政重复出版:缓慢暴力与抵抗的批判性政治地理学
Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241258898
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引用次数: 0
The interface between politics, ethics and urban planning: The case of land and space barons in Harare, Zimbabwe 政治、道德和城市规划之间的联系:津巴布韦哈拉雷的土地和空间大亨案例
Pub Date : 2024-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241261875
A. Matamanda, I. Chirisa, P. Mazanhi, Percy Toriro
The ideals and fundamentals of urban planning are largely to ensure habitable and liveable environments for the citizens. However, while planning is an apolitical profession that is supposed to advance human well-being and urban liveability, we argue that the planning process has been compromised by political interference that jeorpadises the realisation of the envisaged planning outcomes. Applying an exploratory qualitative research design in the context of Harare, Zimbabwe, this article interrogates the nexus between politics, ethics and urban planning, focusing on the provision of land and space. The article uses a desktop study with literature and document review as the major methods of reference to explore the nexus in land provision and ethics. The findings of the study show that land barons are exploiting the hard-earned monies of the desperate Harare residents together with the space barons who take advantage of the street vendors. Therefore, this article recommends the resuscitation of ethics and values in urban management to foster fairness and satisfy the public good.
城市规划的理想和基本原则主要是确保为市民提供适宜居住和生活的环境。然而,虽然规划是一项非政治性的职业,理应促进人类福祉和城市宜居性,但我们认为,规划过程受到了政治干预的影响,这阻碍了预期规划成果的实现。本文以津巴布韦哈拉雷为背景,采用探索性定性研究设计,探讨了政治、道德和城市规划之间的关系,重点关注土地和空间的提供。文章采用案头研究法,以文献和文件审查为主要参考方法,探讨土地供应与伦理之间的关系。研究结果表明,土地大亨正在剥削绝望的哈拉雷居民的血汗钱,空间大亨也在利用街头小贩。因此,本文建议在城市管理中恢复道德和价值观,以促进公平和满足公众利益。
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing blockades: Settler-citizen solidarities with indigenous blockades 非殖民化封锁:定居者-公民与土著封锁的团结一致
Pub Date : 2024-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241259361
Peter Nyers
In the Winter 2020, Canada witnessed an extraordinary number of blockades and solidarity protests in support of the Wet’suwet’en First Nation. The Wet’suwet’en had for years been fighting against the construction of an oil pipeline across their traditional territories. After a police raid dismantled their blockade, the traditional chiefs of the Wet’suwet’en issued a call for solidarity and support. The response was overwhelming with an enormous number of solidarity actions, including blockades of critical infrastructure, organized across Canada and internationally. This paper critically examines how settler-citizens engaged in acts of solidarity with Indigenous people, with a particular focus on how these acts of solidarity can contribute to the decolonization of Canadian citizenship. Since the Wet’suwet’en struggle involved the assertion of Indigenous sovereignty, the solidarity actions of Canadians raise important questions about the meaning of settler forms of citizenship. This paper takes a relational and decolonial perspective on solidarity blockades. Such an approach allows us to ask questions that are outside the scope of assessments concerned with the efficacy of a particular blockading action. The paper investigates the forms of solidarity found at the blockades, noting that a wide range of antagonistic, agonistic, and spatio-temporal relations were enacted at the various blockading actions. These relations allowed for a contentious production of new political subjectivities, collectivities, and citizenships.
2020 年冬季,加拿大发生了多起支持 Wet'suwet'en 原住民的封锁和声援抗议活动。多年来,Wet'suwet'en 一直在反对在其传统领地上修建石油管道。在警方突袭拆除了他们的封锁后,Wet'suwet'en 的传统酋长发出了声援和支持的呼吁。加拿大各地和国际上组织了大量声援行动,包括封锁重要基础设施,从而获得了压倒性的响应。本文批判性地研究了定居者公民如何参与声援土著人民的行动,尤其关注这些声援行动如何有助于加拿大公民身份的非殖民化。由于 Wet'suwet'en 斗争涉及土著主权的主张,加拿大人的声援行动提出了关于定居者公民身份形式的意义的重要问题。本文从关系和非殖民的角度来探讨团结封锁。这种方法使我们能够提出一些问题,这些问题超出了关注特定封锁行动有效性的评估范围。本文研究了封锁行动中的团结形式,指出在各种封锁行动中存在着广泛的对抗性、激动性和时空关系。这些关系使得新的政治主体性、集体性和公民身份的产生具有争议性。
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引用次数: 0
New urban spaces under Modi’s digital India – digitization of urban governance and state-citizen relationship 莫迪数字印度下的新城市空间--城市治理和国家与公民关系的数字化
Pub Date : 2024-06-04 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241259316
Falguni Mukherjee
Few studies have examined how Indian ULBs have responded to the government’s informationization agenda, particularly the use of geospatial technologies for urban governance. Drawing upon insights from Critical GIS, neoliberalization and governmentality studies, this article addresses this gap by examining the case of Surat Municipal Corporation (SMC) and the evolution of their modernization efforts that have progressed from office automation practices to active use of GIS technology for urban governance. SMC’s regional and political environment have favored their modernization efforts. However, as ULBs are expected to manage a diverse urban population and shoulder responsibilities with fewer resources they must adapt. Surat Municipal Corporation has adapted by aligning local political agenda with national agenda and adopting a strategy that echoes the dominant political discourse of utilizing technology to govern from a distance and as a modality of biopolitics. Use of geospatial technologies serves as an important tool for the ULB to introduce new modes of bureaucratic governmentality.
很少有研究探讨印度的城市公共机构是如何响应政府的信息化议程的,尤其是在城市治理中使用地理空间技术。本文借鉴了批判性 GIS、新自由主义和政府性研究的观点,通过研究苏拉特市政公司(Surat Municipal Corporation,SMC)的案例及其现代化努力的演变过程(从办公自动化实践发展到在城市治理中积极使用 GIS 技术)来填补这一空白。苏拉特市政公司所处的地区和政治环境为其现代化努力提供了有利条件。然而,由于城市管理机构需要管理多样化的城市人口,并以更少的资源承担更多的责任,因此它们必须进行调整。苏拉特市政公司通过使地方政治议程与国家议程保持一致,并采取与主流政治话语相呼应的战略,即利用技术进行远距离治理,并将其作为生物政治的一种模式。地理空间技术的使用是 ULB 引入新的官僚治理模式的重要工具。
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引用次数: 0
Environmental (in)justice and the post-political 环境(不)公正与后政治时代
Pub Date : 2024-06-04 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241259571
Ekaterina Gladkova
Food production plays a crucial role for challenging the escalating environmental breakdown. It is also a fertile ground for analysing environmental (in)justice and its components of recognition and participation in environmental decision-making. Scholars of environmental justice have paid limited attention to the post-political and its implications for the ability to challenge the ecologically destructive status quo. This article innovatively combines environmental justice perspective with the literature on the post-political condition, using the case study of pig farming intensification in rural Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland has been driving policy to encourage growth and intensify its meat production, resulting in a sharp rise of intensive farms. The resulting pollution have and continue generating environmental justice concerns. Using qualitative data from a 2-month fieldwork in November-December 2018, the article shows that local community’s ideas around how farming should be organised were not recognised. Their participation in environmental decision-making was also reduced to an empty ritual; formal inclusion did not translate into a genuine impact on the decision-making outcome. In the post-political landscape, environmental justice concerns become harder to address; environmental decision-making becomes a means of serving the operations of capitalism, stifling disputes around the neoliberal growth agenda, and precluding possibilities for a meaningful change of the ecologically destructive status quo.
粮食生产在挑战不断升级的环境破坏方面发挥着至关重要的作用。它也是分析环境(不)公正及其在环境决策中的认可和参与的肥沃土壤。研究环境正义的学者对后政治及其对挑战生态破坏现状的能力的影响关注有限。本文通过对北爱尔兰农村养猪业集约化的案例研究,创新性地将环境正义视角与有关后政治条件的文献相结合。北爱尔兰一直在推行鼓励肉类生产增长和集约化的政策,导致集约化农场急剧增加。由此产生的污染已经并将继续引发环境正义问题。文章利用 2018 年 11 月至 12 月为期 2 个月的实地调查的定性数据显示,当地社区关于如何组织农业生产的想法没有得到认可。他们对环境决策的参与也沦为一种空洞的仪式;形式上的参与并没有转化为对决策结果的真正影响。在后政治格局中,环境正义问题变得更加难以解决;环境决策成为服务于资本主义运作的一种手段,扼杀了围绕新自由主义增长议程的争议,排除了有意义地改变生态破坏现状的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Power and space in a rentier state: The case of mega mall boom in Tehran, Iran 租界国家的权力与空间:伊朗德黑兰大型购物中心繁荣的案例
Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1177/23996544241259313
Asieh Nikbin, Gholamreza Kazemian, M. Sharifzadegan
Space is intertwined with the exercise of power. While exertion of power in the production of space has been frequently studied in democratic political systems, little attention has been paid to non-democratic systems. This study aims to address this gap by focusing on the mega mall development process in Tehran. The study applies a four-dimensional view of power, including over, covert, latent, and disciplinary power, to investigate the exercise of power in the development of mega malls in Tehran. Using a constructivist grounded theory approach; data is collected through 48 semi-structured in-depth interviews and nine documents. The process of mega mall development in Tehran illustrates two levels of power dynamics. Firstly, powerful institutions emerge as winners while citizens lose out. This overt conflict involves monopolized decision-making and the rationalization and legitimization of ‘exceptions’, representing the covert and latent dimensions of power respectively. Secondly, the mega mall itself functions as a Panopticon by exerting disciplinary power. While power dynamics may share similarities across different systems, the distinctive aspect of mega mall development in Tehran lies in the monopolized process and pervasive perception manipulation as the key means of power exertion.
空间与权力的行使交织在一起。在民主政治体制中,空间生产中的权力行使经常被研究,但对非民主体制的研究却很少。本研究旨在通过关注德黑兰大型购物中心的发展过程来填补这一空白。本研究采用四维权力观,包括公开权力、隐蔽权力、潜在权力和纪律权力,来研究德黑兰大型购物中心开发过程中的权力行使。研究采用建构主义基础理论方法,通过 48 个半结构式深度访谈和 9 份文件收集数据。德黑兰大型购物中心的发展过程显示了两个层面的权力动态。首先,强大的机构成为赢家,而公民则成为输家。这种公开的冲突涉及垄断决策以及 "例外 "的合理化和合法化,分别代表了权力的隐蔽和潜在层面。其次,超大型购物中心本身通过施加惩戒权力发挥着 "看守所 "的作用。虽然不同系统中的权力动态可能有相似之处,但德黑兰大型购物中心发展的独特之处在于垄断过程和无处不在的观念操纵,这是权力行使的关键手段。
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引用次数: 0
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Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space
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